University of Virginia Library

The victory of Confucianism

The reign of Emperor Hsüan was the time when the actual victory of
Confucianism over its rivals occurred, although that victory was not
completed until the reign of Emperor Yüan. Emperor Kao had merely
been favorably inclined to Confucianism; Emperor Wen had been
influenced greatly, but was also interested in other schools, especially
the Legalist attempt to rectify penal terminology. He had hence kept
both Confucian and non-Confucian Erudits at his court. Emperor Wu
had done away with non-Confucian Erudits, and had established the
Imperial University, whereby the civil service came to be filled with
Confucians and the children of good families were taught by Confucians.
Emperor Wu had, however, been greatly influenced by Legalism, Taoism,
and other non-Confucian philosophies.

Emperor Hsüan's own sincere, but not quite whole-hearted, Confucianism
was undoubtedly occasioned by the circumstance that as a
child he had been cared for by some of the lower officials in the government
service who thought affectionately of his grandfather, and who
consequently gave him a good Confucian education, including a careful
study of the Analects, the Classic of Filial Piety, and the Book of Odes.

The first two of these books then probably constituted the minimum
curriculum for a well-educated Confucian. Emperor Chao had also
studied these books, together with the Book of History (7: 4b). Emperor
Hsüan's first edict in the first full year of his reign mentions the Book of
Odes. Thereafter he continued to choose Confucians as his officials and
advisors. He revived the study of the Ku-liang Commentary on the
Spring and Autumn. When calamities occurred, as at the earthquakes
of 70 and 67 B.C., he sent for Confucians to advise him what could be
done.

The study of the Ku-liang Commentary, which had been the favorite
of Emperor Hsüan's grandfather, brought attention to the differences
between it and the then authoritative Kung-yang Commentary
(the Tso-chuan was not yet popular or studied by important scholars),
and then to the differences between the various other classics. Emperor
Hsüan summoned to the capital the outstanding authorities on all the
Confucian classics to discuss these matters in the imperial presence. At
the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion in the imperial palace, these discussions were
carried on for two years (cf. App. II), under the presidency of Hsiao
Wang-chih, with Emperor Hsüan acting as final arbiter to decide matters
on which agreement could not otherwise be reached. The results of
these discussions were then memorialized to the throne and published,
thus fixing the official interpretation of the classics. Other interpretations
were not proscribed; they are also listed among the books in the
imperial library, but the official interpretation was doubtless taught in
the Imperial University and learned by candidates for all official positions,
for use in replies to the imperial examinations. The candidates'
replies were graded by good Confucians, with the result that this official
interpretation monopolized men's minds in the same manner that Chu
Hsi's interpretation of the classics became dominant in recent centuries.
At the same time, the number of the Erudits and their Disciples, who
were the teachers in the Imperial University, was doubled.

In spite of Emperor Hsüan's personal reliance upon Confucianism, he
never accepted it exclusively or blindly in all respects, as did his successors.
He was a practical man who had lived among the common
people before he came to the throne, and knew the danger of idealistic
impracticality inherent in the interpretations made by Confucian
scholars. Hence he took as his standard not only Confucian interpretations
of the classics but also the conduct of practical statesmen in Spring
and Autumn times. In dealing with the Huns, he was quite ready to
adopt "benevolence and righteousness" as the method for treating the
Shan-yü, but he was far from relying upon moral suasion in all cases, as

Confucian idealists urged. In addition to Confucianism, he was interested
in penological terminology as developed by the school of names
and circumstances. He said that the Han practices accorded only in
part with the Confucian models; these practises were also taken from
the practises of the Lords Protector in Chou times (considered to be
anti-Confucian), who had adapted themselves to circumstances, rather
than following rigidly Confucian principles (9: 1b). Although all his
Lieutenant Chancellors were highly educated Confucians, they were at
the same time primarily experienced officials, and were chosen by him
with reference to their success as officials. Emperor Hsüan intended at
one time to make the great Confucian authority, Hsiao Wang-chih,
his Lieutenant Chancellor, but the conduct of the latter as Grandee
Secretary showed that he was not capable of holding the highest office,
so he was dismissed. Thus Emperor Hsüan was a sincere and convinced
Confucian, but he was too wise and too practical to accept everything
the Confucian pedants said. While Emperor Wu paved the way for the
victory of Confucianism by putting it in control of the curriculum
through which officials entered the civil service, that victory did not
become complete until the time of Emperor Hsüan's successor, Emperor
Yüan (49-33 B.C.).