Discourses on salt and iron : a debate on state control of commerce and industry in ancient China, chapter I-XXVIII / translated from the Chinese of Huan K'uan, with introduction and notes, by Esson M. Gale. |
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| XI. | CHAPTER XI |
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 | CHAPTER XI Discourses on salt and iron : |  |
CHAPTER XI
DISCOURSING ON CONFUCIANISTS[1]
a. The Secretary: You venerate Confucius, oh Literati, as your
intellectual progenitor, and intone lauds in praise of his virtue as
being unsurpassed from high antiquity down to the present time.[2]
Yet in spite of the fact that Confucius cultivated virtue betwixt
Lu and Wei[3]
and spread enlightenment on the banks of the Chu
and Ssŭ,[4]
his disciples mended not their ways and the world around
him turned not to good government, while the dismemberment of
the state of Lu went on apace. In Ch'i, King Hsüan[5]
likewise
encouraged the Confucianists and honored the learned. The followers
of Mêng K'o[6]
and Shun-yü K'un[7]
accepted salaries worthy of high
lords and discoursed on affairs of state without holding regular
appointments.
b. It seems that at the gate of Chi of the Ch'i capital there
were assembled over a thousand of these doctors.[8]
Master Kung-sun
weak state of Yen attacked Ch'i and in one campaign drove right
down to Lin-tsê, King Min fled before the Yen forces to perish
miserably at Chiu and none of these gentlemen could save the
situation.[10] When King Chien was made prisoner by Ch'in,[11] the
learned doctors went into captivity with him, none of them succeeding
in preserving the state. If we judge by these examples, it seems
that the Confucianist way of bringing peace to a country and honor
to its ruler has as yet never proved to be very effective.
c. The Literati: Without the help of a whip even Tsao-fu[12]
would
not be able to manage his four-in-hand; without some measure of
power[13]
even Shun and Yü would not be able to rule effectively
the Myriad People. The phoenix comes not, exclaimed Confucius, the
river gives forth no chart—it is all over with me.[14]
There are thus
situations when even with racing chariots and excellent horses one
can not show his speed, and when sagely virtue, benevolence and
a sense of duty have no chance to be displayed.
d. During the reign of King Hsüan[15]
of Ch'i the worthy were
manifestly honored[16]
and scholars promoted indeed; that nation was
Then the majestic vigor accumulated through two generations of
prosperity was energetically displayed by King Min. In the south
he took Ch'u[17] and Huai,[18] and in the north annexed the lands of
the great state of Sung,[19] taking into his fold twelve petty kingdoms;
while in the west he drove back the three states of Chin,[20] and
forced powerful Ch'in[21] to retreat. The embassies of the five states[22]
paid him homage, and the princes of Tsou and Lu and all feudal
lords from the banks of the Ssŭ river acknowledged themselves his
vassals.[23] But he did not cease in displaying boastfully his prowess
until his people could bear no more. All the Confucianists[24] in his
service, finding their criticism of no avail, scattered abroad; Shen
Tao and Chieh Tzŭ disappeared, T'ien P'ien[25] went to Hsieh,[26] and
Sun Ch'ing[27] proceeded to Ch'u.[28] Not a single good minister remained
in the country, and the feudal princes now seized their chance to
make common cause and fall upon Ch'i. King Chien gave ear to
rumors, believed in treacherous intrigue; and following the suggestion
of Hou Shêng,[29] he neglected to entertain friendly relations with
the feudal princes. It is but natural that with such a policy he
should ruin his country and fall prey to Ch'in.[30]
e. The Secretary: I Yin[31]
entered the service of T'ang[32]
through
his ability as a cook, and Po-li[33]
ingratiated himself with Duke Mu[34]
while feeding cattle. They ingratiated themselves with their princes
first, and then only would introduce them to the subject of aspiring to
the Protectorate or the Kingship. It is only thus[35]
that they secured
for them these positions, when every word of theirs was followed,
and every principle enunciated put into practice. Following this
method, the Lord of Shang, having found that Duke Hsiao would
have none of the "Ways of Kings"[36]
which he had expounded to
him, came forward with a plan of building a strong state and was
thus able finally to accomplish great things; similarly Tsou Tzŭ,
after having tried in vain to interest contemporary rulers in Confucian
lore, finally won renown by his treatises on Mutation, Change, and
the Beginning and End.[37]
One may say, therefore, that just as a
horse is valued for its capacity to run a thousand miles irrespective
for his practical ability and not because of his proficiency in letters
or dialectics alone. Your Mêng K'o stuck to old practices and was
ignorant of worldly affairs, and consequently came to trouble in
Liang and Sung;[39] Confucius "could square but could not round",
and so came to hunger at Li-ch'iu.[40]
f. Now, the Confucianists of these latter days, though striving
after virtue, find themselves often in dire material circumstances;
they speak only to criticize and find therefore no chance to put
into effect their ideas. For them, during the long period of over a
thousand years since the foundation of the House of Chou, there
has been only Wên, Wu, Ch'êng and K'ang,[41]
to whom they would
refer whenever they speak. They take up the unattainable and
praise it, just like lame men who can only speak about great
distances but cannot walk them. The sages may follow different
paths, but have one and the same goal; some advance, some stop,
but all have the same aim.
g. Though Lord Shang revolutionized laws and changed moral
teachings, his object was to strengthen the country and benefit the
people; though Tsou Tzŭ enunciated the doctrine of Mutation and
Change, he also concluded with the principle of benevolence and
righteousness; Chai Chung[42]
humiliated himself in order to seize
later the opportunity presented by circumstances. One must therefore
bend one's self a little in order to stretch one's self in a greater
measure: true gentlemen have repeatedly done it. But you, with
fashion of Wei Shêng.[44] It does not seem worth while for you to
mention that Duke Wên of Chin[45] deceived the feudal nobles in
order to honor the house of Chou, nor to praise Kuan Chung for
his courage in facing disgrace in order to survive a debacle.
h. The Literati: When I Yin courted the favor of T'ang, he
knew him to be a sagely ruler; when Po-li went to Ch'in, he
knew the king to be enlightened. In the ability of these two princes
they could already recognize future King and Protector: their patents
were already written in their lofty countenances. Not blindly nor
with their vision obscured did the two worthies decide upon their
course of action. If terms be incorrect, said Confucius, then statements do
not accord with facts; and when statements and facts do not accord,
then business is not properly executed.[46]
How could it be said that
they ingratiated themselves with purposeful intent in order to
accomplish the task of elevating their masters to the positions of
Protector and King? A gentleman never acts save by holding fast
to virtue and clinging to justice. Therefore, in moments of haste he
cleaves to these [principles]; in seasons of peril he cleaves to them.[47]
Again Mencius said: To stay now at court and yet not to improve
its morality—even if I should secure the power of a lord of a
thousand chariots, I would not remain for a single day.[48]
He would
rather live in poverty and hunger in a mean alley than to change
his mode of thought to conform with the ways of the world.
i. When Ho-lu[49]
murdered King Liao,[50]
Tzŭ Cha[51]
left the country
and betook himself to Yen-ling[52]
and never to the end of his days
crossed the border of the state of Wu.[53]
When the Duke of Lu[54]
killed Tzŭ-ch'ih,[55]
Shu-mien retired[56]
and became a hermit refusing
to enjoy a salary. To impair one's right conduct to obtain dignities,
and to twist one's principles to gain indulgence, are things a
gentleman would not do even if his life were at stake. We know
of cases when a gentleman would resign office even when righteous
doctrines were put into effect; but we have yet to hear of one who
bent his principles in order to gain a prince's indulgence.
j. The Secretary: According to[57]
the Lun Yü, With the man
who is personally engaged in a wrongful enterprise the true gentleman
declines to associate.[58]
Such is the saying but in practice it is difficult
to follow. Thus when the Chi clan,[59]
lawless and unprincipled, drove
their prince from the throne and usurped all power, Jan Ch'iu[60]
and Chung Yu[61]
still remained to serve them. The rules of Propriety
prescribe, Men and women do not give nor receive ceremonial cups
from one another.[62]
Yet when Confucius passed through Wei he
favorite Mi Tzŭ-hsia,[64] incurring thus the disapproval of Tzŭ-lu.
Since Tzŭ-hsia was a court favorite, it was improper for Confucius
to get his introduction through him; since men and women are
not allowed to mix socially, it was a breach of etiquette for Confucius
to visit Nan Tzŭ. The principles of propriety and right
conduct originated with[65] Master K'ung himself, yet he personally
dealt a blow to the Law while seeking a prince's indulgence. Where,
may we ask, is recorded the fact that he retired from office after
these events?
k. The Literati: The enlightened ruler is concerned when the
Empire is not at peace and the states are not at rest; worthies and
sages grieve when there is no Emperor above and no margraves
below and chaos reigns in the Empire. Thus Yao was concerned
over the Deluge, I Yin worried over the people, Kuan Chung went
into captivity, and Confucius roamed about the world. They all
worried over the people's misfortunes and aspired to set at rest
their troubles. Therefore, they toiled either carrying pots and dishes,[66]
suffering in prisons, or crawling on their bellies, all to bring succor
to the people. One must run when pursuing fugitives; one can not
avoid a drenching while trying to save a drowning man. Now that
the people are trapped in a drain-ditch, we can not but dive to
their rescue even at the expense of getting drenched!
The Secretary remained silent and did not reply.
See note 9, p. 38, supra, on the term ju [OMITTED], as applicable to the scholars of
the Han period; also the discussion of the "Confucian School" of the Han period,
in the Introduction.
Cf. Mencius, II, i, ii, 23: "Since there were living men until now, there never
was another Confucius."
[OMITTED]. Chang has Ch'i [OMITTED] and Lu. "Lu and Wei" seems to be the correct
reading, as it often occurs elsewhere.
[OMITTED]. Le roi Siuen aimait les hommes instruits qui voyageaient (de pays
en pays) pour donner des conseils. Soixante-seize hommes, parmi lesquels Tseou Yen
[OMITTED], Choen-yu K'oen, T'ien P'ien ([OMITTED]), Tsie Yu ([OMITTED]), Chen Tao
([OMITTED]), Hoan Yuen ([OMITTED]) recurent tous de lui des palais particuliers et furent
nommés grands officiers de premier rang. Ils ne participaient pas au gouvernement,
mais ils discutaient (sur les affaires d'état). Ainsi, dans le pays de Ts'i, les savants au
pied de (la porte) Tsi ([OMITTED]) redevinrent abondants; ils se comptèrent par centaines et
furent près de mille. Chavannes, Mém. hist., V, 258—260. While the Yen T'ieh Lun
includes the name of Mencius, the text of the Shih-chi does not.
The overthrow of King Min [OMITTED] at Lin-tsê [OMITTED] (284 B. C.) at the hands
of Yen [OMITTED], and his subsequent assassination at Chiu [OMITTED], are noted in the Shih-chi,
ch. XLVI (cf. Mém. hist., V, 272 seq,).
[OMITTED]. Shih-chi, ch. LXVI. Our text has [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], "make prisoner".
The incident occurred in 221 B. C. (Cf. Chavannes, Mém. hist., V, 279).
[OMITTED]. Chang has [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], the two characters being often interchangeable.
The Literati employ a legalist argument here. Cf. Duyvendak, Book of Lord Shang, 98.
Chang suggests: "During the reigns of kings Wei [OMITTED] (predecessor of Hsüan)
and Hsüan . . . .", to accord with the following ". . . through two generations of prosperity".
The text has . . . [OMITTED] . . . The translation follows Chang's suggestion of inserting
[OMITTED] before [OMITTED].
Yen [OMITTED], Ch'in [OMITTED], Ch'u [OMITTED], Chao [OMITTED] and Wei [OMITTED], who later, under
the leadership of Yen, attacked Ch'i and drove King Min from his capital.
[OMITTED] . . . . This sentence occurs in the Shih-chi, ch. XLVI,
but with [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].
The text reads [OMITTED], but with Duyveṅdak ("The Chronology of Hsün-tzŭ",
T'oung Pao, 1928, No. 2, p. 80) I read [OMITTED], despite the fact that the persons
named are usually classified as representing various schools. Cf. p. 66, note 8, supra.
For a description of the Chi-hsia scholars, see Maspero, La Chine Antique, 516, 553;
and Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang, 73 seq.
[OMITTED]. Cf. Shi-chi, ch. LXVI (Mém. hist., V, 279). At the advice of his
counseilor, Hou Shêng, King Chien of Ch'i surrendered to the armies of Ch'in (221 B.C.).
The appearance of the name of Sun Ch'ing [OMITTED], Sun the Minister (al.
Hsün K'uang [OMITTED]), in this passage has been noted by a number of scholars in
the establishment of the chronology of the philosopher. Our principal modern editor
of the Yen T'ieh Lun, Wang Hsien-ch'ien, apparently first called attention to the importance
of Huan K'uan's statement in his edition of the Hsün-tzŭ (1891). See Maspero,
op. cit., 564, note 2; and Duyvendak, T'oung Pao, loc. cit., passim. The names [OMITTED]
and [OMITTED] by which the philosopher has been known, are discussed by Maspero, op. cit.,
265, note 3; and Duyvendak, op. cit., 75, note 1. Dubs, Hsün-tze, the Moulder of
Ancient Confucianism, does not take cognizance of Huan K'uan's references to Sun Ch'ing
(cf. Yen T'ieh Lun, ch. XVIII, where the text reads [OMITTED]).
[OMITTED]. Cf. Mencius V, i, vii, 1—8, Vindication of I Yin from the charge of
introducing himself to the service of T'ang by an unworthy artifice [Legge].
Referring to Shang Yang's initial discourses, before Duke Hsiao, which failed to
attract the Duke's attention. See note 1, p. 40, supra. (Duyvendak, Book of Lord
Shang, 11).
[OMITTED] was the author (according to the Ch'ien-han-shu, ch. XXX) of two works,
the Tsou-tzŭ [OMITTED] and the Tsou-tzŭ-chung-shih [OMITTED], Beginning and
End, classed in the school of yin and yang. (Cf. Mém. hist., V, 258, note 8). The So
Yin comm. to the Shih-chi (ch. LXXIV), mentions Huan K'uan as sharing with Wang
Ch'ung [OMITTED] the opinion that Tsou Yen's work, though wild and diffuse, dazzled
his feudal patrons. Cf. Lun-héng (Forke's translation), I, 463. Tsou Yen, a voluminous
writer, whose works however are lost, occupied an important place in early Chinese
thought, particularly in the field of natural philosophy. Cf. Forke, Geschichte der alten
chinesischen Philosophie, 503—506.
[OMITTED]. Cf. the Shih-chi, ch. LXXIV, where Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien discusses the success
of Tsou Yen and his kind in comparison with `Confucius starving at Ch'ên and Tsai'
[OMITTED], and `Mencius being in straits at Ch'i and Liang' [OMITTED]
[OMITTED].
[OMITTED]. By being forced to agree under duress to the deposition of the rightful
heir of Chêng Hu (duke Chao) and the usurpation of the throne by Li. He was playing
for time, cf. Tso-chuan, Duke Huan [OMITTED], XI and XV (Legge, Chi. Classics, vol. V,
pt. I, 57, 64), and especially the Kung-yang comm., XI.
Soothill, Analects, XIII, III. [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. Hu Shih, in The Development of the Logical Method in
Ancient China, 23—27, bases the problem of Confucianism, "rectification of names," on
this passage: "If names be incorrect, speech will not follow its natural sequence. If
speech does not follow its natural sequence, nothing can be established."
The nearest approach to this sentence found in Mencius is VI, ii, IX, 3: [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]
"Although a prince, pursuing the path of the present day, and not changing its practices,
were to have the empire given to him, he could not retain it for a single morning" [Legge].
This passage occurs in Kung-yang comm., Duke Hsiang [OMITTED], XXIX. The
only variation is that the YTL. inserts [OMITTED] between [OMITTED] and [OMITTED]. The murder of
King Liao by the usurper Ho-lu (522 B. C.) is recounted in the Shih-chi, XXXI
(Mém. hist., V, 20).
[OMITTED]; for [OMITTED] mien read [OMITTED] hsi, according to Chang. Cf. glossary under Shu-hsi.
The text has [OMITTED] immediately followed by the quotation. Chang's edition
inserts [OMITTED] after Lun Yü.
Soothill, Analects, XVII, VII, 2. Although Confucius in 3, in loc., admits having
made the statement, Huan K'uan is careful not to assign the sentence directly to Confucius.
Cf. Li-chi, [OMITTED]; Sacred Books,
Legge, vol. XXVIII, 298: "According to the rules, male and female do not give the cup
to one another, excepting at sacrifice." Chang's edition has [OMITTED] inserted
after [OMITTED].
| CHAPTER XI Discourses on salt and iron : | |