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Discourses on salt and iron :

a debate on state control of commerce and industry in ancient China, chapter I-XXVIII / translated from the Chinese of Huan K'uan, with introduction and notes, by Esson M. Gale.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
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 I. 
 II. 
 III. 
 IV. 
 V. 
 VI. 
 VII. 
CHAPTER VII
 VIII. 
 IX. 
 X. 
 XI. 
 XII. 
 XIII. 
 XIV. 
 XV. 
 XVI. 
 XVII. 
 XVIII. 
 XIX. 
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CHAPTER VII

IN CRITICISM OF SHANG YANG[1]

a. The Lord Grand Secretary: Formerly when the Lord of Shang
was Chancellor of Ch'in he pursued in internal affairs the policy
of putting the laws and regulations on a firm basis, of making
punishments and penalties harsh and severe, and of ordering government
and education. In this no mercy was shown to the criminals
and the cheats. In his external policy[2] he managed to obtain
profits of a hundred fold and collected taxes on mountains and
marshes. The state became rich, the people, strong; weapons and
implements were kept ready, complete in every detail, and grain-stores
had a surplus.


41

b. As a result of these measures he was able to wage war on
enemy countries, to conquer foreign states,[3] to annex new lands,
and to extend wide his territories, without overtaxing the people
for the support of the army. Thus he could draw constantly upon the
resources[4] of the people and the people would not even notice it;
he could extend the territory of Ch'in to include all west of the
Yellow River[5] and the people bore no hardships on this account.

c. The profits derived from the salt and iron monopolies serve
to relieve the needs of the people in emergencies and to provide
sufficient funds for the upkeep of military forces. These measures
emphasize conservation and storing up in order to provide for times
of scarcity and want. The beneficiaries are many; the State profits
thereby and no harm is caused to the masses. Where are those
hardships of the common people which cause you so much worry?

d. The Literati: At the time[6] of Wên Ti was there not no profit
from salt and iron and was not the nation prosperous? Now we
have this system and the people are in dire circumstances. We
fail yet to see how profitabe is this "profit" [of which you speak],
but we see clearly the harm it does.[7] Profit, moreover, does not fall
from Heaven, nor does it spring forth from the Earth; it is derived
entirely from the people. To call it hundredfold is a mistake in
judgment similar to that of the simpleton who wore his furcoat
inside out while carrying wood, hoping to save the fur and not
realizing that the hide was being ruined.

e. Now, an abundant crop of prunes will cause a decline for the
year immediately following; the new grain ripens. at the expense
of the old. For Heaven and Earth do not become full at the same


42

time: so much more is this the case with human activities! Profit
in one place involves diminution elsewhere just as yin and yang[8]
do not radiate at the same time and day and night alternate in length.[9]

f. When Shang Yang[10] introduced his harsh laws and increased
his "profit", the people of Ch'in could not endure life and among
themselves wept for Duke Hsiao.[11] When Wu Ch'i[12] increased the
army and engaged in a series of conquests, the people of Ch'u
were grievously disturbed and among themselves they shed tears
for King Tao.[13] After their death Ch'u's position became more
precarious every day, and Ch'in grew weaker and weaker.[14] So
resentment increased with the growth of "profit", and sorrows
multiplied with the extension of territory. Where is all that "inexhaustible
profit to use[15] without the people noticing it, and the
territory extended to include all west of the Yellow River without
the people suffering from it?"

g. At the present time, as the Government uses in the management
of internal affairs Shang Yang's system of registration[16] and
abroad Wu Ch'i's methods of war, travellers are harassed on the
road and the residents are suffering from want in their homes,
while old women cry bitterly and grieving maidens moan. Even if
we, the Literati, try not to worry, we cannot help it.

h. The Lord Grand Secretary: Ch'in, by employing the Lord of
Shang, waxed strong and rich and after his death finally absorbed
the Six States and established an empire which lasted to the time
of the Second Emperor, when corupt ministers usurped power and


43

ruled arbitrarily.[17] The public good and justice were lost sight of,
the feudal lords rebelled and broke out of control, and the dynasty
finally went to its ruin. Why, as the Spring and Autumn says,
should we mention the death of Chai Chung?[18] A good singer makes
men
(able) to follow his notes;[19] a talented artist causes others to
continue his work; fitting the rim of a cart wheel, depends upon
the training of an apprentice.[20] The achievements of Chou virtue
depended upon the strength of Chou Kung.[21] Though there may
be the preliminary draft of P'i Shên, but none of the embellishment
of Tzŭ-ch'an,
[22] and though there may be the traced lines of Wên
and Wu,[23] but no boring and no handle of Chou[24] and Lü,[25] then
the work will not be successfully completed. Now you blame Shang
Yang for the work of Chao Kao[26] who brought Ch'in to ruin. It
is just like blaming I Yin[27] for the disruption of the Yin[28] Empire
by Ch'ung-hu.[29]

i. The Literati: An expert with the chisel can make a perfect


44

round hole without exerting himself. An expert in laying foundations
can reach a considerable height without the work collapsing.
I Yin took the principles of Yao and Shun as the foundation of
the Yin Empire, and for countless generations descendants of the
founder occupied the throne in an unbroken line. Shang Yang made
heavy punishments and harsh laws the foundation of the Ch'in state,
and within two generations Ch'in lost the Empire. Not satisfied
with the already severe and inhuman laws, he created also the
system of mutual responsibility, devised an organization of spying
and accusation and increased bodily punishments.[30] The people were
terrorized, not knowing even where to place their hands and feet.
Not satisfied with the already exacting and numerous taxes and
levies, he established abroad prohibitions on the resources of the
mountains and seas and set up a hundredfold profit in the interior,[31]
while the people had no means to express their opinion. The
worship of profit and neglect of rectitude, the high regard for might
and emphasis on merit, resulted indeed in extension of territory
and acquisition of land, but it was just like the case of a man
snffering from dropsy and being given water which only increases
his illness. [The Lord Grand Secretary] knows well how Shang
Yang laid the beginnings of an Empire for Ch'in but does not know
how he caused its downfall. With a bore pierced in a wild and
uncertain manner,[32] Kung Shu-tzŭ[33] himself would be unable to fit
the handle. With a panful of earth for his foundation, the most
skillful builder cannot reach any height. They would be like autumn
weeds which when touched by the frost wither and fall at the first
encounter with the wind. What can ten Tzŭ-ch'an's[34] do then? So,
Pien Ch'iao[35] cannot cover white bones with flesh, nor can Wei

45

Tzŭ[36] and Chi Tzŭ[37] preserve a country predestined to ruin.

j. The Lord Grand Secretary: To talk is easy, but to act is
difficult. So the ancient worthies would stick to the realities and
exert their efforts and would banish the mere exhibition of empty
learning. Formerly, the Lord of Shang intelligently pursued the
policy of encouragement of proper activities and restraining the
improper.[38] He made use of the powers in the contemporaneous
world for the advancement of Ch'in, sought profit and achieved
success; therefore he was victorious in every battle and always
captured his object of attack, absorbing his nearest opponents and
crushing the distant. He took advantage of Yen and Chao[39] and
terrorized Ch'i and Ch'u.[40] The feudal lords, gathering up their
skirts, faced westward and followed Ch'in's leadership. After him
came Mêng T'ien[41] who led armies against the barbarian Hu,
ejecting them from their lands to the extent of a thousand li and
going as far as the north side of the Yellow River, all that as
easily as breaking rotten wood or destroying decayed matter. How,
may I ask? — by virtue of the plans of the Lord of Shang, handed
down, brought to perfection and constantly followed. Every undertaking
brought advantage and every move had its reward as a
consequence of this. Accumulation, storing up, and shrewd calculations
are the means of strengthening a state. To slacken and disperse
[authority], therefore, and leaving things to the people, that is not
yet having conceived a Great Scheme and walking in a Great Path.

k. The Literati: Shang Yang's policy of "encouragement and
restraint" was by no means unsuccessful. Mêng T'ien's pushing back
the northern barbarians a thousand li is certainly an achievement.
That awe of them over-spread the Empire proves indeed that they


46

were strong; and that the feudal lords submitted to their dictates
and faced westward is in itself a record of success. Yet all these facts
were the cause of Ch'in's fall. Shang Yang with his opportunist and
calculating policy[42] jeopardized the Ch'in state, while Mêng T'ien by the
acquisition of a thousand miles of territory brought about the fall
of the house of Ch'in. These two men recognized advantage but
not peril, knew well how to advance, but not the way of retreat.
So they themselves died and their adherents were defeated. This
is what we call the wisdom of a warped mind[43] and the scheme
of a fool. Now, may we ask, where is the Great Path in this?
Thus as the saying goes: Narrow-minded men at first may. unite
their efforts but will disagree afterwards. Though at the start they
may ride
[proudly] on horseback, they will end in weeping tears of blood.

l. The Lord Grand Secretary: Handsome persons are deeply envied
by the ugly and deformed. Scholars of character and wisdom are
hated by the unsuccessful. Thus Shang-kuan,[44] the Minister, belittled
Ch'ü Yüan[45] before Ch'ing Hsiang,[46] and Kung-po Liao calumnied
Tzŭ Lu before Chi Sun.[47]

m. Now the Lord of Shang rose from obscurity[48] and came from Wei
to Ch'in.[49] A year afterwards he was made Chancellor. He reformed the
laws, made clear the instructions and the people of Ch'in became
well disciplined. As a result, the mobilization of troops brought
always new additions to the territory, and peace a constant
increase in wealth. Duke Hsiao,[50] greatly pleased with him, gave
him Shang[51] as a fief and as a reward five hundred li of territory.
His achievements were as enduring as the mountains, while his
fame passed on to posterity. Average people cannot achieve the


47

like, so they envy his ability and find fault with his accomplishments.

n. The Literati: The noble man enters into a career always
with Principle as his guide and retires without failing in his
duty. High in the social scale, he is not overbearing; active, he
is not boastful; when occupying an honorable position, he is circumspect
in his conduct; and when his achievements are great, he is still
compliant in his measures. Therefore, the common man does not
envy his ability, and his contemporaries begrudge him not his
acquisitions.

o. Now Shang Yang abandoned Principle and became an opportunist;[52]
discarded Virtue and relied upon might; established harsh
laws and increased punishments, making oppression and tyranny the
order of the day. He cheated his friends to accomplish his ambition,
punished members of the ducal house to make his authority felt.
He had no compassion for the people, nor did he show any faith
in his relations with the feudal princes. Individuals had nothing but
hate for him, families nothing but enmity. Though he obtained
success and was ennobled, it was as if he had eaten poisoned meat:
he may have felt pleased and satiated but soon suffered from his mistake.

p. Su Ch'in[53] formed horizontal and divised vertical alliances and
united the Six States. This task was indeed great! Chieh and Chou3
are mentioned together with Yao and Shun[54]
and are not forgotten


48

to the present day. Their name is lasting indeed! Yet wrong-doing
being unquestionably dishonorable, their deeds should not lightly be
esteemed nor should their name lightly be transmitted.

q. The Lord Grand Secretary: White cannot hold its own in the
presence of black; a Worthy or a Sage[55] cannot order things as he wishes
in an age of anarchy. Thus, Chi Tzŭ suffered imprisonment and
Pi Kan[56] was tortured. Wu Yuan[57] was Chancellor to Ho Lü[58] and
made him Protector, but Fu-ch'ai[59] unjustly exiled and then killed
him. Yo I[60] was a trusted servant and served well King Chao of
Yen[61] yet he was suspected of treason by King Hui.[62] These ministers
were to the last blameless in order to achieve fame but met the neglect
of the contemporary rulers. Chung, the Minister,[63] was the right
hand of the King of Yüeh[64] and designed deep schemes for him
which culminated in the capture of the powerful state of Wu[65] and
the occupation of the lands of the Eastern Aborigines;[66] he finally
was presented with the `Shu-lou'[67] sword and committed suicide.
Proud princes who turn their backs upon compassion and virtue and
listen to corrupt whisperings and disregard their accomplishments, are
the cause of their downfall. What guilt have these [faithful ministers]?

r. The Literati: That Pi Kan had his heart cut out, and that
Tzŭ-hsü's[68] body was thrown into the river in a leather sack, was
not due to a light-hearted antagonizing of the princes at their own
peril, or to obstinate admonishments to promote their fame, but
the loyalty and sincerity in their distressed hearts moved them from
within and they forgot the danger appearing from without. Their
only aim was to assist their Prince and save their people, and they
died without resentment. A true gentleman can do what is right but
can not ward off evil. Though he may meet with torture and execution,
it is not his fault. Therefore when Pi Kan died the people of Yin
clamored, and when Tzŭ-hsü died the people of Wu sorrowed.


49

s. Now the people of Ch'in hated the laws of Shang Yang more
fiercely than they did their personal enemies. So on the day of the
death of Duke Hsiao [his protector], they rose as one man and
attacked him; east, west, north or south he found no place to flee.
Looking up to heaven he said with a sigh, "Alas! Has the evil
of my policy reached such an extreme?"[69] Finally his body was
torn apart by chariots, his kinsmen exterminated. An object of
mockery to the whole Empire, this man was killed by himself, not by
others.[70]

 
[1]

[OMITTED]. Biographies of the historical character, known also as Kung-sun Yang
[OMITTED] or Yang of Wei [OMITTED], are found in the Chan-kuo-ts'ê, ch. 7 (Ch'in-ts'ê),
in the Lü-shih-ch'un-ch'iu and in ch. lxviii of the Shih-chi, (trans. by J. J. L. Duyvendak,
The Book of Lord Shang, Introduction, ch. I, 8—32). The text of an extant work, the
Shang-chün-shu [OMITTED],. "is a compilation of paragraphs of different styles, some
of which are older than the others; the older ones contain probably the mutilated
remnants of the original book that has been lost; the later ones date, on the whole,
from the third century [B.C.]", (op. cit., 159). The political and social theories of this
interesting text, representing the "school of law", fa chia [OMITTED], have been exhaustively
treated by Professor Duyvendak in the introduction to his complete translation of the
Shang-tzŭ.

[2]

Cf. the Shang-chün-shu, para. 22 (held by Duyvendak to be of late origin, op.
cit., 150), entitled "External and Internal Affairs" [OMITTED], i.e., war and agriculture.
"Of the external affairs of the people, there is nothing more difficult than warfare, . . . .
Therefore, he who desires to make his people fight, sees to it that the law is severe;
consequently rewards will be numerous, authority will be strict, depraved doctrines will
be obstructed . . . . (Duyvendak's trans.)" [OMITTED] . . . .
[OMITTED]
[OMITTED] . . . . Curiously, Huan K'uan assigns such a policy to
"internal affairs" in his passage, evidently employing [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] as terms applicable
to measures taken at the capital and in the provinces, respectively.

[3]

The T'ung-tien reads correctly: [OMITTED] "conquer enemy states", e.g.,
Wei [OMITTED], as in the Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII.

[4]

[OMITTED]. Wang suggests prefixing [OMITTED], following the T'ung-tien, as [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] in the succeeding paragraph f.

[5]

[OMITTED] meaning part of the state of Wei [OMITTED], whose armies Shang Yang
captured by treachery. Cf. Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII (Duyvendak, op. cit., 21).

[6]

[OMITTED]. Wang suggests [OMITTED]. Wên Ti [OMITTED] (179—156 B. C.), one of the
"model Emperors" of the Literati.

[7]

The T'ung-tien omits the [OMITTED] and inserts [OMITTED] before [OMITTED].

[8]

[OMITTED], [OMITTED]: the "negative" and "positive", etc., principles of nature upon which
a school of thought, yin-yang-chia, was based.

[9]

[OMITTED]. Wang suggests [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] as in the T'ung-tien.

[10]

The Literati refer to the Lord of Shang [OMITTED] always as Shang Yang [OMITTED],
"Yang of Shang", to show their contempt for his policies.

[11]

[OMITTED]. [OMITTED]: Shang Yang's patron, Duke of Ch'in (361—338 B.C.).

[12]

[OMITTED]: the famous strategist who served Ch'u.

[13]

[OMITTED]: King of Ch'u (401—381 B.C.).

[14]

A statement historically incorrect, as to Ch'in.

[15]

[OMITTED]. Cf. note 2, p. 41 supra.

[16]

I.e., for soldiering, ap. Duyvendak, op. cit., 83, 293, and 295.

[17]

Ch'u [OMITTED], Ch'i [OMITTED], Yen [OMITTED], Han [OMITTED], Wei [OMITTED], Chao [OMITTED], the Six States.
The Second Emperor is Erh-shih-huang-ti [OMITTED] with whom the Ch'in
dynasty closed; and "corrupt ministers" include particularly the eunuch Chao Kao
[OMITTED], mentioned below.

[18]

[OMITTED]. Not from the Ch'un-ch'iu but the Kung-yang Comm., Huan Kung XV.
"(Confucius) does not mention Chai Chung's death, he is indifferent to the statesman's
fate [OMITTED]." See glossary.

[19]

This sentence occurs in the Li-chi, [OMITTED], with [OMITTED] for our text's [OMITTED].
Legge, Sacred Books, v. 28, p. 87.

[20]

A puzzling passage, but the translation given appears to continue the sense of the
preceding passages. Chang quotes in explanation Huan-nan-tzŭ, ch. [OMITTED]: If
one could not change what had been done in ancient times ([OMITTED]
[OMITTED]), then the [OMITTED] would still be even now without a rim.

[21]

[OMITTED].

[22]

[OMITTED]. The phrases are from Lun-yü, XIV, x.

[23]

[OMITTED].

[24]

[OMITTED], Duke of Chou.

[25]

[OMITTED], known as Lü Shang [OMITTED], or [OMITTED], preceptor of
Wên and Wu.

[26]

[OMITTED].

[27]

[OMITTED].

[28]

[OMITTED].

[29]

[OMITTED].

[30]

[OMITTED], thus more detailed than in
the extant biographical sketches. Huan K'uan appears to have made use of tradition, or
of a biography now lost.

[31]

[OMITTED]. The distinction here of Shang Yang's measures as "abroad" and
"in the interior", is indicated in note 2, p. 40, supra, the country and the capital.

[32]

The commentators take [OMITTED] as [OMITTED], "all askew".

[33]

[OMITTED].

[34]

[OMITTED].

[35]

[OMITTED], the physician.

[36]

[OMITTED]

[37]

[OMITTED].

[38]

[OMITTED], the title of one of the books of the Shang-tzŭ (7th), which Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien
states that he read (Shih-chi LXVIII). Duyvendak is of the opinion that, while the
expression occurs in para. 7, this title belonged originally to para. 8 "where the terms
are used in a far more typical sense of `opening', k'ai, only one gate to riches and
honour, i.e., agriculture and warfare, and by `closing', sai, all other gates". Loc. cit., 149.
"Policy" [OMITTED] here used is also a special expression of the legalist school to which
the Shang-tzŭ belongs.

[39]

[OMITTED].

[40]

[OMITTED].

[41]

[OMITTED].

[42]

[OMITTED], the fa chia terms.

[43]

[OMITTED]: lit., "bound" and "strips of dried meat", evidently an opprobrious epithet.

[44]

[OMITTED].

[45]

[OMITTED].

[46]

[OMITTED].

[47]

[OMITTED], from Lun-yü, XIV, xxxviii.

[48]

[OMITTED], not from the "hemp-clothed" commoners, as he was of noble descent,
as the name Kung-sun ([OMITTED]) Yang indicates. Cf. Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII. The particulars
here given appear generally in the various biographies, cf. Duyvendak, op. cit., 23,
text and note 1.

[49]

[OMITTED].

[50]

[OMITTED].

[51]

[OMITTED].

[52]

[OMITTED], again the term favored by the fa chia writers: "the practice of weighing out
things against each other" (Duyvendak, op. cit., 100). The estimation of Shang Yang
here, though not in the same words, agrees with Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's characterization
(Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII): [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]
[OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. The Lord of Shang was naturally, in character, a hard
and cruel man . . . . after having succeeded in obtaining employment through the introduction
of a favorite, he punished Prince Ch'ien, betrayed the Wei general, Ang, and
did not follow the advice of Chao Liang, all of which facts show clearly that the Lord
of Shang was a man of little favour . . . . There is reason enough why he should have
finally left a bad reputation in Ch'in. (Duyvendak's translation, op cit., 30—31).

[53]

[OMITTED]. Cf. Maspero, La Chine Antique, 588. [OMITTED].

[54]

[OMITTED].

[55]

[OMITTED]. Chang curiously reverses the usual order of these words.

[56]

[OMITTED].

[57]

[OMITTED].

[58]

[OMITTED].

[59]

[OMITTED].

[60]

[OMITTED].

[61]

[OMITTED].

[62]

[OMITTED].

[63]

[OMITTED].

[64]

[OMITTED].

[65]

[OMITTED].

[66]

[OMITTED].

[67]

[OMITTED], cf. the Tz'ŭ-yüan.

[68]

[OMITTED] Wu Juan.

[69]

[OMITTED]. Cf. Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's text:
[OMITTED], "Alas, that the worthlessness of the
law should reach such a point" (Duyvendak's translation, op. cit., 29).

[70]

Only the traditional activities and policies of one of early China's greatest administrators
are discussed in this chapter. Unfortunately, no direct citations from the work
associated with Shang Yang's name are given, which might have thrown light on the
value of the modern text. The interest of the chapter lies, however, in its emphasis
(within the vast display of learning indulged in by the interlocutors) of the unpopularity
of the social and economic theories of the School of Law with the "Confucianists"
of Han times; and equally, the ardent advocacy of many of the fa chia policies by the
Han administrators is disclosed. Cf. Duyvendak, op. cit., 126 seq., on the influence of
the School of Law in the establishment of the Han regime.