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Discourses on salt and iron :

a debate on state control of commerce and industry in ancient China, chapter I-XXVIII / translated from the Chinese of Huan K'uan, with introduction and notes, by Esson M. Gale.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
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 I. 
 II. 
 III. 
 IV. 
 V. 
 VI. 
 VII. 
 VIII. 
 IX. 
 X. 
 XI. 
 XII. 
 XIII. 
 XIV. 
 XV. 
 XVI. 
 XVII. 
CHAPTER XVII
 XVIII. 
 XIX. 
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CHAPTER XVII

THE POOR AND THE RICH

a. The Lord Grand Secretary: For more than sixty years have
I[1] been the recipient of Imperial emolument and favor since the
time when, at the age of thirteen, I first tied my hair and girded
myself with the sash,[2] and had the fortune of becoming an Imperial
chamber page,[3] serving in the Emperor's retinue[4] until I rose to
the rank of minister. In regulating the expenses for cars, horses,
and robes and the expenditure of my family, servants and clients,
I balance the debit and credit side of my budget and live a life
of strict economy. I keep account of each and everyone of my salaries,
appointments, and gifts. My wealth has accrued gradually until I
have become rich and acquired an estate. Thus do the worthy
maintain their holdings through a uniform system of subdivision,
and the wise keep an account of their wealth by systematic distribution.


107

Now, when Po Kuei[5] made use of goods neglected by others and
Tzŭ Kung three times acquired a capital of a thousand gold pieces,
were they necessarily forced to draw upon the resources of others?
No, they simply manipulated it with the squared inch, manoeuvred
it with surplus and deficit, and gathered it in between high and
low prices.

b. The Literati: In ancient times, no man pursued two occupations
at the same time, and trading profits and official salary could not
be combined. For only then would there be no disparity between
occupations, and no tipping of the balance of wealth. Had you
borne your high rank and appointments with humility and courtesy,
you would have all the fame you could desire; but as you seek
profit by taking advantage of your power and station,[6] your income
reaches levels incomputable. Indeed with him who feeds on the
Nation's lakes and pools and controls the mountains and seas, shepherds
and woodcutters are unable to compete for benefit, and merchants
and peddlers, for gain. Tzŭ Kung secured wealth in the capacity of
a common citizen; yet Confucius disapproved of him. How much
more would he frown on him who does it through his position and
rank! In fact, in ancient times ministers were thoughtful of benevolence
and duty in fulfilling their office, and never considered
using the advantages of their power to satisfy their private interests.

c. The Lord Grand Secretary: It is only when mountain and
hillside have abundance that the people can enjoy plenty, and only
when the seas and rivers have their riches that the masses can
satisfy their wants. An ordinary scoop can not irrigate terraced
fields, nor can timber from hillocks and downs be used for the
construction of palace halls, for the small can not encompass the
big nor can it be of assistance to the plentiful. We know of no
case when one unable to provide for himself was yet able to provide


108

for others; when one unable to regulate himself was yet able to
regulate others. Thus he can do most for others who has proved
his ability in working for himself; and he can best regulate others
who has proved his worth in regulating himself. But you Scholars
who have never been able to regulate your own homes, how can
you hope to be able to regulate affairs beyond your ken?[7]

d. The Literati: One has to make use of carts in travelling over
great distances,[8] and to depend on ships in crossing rivers or seas.
A worthy scholar has also to rely on capital and avail himself of
materials in order to reach achievement and make a name for
himself.[9] Kung-shu Tzŭ[10] was able to construct great palaces and
towers with the timber supplied by his royal patron, but unable
to build for himself even a small house or a tiny hut, his own
timber being insufficient. Ou Yeh[11] could cast whole[12] cauldrons and
huge bells out of the copper and iron supplied by his prince, yet
could never make for himself even a single tripod-kettle or a
wash-basin,[13] as he possessed not the necessary material. A true
gentleman may base himself on the legitimate sovereign[14] authority
of the Ruler of Men, in order to harmonize the interests of the
people and bring prosperity to the masses, but can not enrich his
own family, for his position is not conducive to such an end. Thus
when Shun was farming at Li Shan,[15] his bounties did not extend


109

to cover all the villages of the province; when T'ai Kung was a
butcher at Ch'ao Ko,[16] his profits did not benefit his wife and
children. But when they finally found official employment, their
munificence flowed to the uttermost limits of space, and their virtue
filled to the brim the Four eas. Shun, therefore, was obliged to
rely on Yao, and T'ai Kung depended upon Chou. A true gentleman
can only cultivate his person[17] so that, relying on right conduct, he
will be able to benefit others; but he can not twist his principles
in order to increase his own capital.

e. The Lord Grand Secretary: Tao[18] hung its laws in the heavens
and spread its products on the face of the earth for the wise to
increase their substance therewith, while the stupid remain in distress.
It was thus that Tzŭ Kung became famous among the feudal nobles
for his display of accumulated wealth, and T'ao Chu-kung was
esteemed by his contemporaries for his abounding riches. The rich
sought their friendship; the poor looked to them for support. Thus
all, from the ruler above to the simple-dressed commoner below,
venerated them for their virtue and praised them for their altruism.
At the same time, Yüan Hsien[19] and K'ung Chi[20] suffered all their


110

from hunger and cold, and Yen Hui[21] lived in chronic want
in a beggars' alley. In those moments when pursued by poverty,
they found shelter in caves and caverns and covered their bodies
with ragged hemp-wadded clothes, even if they wished to place
their reliance on wealth, resorting to crime and deceit, they would
not be equal to it.

f. The Literati: If wealth were a thing one could (count on) finding,
said Confucius, even though it meant my becoming a whip-holding
groom, I would do it. As one can not (count on) finding it, I will
follow the quests that I love better.
[22] The true gentleman seeks duty,
not wealth at any price. Hence the criticism pronounced on Tzŭ Kung
for not being content with his lot and increasing his goods. A true
gentleman would attain wealth and rank when the times favor him;
otherwise he would retire, and enjoy the way of virtue,[23] and never
seek to burden himself with questions of profit. Thus he never
turns his back on duty or is recklessly grasping; he would rather
live an inconspicuous life and cultivate his principles lest he injure
his conduct. He therefore never ruins his reputation in pursuit of
position. Though to him be added the families of Han and Wei,[24]
he would not remain with them should it be contrary to his objective.
Wealth and rank add not to his honor, slander and defamation do
him no harm.

g. Therefore the shabby hemp-quilted robe of Yüan Hsien was
more illustrious than all the fox and raccoon furs of Chi-sun;[25] the


111

meager fish fare of Chao Hsüan-mêng[26] far more delicious than all
the viands of Chih Po;[27] and Tzŭ Ssŭ's silver pendant more beautiful
than the Ch'ui Chi[28] gem of the Duke of Yü.[29] Marquis Wên of
Wei bowed to the front bar of his carriage while driving past
Tuan Kan-mu's[30] residence, not because the latter possessed any
temporal influence; and Duke Wên of Chin alighted from his chariot
and ran out to meet Han Ch'ing,[31] not because the latter was a
great capitalist. They did so because the two scholars' were rich in
benevolence and complete in their virtue. Therefore, why must
honors be given to wealth, when they are really due to benevolence
and righteousness?

 
[1]

The biography of the noted statesman and fiscal expert, the Lord Grand Secretary
Sang Hung-yang [OMITTED], appears in the Ch'ien-han-shu, ch. XXIV, 2nd part.
His important rôle in the institution of the state monopoliĕs is described in the Shih-chi,
ch. XXX. (Cf. p. 1, note 3, supra). In 87 B.C., six years before the present debate,
the Emperor Wu had promoted him to the high post of Yü-shih ta-fu [OMITTED]
[OMITTED], which I translate as "Lord Grand Secretary". He occupied the post seven years,
then was executed by order of the Emperor Chao, on the charge of plotting a rebellion.
The term Yü-shih is found in the Chou-li [OMITTED], and in the extant
Shang-chün-shu, para. 26, and up to the later Han period involved secretarial duties
(cf. Franke, Der Ursprung der chinesischen Geschichtschreibung, Sitzungsberichte der
Preus. Akad. der Wissenschaften,
XXIII, 1925, p. 283). From the later Han period
the office took on the functions of a "censorate", perhaps acquiring some of its features
as such, from the ideas of the School of Law, as suggested by Duyvendak, Book of
Lord Shang,
124.

[2]

[OMITTED]. Cf. Li-chi, XI, iii, 10 (Couvreur, Li Ki, I, 710).

[3]

[OMITTED].

[4]

[OMITTED].

[5]

Chang's edition has Tzŭ Kung [OMITTED] first (instead of Po Kuei [OMITTED]), and T'ao
Chu-kung [OMITTED] for Tzŭ Kung. The Shih-chi, ch. LXVII, contains the passage
that Tzŭ Kung's house "piled up a thousand pieces of gold" [OMITTED]; while in
ch. CXXIX, the same faculty is ascribed to Fan Li [OMITTED] (al. T'ao Chu[-kung]),
[OMITTED] in the space of nineteen years, a phrase which has become proverbial.

[6]

[OMITTED], the legalist terms, reprobated by the scholars, though sometimes used by
them for argument's sake, as in para. d, below. Cf. note 1, p. 47, supra.

[7]

[OMITTED] and [OMITTED], here, are thus construed.

[8]

The Chün-shu-chih-yao [OMITTED] inserts [OMITTED] after [OMITTED], as an
extra character to balance the following [OMITTED].

[9]

Chang's edition omits this sentence altogether (15 characters).

[10]

[OMITTED], the carpenter.

[11]

[OMITTED], the founder.

[12]

Chang reads [OMITTED] (for [OMITTED] of our text), which I follow, to balance the succeeding
[OMITTED].

[13]

The text here, [OMITTED], is quite corrupt, and discloses an interesting
confusion of characters. [OMITTED], originally in its equivalent form [OMITTED], should be [OMITTED],
"kettle", while [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED], a "wash-basin", in the opinion of the commentators.

[14]

Wang notes that [OMITTED] is equivalent to [OMITTED], and inserts [OMITTED] after [OMITTED],
to balance the same character in the preceding sentences.

[15]

[OMITTED], the mountain mentioned on p. 12 supra.

[16]

[OMITTED].

[17]

[OMITTED], cf. Lun-yü XIV, xxv and xlv. The Literati here touch
upon the basic Confucian principle that virtuous conduct is for the benefit of all. For
a discussion of the principle of "self cultivation", cf. Maspero, La Chine Antique,
464 seq. The following use of [OMITTED] "right conduct", in the ethical Confucian sense,
inspires the Lord Grand Secretary to repeat the same term, but in the meaning employed
by the Taoist school. See succeeding note.

[18]

[OMITTED], the term of the Taoist school, representing the ultimate principle of all
being: "There was something undefined and complete, coming into existence before
Heaven and Earth. How still it was and formless, standing alone, and undergoing no
change, reaching everywhere and in no danger (of being exhausted)! It may be regarded
as the mother of all things . . . . I do not know its name, and I give it the designation
of the Tao (the Way or Course) . . . ." Tao-tê-ching, para. 25 [Legge's translation, Sacred
Books,
XXXIX, 67]. A recent discussion of the Taoist school is found in Mȧspero, La
Chine Antique,
Bk. V, ch. iii, L'École Taoïste.

[19]

[OMITTED], a disciple mentioned in the Lun-yü VI, iii, XIV, i, who retained his
good nature despite poverty.

[20]

[OMITTED], known as Tzŭ Ssŭ [OMITTED], a disciple of Tsêng Tzŭ [OMITTED],
whose name has been associated with the composition of the Ta Hsüeh [OMITTED] and
the Chung Yung [OMITTED]. Cf. Fêng Yu-lan [OMITTED], History of Chinese Philosophy,
vol. I, [OMITTED], 1931.

[21]

[OMITTED], favorite disciple of Confucius. Cf. Soothill, Analects, Introduction, 86.

[22]

Soothill, Analects, VII, xi. The YTL. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] of the original.

[23]

[OMITTED], used here in the Confucian sense, i.e., in its moral application, — the courses
or ways that are right and proper. The passage is suggestive of the Lun-yü, IV, v, 1:
"wealth and rank are what men desire, but unless they can be obtained in the right way", etc.
[OMITTED] . . . . [Soothill's translation].

[24]

Cf. Mencius VII, i, xi: "add to a man the families of Han and Wei. If he then
look upon himself without being elated, he is far beyond the mass of men" [Legge's
translation].

[25]

[OMITTED]. "The head of the Chi family was richer than the Duke of Chow had
been . . . .", Lun-yü, XI, xvi, [Legge's translation].

[26]

[OMITTED].

[27]

[OMITTED].

[28]

[OMITTED].

[29]

[OMITTED].

[30]

[OMITTED]. The latter was a worthy of the Warring States
era, who preferred to remain in poverty rather than to accept the Marquis' invitation
to serve him as Prime Minister.

[31]

[OMITTED].