 | THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
[Chapter] VI
THE SIXTH [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao]-Wu
Emperor Hsiao-wu was a son of Emperor Ching,
neither the eldest nor the youngest. His mother
was entitled the Beauty [née] Wang. When he was
in his fourth year [of age], he was made King of
Heir-apparent and his mother was made Empress.
In his sixteenth year, [which was] the third
in the first month, Emperor Ching died. On the
imperial throne.[10] He honored the Empress Dowager
née Tou with the title, Grand Empress Dowager,
and the Empress [née Wang] with the title, Empress
Dowager. In the third month, he enfeoffed both
the younger brothers of the Empress Dowager by
the same mother, T'ien Fen and [T'ien] Sheng, as
Marquises.
In the [period] Chien-yüan,[12]
the first year, in
the Lieutenant Chancellor, the [Grandee]
Secretary, the marquises, [officials ranking at] fully
two thousand piculs and at two thousand piculs,
and Chancellors of the nobles to recommend persons
who were capable and good, sincere and upright,
ingly.[18]
The Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei] Wan, memorialized,
"Of those capable and good [persons] who were
recommended, some have applied themselves to
[and are conversant with] the sayings of Shen [Pu-hai],
of Shang [Yang], of Han Fei, of Su Ch'in, and
the government of the State. I beg that they all
be dismissed". The memorial was approved.
In the spring, the second month, an amnesty was
granted to the empire and the common people were
granted one step in noble rank. Those who were
in their eightieth year were exempted from two poll-taxes
[for members of their households] and those
in their ninetieth year were [also] exempted [from
the tax for] military purposes.[22]
Three-shu cash were put into circulation.[23]
In the summer, the fourth month, on the [day]
teaching established by ancient [rulers], in the districts
and hamlets, [honor was given to people] in
accordance with their age, [and] in the court, [honor
was given] in accordance with noble rank. Nothing
is as good as virtue for supporting society and guiding
the people. Hence the way of the ancients was
treat carefully those who were advanced in years in
the districts and hamlets.[27]
"When now the world's filial and obedient sons
and grandsons wish to put forth all their efforts in
serving their parents and grandparents, [from] outside
[their households] they are harassed by [the
requirements for] the public services and within
[their homes] they lack [the necessary] property
and wealth—for these reasons their filial intentions
are enfeebled. We pity them greatly. For those
of the [common] people who are in their ninetieth
year and over, there is already a law that they should
receive gruel.[28]
For them, their sons or grandsons
should be exempted [from public service] in order
that [these sons and grandsons] may be free to lead
their wives and concubines in person, in order to
perform their service in caring for and serving
[their parents or grandparents]."
In the fifth month, an imperial edict said, "The
[of land].'[31] Let it be ordered that the sacrificial
offices should renew the sacrifices to the mountains
and streams and for the annual services let additions
be made to the rites with minute care."[32]
An amnesty was granted to the wives and children
of those [persons] from Wu, Ch'u, and [the others of]
the Seven States who had been condemned and [had
In the autumn, the seventh month, an imperial
edict said, "The guards for transport and post
[service] and for escorting away and bringing
[people] to [the capital number] twenty thousand
men. Let them be reduced by ten thousand men,[37]
and let the [imperial] pastures and their horses be
abolished, in order that [these regions] may be used
to grant to the poor people.[38]
The establishment of a Ming-t'ang was discussed,
and a messenger was sent with a comfortable chariot
with its wheels [wrapped in] rushes and with packages
of silk to which were added [jade] circlets, to invite
his excellency Shen [P'ei] of Lu [to come to court].[39]
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month,
the Grandee Secretary, Chao Wan, was sentenced
for begging [the throne] that it should be forbidden
to memorialize [government] matters to the Grand
Empress Dowager. Both he and the Chief of the
Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Wang Tsang, were imprisoned
and committed suicide. The Lieutenant
Chancellor, [Tou] Ying, and the Grand Commandant,
In the spring, the second month, on the [day]
month, on the [day] mou-shen, there was [a star][50]
which was as if the sun appeared at night.
[The Emperor] first established the Mou Tomb
In the third year, in the spring, the water of the
and there was a great famine, [so that]
people ate each other.
[The Emperor] granted to those who moved to
Mou-ling two hundred thousand cash to each household
and two hundred mou of land, and for the first
time the Pien Gate Bridge was built.
In the autumn, the seventh month, there was a
[Liu] Ming, was sentenced for killing his Grand
Tutor and Palace Tutor. He was dismissed and
[The state of] Min-yüeh besieged Tung-ou; [the
king of] Tung-ou sent information that he was in
straits. [The Emperor] sent Palace Grandee Chuang
Tsu with a credential [to order] the mobilization
of troops from K'uai-chi [Commandery]. He went
by sea and rescued [the King of Tung-ou]. Before
[Chuang Tsu] arrived, [the forces] of Min-yüeh fled,
[so the imperial] troops returned.[63] In the ninth
month, on the [day] ping-tzu, the last day of the
month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
In the fourth year, in the summer, there was a
wind as red as blood. In the sixth month, there was
a drought. In the autumn, the ninth month, a
comet appeared in the northeast.[69]
In the fifth year, in the spring, [the Emperor]
abolished the three-shu cash and put in circulation
the half-tael cash.[73]
[Five] Erudits for the Five Classics were established.[74]
In the summer, the fourth month, the Baronetess
of P'ing-yüan, [Tsang Erh], died. In the fifth
month, there was a great [plague of] locusts. In the
autumn, the eighth month, the King of Kuang-ch'uan,
[Liu] Yüeh, and the King of Ch'ing-ho,
[Liu Fang]-sheng, both died.
In the sixth year, in the spring, the second month,
on [the day] yi-wei, there was a visitation [of fire] in
the Temple of [Emperor] Kao [in the commandery
of] Liao-tung.[83] In the summer, the fourth month,
on [the day] jen-tzu, there was a fire in the side-halls
at the [funerary] park of [Emperor] Kao,[85] and
the fifth day. In the fifth month, on [the day]
ting-hai, the Grand Empress Dowager [née Tou]
died. In the autumn, the eighth month, a comet
appeared in the eastern quarter; it was long, extending
through the entire sky.[91]
The King of Min-yüeh, [Tsou] Ying, attacked
Nan-yüeh. [The Emperor] sent the [Chief] Grand
Messenger, Wang Huia, with troops, to go out of Yü-chang
[Commandery] and the Grand Chief of
Agriculture,[92]
Han An-kuo, to go out of K'uai-chi
[Commandery] to attack him. Before they arrived,
the people of [Min]-yüeh killed [Tsou] Ying and
surrendered, [so] the troops returned [home].
In the [period] Yüan-kuang,[94] the first year, in
the winter, the eleventh month, for the first time
[the Emperor] ordered that the commanderies and
kingdoms should each recommend one Filially Pious
The Commandant of the Palace Guard [at Wei-yang
Palace], Li Kuang3, was made the General of
Resolute Cavalry and [sent to] encamp in Yün-chung
[Commandery]; the Commandant of the
Palace Guard [at Ch'ang-lo Palace][99]
, Ch'eng
Pu-shih, was made General of Chariots and Cavalry
and [sent to] encamp in Yen-men [Commandery].
In the sixth month [after, these troops] were
dismissed.
In the summer, the fourth month, an amnesty
rank was granted to the eldest sons of the common
people. There were restored [to registration among
members of the imperial house] those [members of]
the imperial house [who belonged to] the Seven
States and had previously been cut off from
membership.[103]
In the fifth month, [the Emperor] issued an imperial
"We have heard that when, formerly in [the time of]
T'ang [Yao] and Yü [Shun, the rulers merely]
portrayed [the mutilating punishments by] likenesses
[of those punishments in the criminals' clothing],[107]
the people did not commit [crime], and, wherever
the sun and moon shone, `none failed to be led by
and to follow them.'[108] [Kings] Ch'eng and K'ang
of the Chou [dynasty] established [mutilating]
punishments but did not employ them and the virtue
[of these Kings] reached [even] to birds and
beasts.[109] `Their culture extended to the four seas;
Ch'ü-sou, and the Ti-ch'iang came to submit [to
them].'[113] The stars and zodiacal constellations did
not [produce] comets and the sun and moon were
not eclipsed; the mountains and hills did not crumble
and the streams and the valleys were not stopped
up [by unnatural occurrences]. Unicorns and
phoenixes were in their suburbs and marshes; the
[Yellow] and Lo Rivers produced their diagram
and book [respectively].[114] Ah! What [did they]
do that [they] attained to this [perfection]?
"Now that We have secured [the opportunity to]
uphold the [imperial] ancestral temples, [We have]
risen early in order to seek [for the springs of their
perfection] and have gone to bed late in order to
think about them. It is like fording a deep river
without knowing where to cross it. How fine, how
extraordinary [was their virtue]! What can [We]
do that [We] may glorify the vast achievements and
beautiful virtue of the late emperors? [How can We]
and be the equals of the three [great] kings of later
[times]? [Owing to] Our lack of intelligence, [We]
have been unable to make Our virtue [felt at] great
distances—this is what you, sirs and grandees, have
seen and heard.
"You, Capable and Good [persons], know clearly
the essence of state affairs under ancient and
modern [true] kings; when you have received this
document and have examined these interrogations,
do you all answer them in writing and set [your
replies] down on the tablets. We Ourselves will
read them." Thereupon Tung Chung-shu, Kung-sun
Hung1, and others distinguished themselves.[118]
In the autumn, the seventh month, on [the day]
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month,
[the Emperor] traveled and favored Yung [with a
visit, where] he sacrificed at the altars to the Five
[Lords on High].
In the spring, an imperial edict made request
of the ministers as follows: "We have fitted out a
daughter [of the imperial house] as a mate to the
Shan-yü, and have shown to him the utmost generosity
embroidery. The Shan-yü [has however] treated
[Our] commands with increasing disrespect—he has
invaded and pillaged [Our borders] without cease.
The border regions have suffered [great] injury
from [him]. We greatly pity these [people at the
borders]. If now [We] wish to raise troops and
attack him, how would that be?" The Grand
Messenger, Wang Huia, gave advice that it would be
proper to attack [the Huns].[127]
In the summer, the sixth month, the Grandee
Protecting Army, the Commandant of the Palace
Guard, Li Kuang3, was made General of Resolute
Cavalry, the Grand Coachman, Kung-sun Ho, was
made General of Light Chariots, the Grand Messenger,
Wang Huia, was made General in Charge of
Encampments, and the Grand Palace Grandee, Li
Hsi, was made General of Skilled Soldiers.
[Altogether] they led a troop of three hundred
thousand [soldiers] and encamped in a ravine at
Ma-yi. They lured the Shan-yü to come, intending
to attack him by surprise. When the Shan-yü
entered the Barrier, he became aware of [the
ambush] and fled [out of the Barrier]. In the sixth
month [after], the army was disbanded. General
Wang Huia was sentenced for having been the first to
plan [this campaign but] not having advanced [at
the right moment]. He was sent to prison and died.
In the autumn, the ninth month, [the Emperor]
to assemble] for universal drinking during five days.
In the third year, in the spring, the [Yellow] River
In the summer, the fifth month, there were enfeoffed
as marquises [by succession[137] ] five persons
who were descendants of the distinguished officials
of the Eminent Founder, [Emperor Kao].
The Yellow River broke its dikes at P'u-yang and
flooded sixteen commanderies.[138]
[The Emperor]
breach in the dikes of the [Yellow] River.
The Lung-yüan Residence was built.[140]
In the fourth year, in the winter, the Marquis of
Wei-ch'i, Tou Ying, who had committed a crime,
was publicly executed[144] and in the spring, the third
lor, [T'ien] Fen, died.
In the summer, the fourth month, there was a fall
there was an earthquake and an amnesty was granted
to the empire.
In the fifth year, in the spring, the first month,
In the summer, [men] from Pa and Shu [Commanderies]
southern barbarians[156] and ten thousand soldiers
were also mobilized to strengthen the narrow and
difficult [places] in Yen-men [Commandery].
In the autumn, the seventh month, a great wind
née Ch'en was dismissed. The heads of those who
were arrested on account of witchcraft and black
magic were all impaled in the market-place.[159] In
the eighth month, there [was a plague of] grubs.[160]
[The Emperor] summoned those of the officials
and common people who understood the needs of
that age and were well-versed in the methods
of the ancient Sages; the prefectures where they
sojourned [on the road] were to provide[164] their food,
and it was ordered that they should [come to the
capital] along with the [officers who yearly brought
to the imperial court the commandery] accounts.
In the sixth year, in the winter, for the first time
commercial conveyances [were required to pay]
poll-taxes (suan).[168] In the spring the canal for
[River].[172]
The Huns entered Shang-ku [Commandery] and
killed and kidnapped officials and common people.
[The Emperor] sent the General of Chariots and
Cavalry, Wei Ch'ing, out of Shang-ku [Commandery],
the Cavalry General, Kung-sun Ao, out
of Tai [Commandery], the General of Light Chariots,
Kung-sun Ho, out of Yün-chung [Commandery],
and the General of Resolute Cavalry,
Li Kuang3, out of Yen-men [Commandery].[174]
[General
Wei] Ch'ing reached Lung-ch'eng and took
seven hundred heads and prisoners.[175]
[Generals Li] Kuang and [Kung-sun] Ao lost
their armies, but returned. An imperial edict said,
"The barbarians are devoid of the sense of proper relationships
[between suzerain and vassal], which [has
been the case] for a long time down to the present.
Recently the Huns have several times pillaged the
border regions, hence [We] have sent [against them]
generals leading armies. Anciently, [rulers] trained
their soldiers and arranged their cohorts, [but now]
because [the generals] encountered the caitiff [Huns]
just when these were invading [the borders, and
because the Chinese] generals and their officers had
just newly met, [so that] superiors and their subordinates
had not yet become adjusted [to each other],
the General in Tai Commandery, [Kung-sun] Ao,
and the General in Yen-men Commandery, [Li]
Kuang, showed themselves unworthy of their
charges. Their Colonels moreover turned their
backs upon their duty and acted senselessly in
deserting the army and fleeing, [so that] the lower
officers violated the prohibitions.
"[In accordance with] the laws governing the use
of troops, failure in being diligent or in instructing
[the troops] is the fault of a general or a leader;
[whereas] when instructions and orders have been
proclaimed clearly, not to be able to use all his
is the crime of an officer or a soldier. [These]
generals have already been given into the charge of
the Commandant of Justice, who is to apply the law
and execute them. But [if We] also apply this law
to the soldiers, [so that] both [generals and troops]
are punished—this would not be [in accordance with]
the will of a benevolent or a sage person. We pity
the crowd of common [soldiers], when they have
sunk into [this] disastrous [situation], and wish to
wipe away their disgrace[181] , change their conduct,
and once more act respectfully according to their
rightful duty,[182] [but who] have no way to do so.
Let the soldiers of the armies from Yen-men and Tai
Commanderies who did not obey the law be
pardoned."
In the summer, there was a great drought and
Emperor] traveled and favored Yung [with a visit].
In the autumn, the Huns plundered at the borders.
in Yü-yang [Commandery].
In [the period] Yüan-so,[187]
the first year, in the
"The functions of ministers and grandees are to
unite ways of government, to unify general principles
and specific cases [in the administration of law and
influence, and to beautify [the people's] usages and
customs. Verily, [taking] benevolence as the root
and correct social relationships as the leading principle,
recompensing the virtuous and giving office
to capable [persons], encouraging the good and
punishing the violent, were the means whereby the
Five Lords and the Three Kings became glorious.
"We have risen early and retired late [in order]
felicitously to give the gentlemen of the world [the
opportunity of] attaining this path [of governmental
power]. Hence [We] have cared for the aged and
venerable and exempted the filially pious and those
who are respectful [to their elders]; We have selected
[for official positions] eminent and distinguished
[persons] to expound literary and scholarly [matters;
We have] examined into and taken part in governmental
affairs, seeking to make the minds of the
common people progress; and [We] have instructed
in grave [terms] those who have charge of [state]
affairs to elevate the Incorrupt and promote the
Filially Pious, hoping that [such actions] might
become a custom [and thereby] transmit and glorify
[Our] sage [imperial] succession.
"Verily, `Even in a town of ten houses there must
be [someone as] conscientious and [as] sincere [as
myself]' and `When walking in a party of three,
there [must] be [one] there [who can be] my
teacher.'[195]
[But] today sometimes even in a whole
commandery not one person is recommended [for
imperial attention]. This [situation arises because
Our] transforming influence does not penetrate [the
bureaucracy] to the bottom, so that superior men
blocked from being reported to the emperor. [The
officials ranking at] two thousand piculs [down to]
the offices and chiefs [of prefectures] rule and control
human relationships. [If they do not search out
and promote capable persons], wherewith will they
be able to assist Us in illuminating that which is
hidden and dark, in exhorting the great multitude,
in encouraging the crowd of commoners, and in
making [people] honor the instructions [of the elders
in] the districts and villages?
"Moreover it was the way of the ancients that `he
who promotes the capable will receive high rewards'[199]
and he who keeps the capable in obscurity
will receive public execution. Let it be that you,
together with [the officials ranking at] fully two
thousand piculs, the officials [in charge of] the rites,
and the Erudits, should discuss [what should be]
the punishment for not promoting [capable persons]."
The high officials memorialized [the results of
their] discussions as follows: "Anciently, when the
nobles presented gentlemen [to the sovereign], if
once [the persons who were recommended proved]
suitable, [the person who presented them] was said
to have had a love of virtue; if a second [time the
persons who were recommended proved] suitable,
[the person who presented them] was said to esteem
the capable; if the third [time the persons who were
recommended proved] suitable, [the person who
presented them] was said to have [performed] a
distinguished deed, and there were given to him
[some of] the nine distinctions.[200]
The first time
eign, he was degraded in his [noble] rank; the second
time, his territory was diminished; and[203] the third
time, he was completely deprived of [noble] rank
and territory.
"Verily `he who leagues himself with his inferiors
and deceives his superiors should die, and he who
attaches himself to his superior and deceives his
inferiors should be punished; he who takes part in a
country's government but is of no benefit to the
common people should be' expelled, `he who occupies
the highest position and is unable to advance those
[way of government] is the means of encouraging
the good and abasing the evil.'[205]
"Now the imperial edict glorifies the sage succession
of the deceased emperors and orders [the
officials ranking at] two thousand piculs to promote
filially pious and incorrupt [persons], whereby to
and change their usages. Those who do not promote
filially pious [persons, thus] not upholding
[that] edict, should be sentenced for being disrespectful;
those who do not seek for incorrupt
persons are not able to perform their duties and
should be dismissed." The memorial was approved.
In the twelfth month, the King of Chiang-tu,
the [day] chia-tzu, the Empress née Wei was established
[as Empress].
An imperial edict said, "We have heard that if
Heaven and Earth do not mutate, they cannot
accomplish their bestowing and transforming [influence],
and if the yin and yang do not mutate,
things will not be abundant and flourishing. The
Book of Changes says, `They carried through their
[necessary] mutations, [thereby] causing people not
to be wearied.'[210]
The ode says, `[After] nine
mutations, the series is renewed, [hence] he knows
how to select among saying.'[211]
We esteem T'ang
[Yao] and Yü [Shun] and rejoice at the Yin and
new by it.
"Let an amnesty [be granted to] the empire in
order that the common people may be given [the
opportunity to make] a new beginning. [As to]
those [who are charged with] having absconded,
owing [debts to the government], together with
those who have lawsuits [dating] from before the
third year in the latter [part of the reign of Emperor]
cases] be not admitted to a hearing at law."
In the autumn, the Huns entered Liao-hsi [Commandery]
and killed its Grand Administrator.
They entered Yü-yang and Yen-men [Commanderies]
and defeated a Chief Commandant,[218] killing
or kidnapping more than three thousand persons.
[The Emperor] sent General Wei Ch'ing out of Yen-men
[Commandery] and General Li Hsi out of Tai
[Commandery]. They took several thousand heads
and captives.
[Among] the eastern barbarians, the Prince of the
Wei-[mo], Nan-lü, and others, [numbering] two
hundred and eighty thousand persons, surrendered,
and [his territory] was made into Ts'and-hai
Commandery.[219]
The King of Lu, [Liu] Yü2b, and the King of
Ch'ang-sha, [Liu] Fa, both died.
In the second year, in the winter, [the Emperor]
granted to the King of Huai-nan, [Liu An], and the
King of Tzu-ch'uan, [Liu Chien], stools and canes
[with permission] not to come to court.[224]
In the spring, the first month, an imperial edict
King of Ch'eng-yang, [Liu Yen5a], love dearly those
who are born of their own [fathers]. They wish to
divide their estates with their younger brothers.
Let [their wishes] be granted. When vassal kings
beg [to be permitted] to give [territory from their]
estates to their sons or younger brothers, We will
Ourselves examine [the proposed division] and see
to it that there are proper rankings and positions."
Thereupon the tributary kingdoms were first divided
and consequently sons and younger brothers [of
vassal kings] were all made marquises.[228]
The Huns entered Shang-ku and Yü-yang [Commanderies],
killing and kidnapping more than a
thousand officials and common people. [The Emperor]
sent Generals Wei Ch'ing and Li Hsi out of
Yün-chung [Commandery]. They went to Kao-ch'üeh
and then west to Fu-li,[229]
taking several
thousand heads and prisoners. [Wei Ch'ing] seized
the territory south of the [Yellow] River, so that the
commanderies of So-fang and Wu-yüan were established.[232]
the last day of the month, there was an eclipse
of the sun. In the summer, a hundred thousand
common people were levied to move into So-fang
[Commandery]. Moreover braves and stalwarts
from the commanderies and kingdoms, together
with those whose property was three million [cash]
or over were moved to Mou-ling.[235]
In the autumn, the King of Yen, [Liu] Ting-kuo,
who had committed crimes, killed himself.[237]
In the third year, in the spring, the commandery
of Ts'ang-hai was abolished.
In the third month, an imperial edict said, "Verily
punishments are the means of preventing evils;
to receive those who exalt culture[242] is the means
whereby love [for the people] is manifested. Because
of the people's failure to accord with [the
correct] teaching and culture, We felicitate and give
[Our] gentlemen and Grandees [the opportunity of]
renewing this undertaking daily.[244] Be attentive
to] the empire."
In the summer, the Huns entered Tai [Commandery]
They entered Yen-men [Commandery] and killed
and kidnapped more than a thousand people.[248]
In the sixth month, on [the day] keng-wu, the
In the autumn, the southwestern barbarians
The city wall to the city of So-fang was built and
[the Emperor] ordered that the common people
should be [allowed to assemble] for universal
drinking during five days.
In the fourth year, in the winter, [the Emperor]
visit]. In the summer the Huns entered Tai, Ting-hsiang,
and Shang Commanderies, killing and kidnapping
several thousand persons.
In the fifth year, in the spring, there was a great
leading six generals and more than a hundred thousand
troops, went out of Kao-ch'üeh in So-fang
[Commandery], and took fifteen thousand heads
In the summer, the sixth month, an imperial
edict said,[265] "Verily, [We] have heard that one
should lead the people by the rules of proper conduct
and influence them by music. [But] now the
rules of proper conduct have fallen into ruin and
[the standards of proper] music have crumbled.
We are very much saddened [thereby]. Hence [We]
have diligently sought to obtain the gentlemen who
are renowned in [the various] quarters of the empire,
and have had them all recommended to the various
courts.
"Let it be ordered that the officials for the rites
should encourage study, discourse on rights and
duties, broaden scholarship,[266]
present [to the
court] lost [documents], and promote the rules of
proper conduct, in order that they may lead the
world [to do likewise]. Let the Grand Master of
Ceremonies discuss the giving of Disciples to the
Erudits, for the promoting of cultural influence in
the districts and villages, in order to encourage
those who are capable and able."
The Lieutenant Chancellor, [Kung-sun] Hung1,
begged [the throne] that for the Erudits there should
be established a definite number of Disciples.
Scholars [thereupon] became increasingly greater
[in number].[267]
In the autumn, the Huns entered Tai [Commandery]
and killed its Chief Commandant.
In the sixth year, in the spring, the second month,
the General-in-chief, Wei Ch'ing, leading six generals
with more than a hundred thousand horsemen, went
out of Ting-hsiang [Commandery].[273] They cut off
rested their soldiers and horses in Ting-hsiang,
Yün-chung, and Yen-men [Commanderies]. An
amnesty [was granted to] the empire.
In the summer, the fourth month, Wei Ch'ing
desert, [and achieved] a great victory and many
captures [of heads or captives]. The army of the
General of the Van, Chao Hsin4, was defeated and
surrendered to the Huns. The General of the Right,
Su Chien, lost his army, escaped by himself alone,
and returned. He ransomed [his life] and became
a commoner.[277]
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "We
the same rites [as those used by the preceding Lord]
and that the three dynasties were different in their
laws;[279] the ways by which they proceeded were different,
yet in establishing virtue they were one and
the same. Indeed when Confucius replied to Duke
Ting [that good government] consisted in attracting
the distant,[280] to Duke Ai that it consisted in selecting
Ching [of Ch'i] that it consisted in economical use
[of the state's wealth,[284] it was] not [that their] aims
were different, [but that] their necessities [required]
different means.
"Now the Middle Kingdom[286] has one government,
but its northern borders are not yet at peace.
We very much lament it. Recently, when the
General-in-chief [Wei Ch'ing] was traveling about
So-fang [Commandery], he attacked the Huns, cut
off heads and captured [prisoners to] the number of
eighteen thousand, and those who had been disqualified
[from receiving office],[287] together with
those who had committed crimes, all received
liberal rewards by being pardoned or by having their
punishment lessened.
"Now that the General-in-chief, [Wei Ch'ing],
has frequently repeated his victories and captures,
having cut off heads and taken [prisoners to] the
number of nineteen thousand, those who have received
[noble] ranks or rewards and wish to transfer
[them to others] or sell [them] have no means of
transferring or bestowing [their titles upon
others].[288]
Let [this matter] be discussed and an
alized [the Emperor] begging the establishment of
an office for rewarding military merits, and thereby
granting favors to military gentlemen.
In [the period] Yüan-shou,[291]
the first year, in the
and favored Yung [by a visit, where he] sacrificed
at the altars to the Five [Lords on High] and a white
unicorn was captured. The "White Unicorn" song
was composed.[295]
In the eleventh month the King of Huai-nan, [Liu]
An, and the King of Heng2b-shan, [Liu]·Tz'u4a, who
had plotted rebellion, were executed. Several ten-thousands
of their associates died with them.[300] In
the twelfth month there was a great fall of snow and
[many[302] ] common people froze to death.
In the summer, the fourth month, an amnesty
was granted to the empire and on the [day] ting-mao,
[Liu Chü] was established as Imperial Heir-apparent.[305]
There were granted to [officials ranking
at] fully two thousand piculs, the noble rank of
Senior Chief of the Multitude,[306] and to those of
the common people who would be the successors of
their fathers, one step [in noble rank].
An imperial edict said, "We have heard that
Kao-yao, in reply to Yü, said, `[Good government
lies] in knowing men. If [the ruler] knows men,
he is wise. Even Lord [Yao] found this [knowledge]
difficult.'[307]
Verily the prince is the heart
body. When the members or body are injured, then
the heart is pained and distressed.
"Recently [the kings of] Huai-nan and Heng-shan
have cultivated literature and scholarship, [in so
doing] diffusing goods and presents; both states are
contiguous in territory. [Their rulers] were versed
in[310]
perverse teachings, hence they have given rise
to Our lack of virtue. The ode says, `My sorrowing
heart is deeply pained, when I think of the oppression
in the country.'[312] [We] have already [granted an]
amnesty to the empire, and have washed away and
removed [these evils from Our people, thus] giving
them [the opportunity of] beginning anew.
"We felicitate the Filially Pious, the Respectful
of their Elders, and the [Diligent] Cultivators of the
Soil, and [We] are sorrowed at the aged and those
of eighty or over, orphans, widows, widowers, and
childless [persons]. Some are lacking in clothes or
food; [We] greatly pity and are solicitous for them.
Let Internuncios be sent to travel about the empire,
express [Our] regards, ask [them what sufferings
they have], bring [Our] grants [to them], and say,
" `The Emperor has sent [me], an Internuncio, to
make grants: to each person [who is] a Filially
Pious among the Thrice Venerable of the prefectures,
five pieces of plain silk; to each person who is a
Respectful to his Elders among the Thrice Venerable
of districts and to each [Diligent] Cultivator of the
Soil, three pieces of plain silk; to each of those who
are in their ninetieth [year] or over, together with
each widower, widow, orphan, and childless [person],
piculs of grain.' If anyone has suffered injustice
and has [thereby] lost his position, the [imperial]
messenger shall report it. In the prefectures and
districts, [the messenger] shall visit and make grants,
and not gather and assemble [the people before making
grants]."[316]
In the fifth month, on the [day] yi-szu, the last
day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
The Huns entered Shang-ku [Commandery] and
killed several hundred persons.
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month,
the Emperor traveled and favored Yung [by a visit,
where he] sacrificed at the altars to the Five [Lords
on High].
In the spring, the third month, on the [day]
mou-yin, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Kung-sun]
Hung1, died.
[The Emperor] sent the General of Agile Cavalry,
Ho Ch'ü-ping, out of Lung-hsi [Commandery]. He
reached Kao-lan and cut off more than eight thousand
heads.
In the summer, a horse was born in the midst of
the Yü-wu River and the [kingdom of] Nan-yüeh
presented [to the Emperor] a trained elephant and
a bird that could talk.[323]
Generals [Ho] Ch'ü-ping and Kung-sun Ao went
out of Po-ti [Commandery for] more than two
thousand li, went past Chü-yen, and cut off heads
[and captured] prisoners [to the number of] more
than thirty thousand. The Huns entered Yen-men
[Commandery] and killed and kidnapped several
hundred persons. [The Emperor] sent the Commandant
of the Palace Guard, Chang Ch'ien, and
the Chief of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Li Kuang3,
both out of Yu-po-p'ing [Commandery. Li]
Kuang3 killed more than three thousand Huns,
[but] lost his army of four thousand men completely,
escaping alone by himself, and returned.[328] Kung-sun
Ao and Chang Ch'ien moreover both [arrived at
their separate rendevous] after the fixed time and
should have been beheaded. [They were allowed to]
ransom [themselves and] become commoners.
The King of Chiang-tu, [Liu] Chien4c, who had
committed crimes, killed himself.[329]
The King of
In the autumn, the Hun King of Kun-hsieh killed
the King of Hsiu-t'u, united and led [the dead
King's] troop [with his own], altogether more than
forty thousand persons, came, and surrendered.[333]
Five [Chief Commandants of] Dependent States
were established to give habitations to these [surrendered
persons].[334] Out of their territory there
were [later] made the commanderies of Wu-wei and
Chiu-ch'üan.
In the third year, in the spring, there was a comet
in the eastern quarter [of the sky].[337] In the
summer, the fifth month, an amnesty [was granted
to] the empire and [the Emperor] established [Liu]
Ch'ing4a, the younger son of King K'ang of Chiao-tung,
[Liu Chi4], as King of Liu-an,[340] and enfeoffed
[Hsiao] Ch'ing, a great-grandson of the former
Chancellor of State, Hsiao Ho, as a marquis.
In the autumn, the Huns entered Yu-po-p'ing
napping more than a thousand persons. [The
Emperor] sent Internuncios to exhort those commanderies
which suffered from floods to plant winter
wheat.[345] They recommended [to the Emperor]
those officials and common people who were able to
lend to the poor people, and their names were
reported.[346] The garrison soldiers [at the frontier
of] Lung-hsi, Po-ti, and Shang Commanderies were
reduced by half.[347] Officials who were reprobated
were sent to dig the K'ung-ming Pond.[348]
In the fourth year, in the winter, the high officials
said that altogether 725,000 poor people from east of
the [Han-ku] Pass had been moved to Lung-hsi
[Commandery], Po-ti [Commandery], Hsi-ho [Commandery],
Shang Commandery, and K'uai-chi [Commandery],[353]
and if the imperial government were
to clothe and feed them and assist them in their
occupations, the [imperial] revenues would be
inadequate [for such expenditures, hence] they
begged [the throne] to collect silver and tin and make
[of them] white-metal and also leathern money in
order to have enough [revenue] for these expenses.[354]
For the first time poll-taxes (suan)
were levied upon [merchants' and artisans'] property
In the spring, there was a comet in the northeast;
The General-in-chief, Wei Ch'ing, leading
four generals,[362] went out of Ting-hsiang [Commandery]
and General [Ho] Ch'ü-ping went out of
Tai [Commandery]. Each led fifty thousand cavalry;
several hundred thousands of foot-soldiers
followed after these armies. [Wei] Ch'ing reached
[a place] north of the [Gobi] Desert, surrounded the
Shan-yü, [but did not capture him], and cut off
nineteen thousand heads. He reached the T'ienyen
Mountains and returned. [Ho] Ch'ü-ping
fought a battle with the [Hun] Worthy King of the
the number of] more than seventy thousand. He
[performed the sacrifice] feng[366] [on] Lang-chü-hsü
Mountain and then returned. In the two armies
several ten-thousands of men died.[367] The General
of the Van, [Li] Kuang3, and the General of the
Right,[368] [Chao] Yi-chi, were both late at their rendezvous;
[Li] Kuang3 committed suicide; [Chao]
Yi-chi ransomed himself from death.
In the fifth year, in the spring, the third month,
on the [day] chia-wu, the Lieutenant Chancellor,
Li Ts'ai, who had committed a crime, killed
himself.[373]
In the empire, horses were scarce, [and so the
price of] stallions was standardized at 200,000 [cash]
apiece.[374]
The half-tael cash were abolished and
the five-shu cash were put in circulation. Cunning
and troublesome officials and common people of the
empire were transported to the boundaries.[375]
In the sixth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
[the Emperor] made grants: to the Lieutenant Chancellor,
[Chuang Ch'ing-ti], and those [ranking] lower
[than he], down to the officials [ranking at] two
thousand piculs, a hundred [catties of] gold;[380] to
those [ranking at] a thousand piculs and those
[ranking] lower, down to [the retainers] who follow
the [official][381] chariots, silk; to the [subject] barbarians,
brocade; to each [person] proportionately
[to his rank and position].
It rained rain and there was no ice.[382]
In the summer, the fourth month, on the [day]
set up [as kings] the Imperial Sons, [Liu] Hung1
as King of Ch'i, [Liu] Tan4a as King of Yen, and
[Liu] Hsüa as King of Kuang-ling. For the first
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "Recently
[some] high officials [have said that] because
the currency is light and there is much illegal [coinage],
agriculture has been injured and unimportant
[activities, such as manufacturing and merchandizing],
are numerous.[390] [We] have also [tried to]
close the road [whereby people have been able] to
take concurrently [the advantages of more than one
class]. [We] have hence changed the currency in
order to restrain [such practices.[391] We] have
[i.e. Chou] regulations that are appropriate for the
present time. Since the abolition [of these light
cash], there has been a full year[394] and [some]
months, yet the common people in the mountains
and marshes have not yet taken cognizance [of
Our order].
"Verily, when [the principles of] benevolence are
carried out [by the ruler, the people] will follow
goodness; when [the principles of] righteousness are
established, then [the people's] customs will be
changed. Is it, probably, that those [high officials]
who have received [and are in charge of carrying out
Our] decree have not been perspicacious in the [way]
whereby they have been leading [the people]? Or
is it that the ways by which the people are made
content are [still] not all of the same sort, so that
violent and outrageous[395]
[lower] officials have taken
advantage of their power to oppress and squeeze the
multitude of people? How is it that their vexations
are so numerous?
"Now [We] send the Erudit [Ch'u] Ta and others,
six persons [in all], to tour about and inspect the
widowers, widows, destitute, sick, and those who
have no means of securing an occupation, to lend and
give [aid] to them,[399] to choose[400] Thrice Venerable,
Filially Pious, and Respectful to their Elders to be
the teachers of the people, and to recommend superior
men of outstanding conduct and invite them to
come to the place where [We] are.[401] We honor
capable persons and are happy to know them personally
in order to broaden and extend their influence
[by giving them official positions]. If [any] gentlemen
should be [given] special summons, [the issuing
of such summons] will be the duty of [Our] messengers.
[Let them] carefully seek for [capable people]
who live in retirement and have no [official] positions,
together with those who have lost their positions
through injustice. As to tricky and cunning
[officials] who do injury or those [in whose territory]
there are waste and uncultivated [fields] or those who
[exercise] a tyrannical administration, let them be
pointed out and [let the facts] be memorialized [to
the court]. If in the commanderies or kingdoms
there is anything that is for the advantage [of the
people, let it] be reported to the Lieutenant Chancellor
[or Grandee] Secretary in order that they may
inform [Us of it]."
In the autumn, the ninth month, the Commander-
in-chief and General of Agile Cavalry, [Ho] Ch'ü-ping,
died.
In [the period] Yüan-ting,[405]
the first year, in the
to the empire and [there was granted permission for]
universal drinking during five days. A three legged
cauldron was obtained at the Fen River.[409]
The King of Chi-tung, [Liu] P'eng-li, who had
committed crimes, was dismissed and exiled to
Shang-yung.[413]
In the second year, in the winter, the eleventh
month, the Grandee Secretary, Chang T'ang, who
had committed a crime, killed himself, and in the
twelfth month, the Lieutenant Chanceller, [Chuang]
Ch'ing-ti, was sent to prison and died.[418]
In the spring, the Po-liang Terrace was built.
In the third month, there was a great fall of
snow.[421] In the summer, there was high water, and
east of [Han-ku] Pass, those who died of starvation
were counted by the thousands.[422]
In the autumn, the ninth month, an imperial edict
said, "A benevolent [person] does not treat [people
who come from] distant places differently [from
the way he treats his neighbors]; a righteous [person]
does not shun what is difficult. At present, since in
the capital [districts] there has not been a prosperous
harvest, [We] have shared with the common people
the abundance of [Our] mountains, forests, ponds,
and marshes.
"Now that the great floods have moved to Chiang-nan
and [the distress] will become [more] urgent as
the severities of winter approach, We fear that
[people] will be hungry and cold and not able to
survive. In Chiang-nan, the land is plowed by fire
[Commanderies] and had it brought to Chiang-ling.
[We] send the Erudit Chung and others to tour about
and inspect [the empire] in separate [groups], to
inform and announce in all places to which they
come that no one will be allowed to be in serious
distress. Let all those officials or common people
who succor or save common people or relieve their
difficulties be reported [to the court] in order that
[We] may be informed [about them]."
In the third year, in the winter, the Han-ku [Pass]
[Han-ku] Pass [Prefecture] was made the prefecture
of Hung-nung.
In the eleventh month, [the Emperor] ordered
reports concerning the value of movable] property
[for purposes of taxation] would be given half
of [the confiscated property].[433]
In the first month, on the [day] mou-tzu, there was
the fourth month, there was a fall of hail.[435]
manderies and kingdoms east of [Han-ku] Pass, and
people ate each other.
The King of Ch'ang-shan, [Liu] Shun, died. His
son, [Liu] P'o5b, was enfeoffed in succession [to his
father, but] he had committed a crime, was dismissed
[from his kingdom and noble rank], and was exiled
to Fang-ling.[439]
In the fourth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
[the Emperor] traveled and favored Yung [by a
visit, where he] sacrificed at the altars to the Five
[Lords on High]. He granted to the common people
one step in rank and to the women of [every] hundred
households an ox and wine. He traveled eastwards
from Hsia-yang and favored Fen-yin [with a
visit]. In the eleventh month, on the [day] chia-tzu,
he established the Sacrificial Hall to Sovereign Earth
on the Shui [Mound] at Fen-yin.[444] When the rites
were completed, [the Emperor] travelled and favored
Jung-yang [with a visit]. He returned and went
to Lo-yang.
An imperial edict said,[445]
"[We] have sacrificed to
the Earth in Chi Province; [We] have viewed and
made the sacrifice from a distance to the [Yellow]
and Lo Rivers; [We] have visited and inspected Yü
Province, where [We] looked about for [members]
of the Chou [dynastic] house, [but its direct line of
descent] has been ended and [the ancestors of the
line] have not been sacrificed to. [We] enquired
and questioned aged people and have found an indirect
descendant,[446]
[Chi] Chia. Let [Chi] Chia be
Chou [Dynasty],[449] in order to uphold the [ancestral]
sacrifices of the Chou [dynastic house]."
In the spring, the second month, the King of
In the summer, the magician Luan Ta was enfeoffed
a First [Class] General. In the sixth month, a
precious three-legged cauldron was obtained at the
side of the Sacrificial Hall to Sovereign Earth.[455]
In the autumn, a horse was born in the midst of the
Wu-wa River.[457] The songs concerning the "Precious
Three-legged Cauldron" and concerning the
"Heavenly Horse" were composed.[459]
The sons of King Hsien of Ch'ang-shan, [Liu
Shun], were set up [as kings: Liu P'ing as King of
Chen-ting and Liu] Shang1a as King of Szu-shui.[460]
In the fifth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
[the Emperor] traveled and favored Yung [by a
visit, where he] sacrificed at the altars to the Five
[Lords on High]. He thereupon crossed Lung
[Mountain], climbed K'ung-t'ung [Mountain], went
westwards to the Chia-lai River,[465] and returned [to
the capital].
In the eleventh month, the [day] hsin-szu, the
first day of the month, in the morning, was the winter
solstice;[468] [the Emperor had previously] established
the place for sacrifice to the Supreme [One] at Kan-ch'üan
[Palace, and on this morning] the Son of
presented himself [to the Supreme One]. He made
the morning sacrifice to the Sun and the evening
sacrifice to the Moon.[471]
An imperial edict said, "With Our insignificant
person [We] have been entrusted [with a position]
above that of kings and marquises, [but Our] virtue
has not yet been able to tranquillize the common
people. Some of the common people [have suffered
from] hunger and cold, hence [We] have toured
about and have sacrificed to Sovereign Earth in order
to pray for a prosperous year. At the Shui Mound
in Chi Province there thereupon appeared an inscribed
three-legged cauldron, [which We] secured
and offered[472]
[to the spirits] in the [imperial ancestral]
temple; and from the Wu-wa River there came
a horse. When We rule [the empire, We] tremble
and are circumspect,[473]
fearing that [we] are incapable
[of performing Our] duty, and thinking of
glorifying Heaven and Earth. Within [Ourself We]
ponder concerning the renewing of Ourself. The
Ode says,
"[We have] Ourselves inspected the borders and
frontiers and have made sacrifices at the farthest
places [that We have reached. When We] made the
sacrifice at a distance, presented [Ourself] to the
bodies, on the night of [the day] hsin-mao, there
were twelve shinings, like flames of light.[480] The
Book of Changes says, `[Be prepared on] the third
day before [the day] chia [i.e., the day hsin] and the
third day after [the day] chia [i.e., the day ting]'.[481]
We have been very much concerned that for years
the harvests have not all been abundant. [We] have
regulated Ourself and have fasted and purified [Ourself],[483]
and, on the [day] ting-yu [We] gave thanks
the gods]."
In the summer, the fourth month, Lü Chiab, the
killed the Han [dynasty's] envoys together with his
King, [Chao Hsing], and the Queen Dowager [née
Chiu].[487] An amnesty was granted to the empire.
On [the day] ting-ch'ou, the last day of the month,
there was an eclipse of the sun. In the autumn,
toads and frogs fought together.[490] [The Emperor]
to go out of Kuei-yang [Commandery] down the
Nieh River and the General of Towered Warships,
Yang P'u, to go out of Yü-chang [Commandery]
down the Ch'eng River. The [former] Marquis [in
the kingdom of] Yüeh, [who became the Chinese
Marquis] Who Returns to His [Proper] Fealty, Yen,
was made General of Vessels With Dagger-axes [and
sent] to go out of Ling-ling [Commandery] down the
Li River, and a certain person, [Tsu Kuang-ming],[494]
was made the General Who Can Descend the Torrents,
[and sent] to go down [from] Ts'ang-wu [Commandery].
All led criminals. From south of the
Yangtze and Huai [Rivers there were to be] warships
with towers and a hundred thousand men. A [man
of] Yüeh [who became] the Marquis Who Gallops
to His Proper Fealty, Yi2, [was to] lead separately
criminals from Pa and Shu and to mobilize the troops
of Yeh-lang [and come] down the Tsang-k'o River.
All were to meet at P'an-yü.[496]
In the ninth month,[498] those marquises were sentenced
who had offered [to the Emperor], for the
sacrificial [offering of] the eighth month fermented
wine in the [imperial] ancestral temples, [amounts
of] real gold not according to the law. [Nobĺe]
titles were taken away from a hundred and six
Chou was sent to prison, where he died.
The Marquis of Lo-t'ung, Luan Ta, was sentenced
in two at the waist.[503]
A group of a hundred thousand Western Ch'iang
revolted and communicated by an envoy with the
Huns. They attacked An-ku[504]
and besieged Fu-han.
The Huns entered Wu-yüan [Commandery]
and killed its Grand Administrator.
In the sixth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
T'ien-shui, and An-tung [Commanderies], together
with a hundred thousand soldiers of the Palace
Military Commander and Ho-nan and Ho-nei [Commanderies.
The Emperor also] sent General Li Hsi
and the Chief of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Hsü
Tzu-wei,[507] to chastize the Western Ch'iang. They
were tranquillized.
[The Emperor] traveled eastwards. When he was
about to favor Kou-shih [with a visit][510] and had
reached Tung District of Tso-yi, it was reported that
[the capital of] Nan-yüeh had been captured. He
[therefore] made [the place where he then was] the
prefecture of Wen-hsi. In the spring, when he
reached Hsin-chung District of Chi5, he received the
head of Lü Chiab, and [therefore] made [that place]
the prefecture of Huo-chia.[514] The troops of the
Marquis Who Gallops to His Proper Fealty, Yi2, had
not yet arrived when [Nan-yüeh] had been subjugated;
the Emperor immediately ordered him to
march against the southwestern barbarians. He
tranquillized them. Thereupon [the Emperor] fixed
[the administration of] the territory of [Nan]-yüeh
and made of it the commanderies of Nan-hai,
Ts'ang-wu, Yü-lin, Ho-p'u, Chiao-chih, Chiu-chen,
Jih-nan, Chu-yai, and Tan-erh; he [also] fixed [the
administration of the territory occupied by] the
southwestern barbarians and made of it the commanderies
of Wu-tu, Tsang-k'o, Yüeh-sui, Shen-li,
and Wen-shan.
In the autumn, the King of Tung-yüeh, [Tsou]
Yü-shan, rebelled and attacked and killed the Han
[dynasty's] generals and officials. [The Emperor]
sent the General Who Traverses the Seas, Han Yüeh,
and the Palace Military Commander, Wang Wen-shu,
to go out of K'uai-chi [Commandery], and the
General of Towered Warships, Yang P'u, out of
Yü-chang [Commandery] to attack [Tung-yüeh].
[The Emperor] also sent the General of Fou-chü
General of the Hun River, Chao P'o-nu, out of
Ling-chü. Both [of them marched] more than two
thousand li without meeting any caitiff [Huns], and
so returned. Thereupon [the Emperor] divided [off
pieces from] the territory of Wu-wei and Chiu-ch'üan
[Commanderies], established the commanderies
of Chang-yi and Tun-huang,[519] and moved
common people [into these places] to fill them.
In [the period] Yüan-feng,[520]
the first year, in
"[The states of] Nan-yüeh and Tung-ou have both
suffered for their crimes, [but We] have not been
quite [able to] bring the western savages and the
northern barbarians together [with Ourself] in peace.
We are going to travel and inspect the borders and
frontiers, to dismiss[523] [temporarily] the troops and
have the cohorts retreat. In person [We] shall hold
regimental generals. We Ourself shall lead the
army."
[The Emperor] traveled from Yün-yang, went
northwards, passed through Shang Commandery,
Hsi-ho [Commandery], and Wu-yüan [Commandery],
went outside the Great Wall, went northwards,
and mounted the Shan-yü's Terrace. He reached
So-fang [Commandery] and visited Po-ho. Leading
one hundred eighty thousand cavalry, his flags
and pennons traversed more than a thousand li and
his majesty terrified the Huns. He sent an envoy
to inform the Shan-yü, saying, "The head of the
King of Nan-yüeh has already been hung upon the
Northern Portal of the Han [palace]. If the Shan-yü
is able to fight a battle, the Son of Heaven, leading
[his troops] in person, is waiting at the boundary;
if [the Shan-yü] is unable [to fight the Chinese],
let him hasten to come and submit [to the Chinese
Emperor] as his subject. Why should [the Shan-yü]
uselessly flee and hide north of the [Gobi] desert,
in a cold and bitter region?" The Huns were
breathless [with fear].[527]
[The Emperor] returned and sacrificed to the
Yellow Lord upon Mount Ch'iao, then returned to
Kan-ch'üan [Palace].
[Some people of] Tung-yüeh killed their king,
[Tsou] Yü-shan, and surrendered. An imperial
edict said, "Tung-yüeh is an inaccessible and difficult
[region]. It has been vacillating [in its allegiance]
and would be a trouble in later reigns. Let
its people be moved into [the region] between the
be emptied."
In the spring, the first month, [the Emperor]
imperial edict said, "We have made offerings at
Mount Hua, have proceeded to the central [sacred]
peak, [Mount Sung-kao], and have secured a variegated
one-horned deer.[533] [We] have seen the stone
to the mother of the Hsia [dynasty] sovereign,
[Ch'i],[534] and the next day in person [We] climbed
[Mount] Sung-kao.[536] While the Secretaries Who
Accompany the [Imperial] Chariot were beside the
temple, the officials and troops all heard three shouts
[a sacred mountain or performed] rites [of sacrifice,
there has been] no [deity who has] failed to respond.
Let it be ordered that the sacrificial officials shall
add to [the official] sacrifices at [Mount] T'ai-shih
and [let there be] a prohibition, that its plants and
trees be not cut. [Let] three hundred households
at the foot of the mountain be made an estate for
upholding [its sacrifices] and let its name be called
Sung-kao; [let these people] provide only for the
sacrifices and be exempted so that they shall not
contribute anything else."
[The Emperor] traveled, and then went eastwards,
[where he] passed along and inspected the sea-coast.
the Emperor returned, and ascended and [performed
the sacrifice] feng upon Mount T'ai.[543] [The
self in the Ming-t'ang.[546] His imperial edict said,
most exalted [post. We have been] most circumspect,[549]
and have pondered that [Our] virtue is
slight and that [We] are not perfectly conversant
with the rules of proper conduct and music. [We]
have hence engaged in making sacrifices to the eight
gods[550] and so have been met with favors and gifts
from Heaven and Earth. Phenomena and signs
have appeared and have been manifested and light
[sounds] have been heard, just as if [words were
spoken].[552] [We] were terrified by these prodigies,
and wished to stop [where We were, but] did not
dare [to do so]. Thereupon [We] ascended and
[offered the sacrifice] feng upon Mount T'ai and
went to [Mount] Liang-fu; thereafter [We] ascended
and [offered the sacrifice] shan at [Mount] Su-jan.
"[We] will renew Ourself and felicitate [Our]
gentlemen and grandees by giving them [the opportunity
of making] a new beginning. Let the tenth
month [of the present year begin] the first year [of
the period] Yüan-feng.[553]
[At the places where We]
have gone and which [We] have inspected, [namely],
Po6, Feng-kao, Yi-ch'iu, Li-ch'eng, and Liang-fu,
cultivated fields of the common people and the
capitation taxes and debts [to the government] which
were in arrears; [We] additionally [grant] two bolts
of silk to each of those who are in their seventieth
year or over and to orphans and widows. [Let these]
four prefectures not [be required] to pay this year's
poll-tax (suan).[556] [We] grant to the common people
of the empire one step in noble rank and to the
women in [each] hundred households an ox and
wine."
[The Emperor] traveled from T'ai-shan [Commandery]
and again went eastwards, where he went
along the seashore to Chieh-shih. From Liao-hsi
[Commandery] he passed along the northern boundary
to Chiu-yüan, [then] returned to Kan-ch'üan
[Palace].[557]
In the autumn, a comet appeared in the [constellation]
[constellation] San-t'ai,[560] and the King of Ch'i,
[Liu] Hung1, died.
In the second year, in the winter,[561]
the tenth
the Five [Lords on High]. In the spring, he favored
Kou-shih [with a visit], and thereupon went to Tung-lai
[Commandery].[569] In the summer, the fourth
month, he returned and sacrificed at [Mount] T'ai.
He went to Hu-tzu and visited the breach [in the
dikes of the Yellow] River. He commanded those
courtiers who had followed [him], from the [rank of]
general on down, all to bear brush to stop up [the
breach] in the dike of the [Yellow] River. He made
the "Song of Hu-tzu."[570]
An amnesty was granted
to those who had been exiled [to toil at those places]
by which [the Emperor] had passed. Four piculs
of grain were granted to each orphan, childless [person],
and person advanced in years. [The Emperor]
returned [to the capital]. He had the T'ung-t'ien
Terrace built in the Kan-ch'üan [Palace] and the
Fei-lien Lodge [in the city of] Ch'ang-an.
The King of Chao-hsien, [Wei Yu-ch'ü], attacked
and killed the Chief Commandant [of the Eastern
Section in] Liao-tung [Commandery, Shê Ho];[572] thereupon [the Emperor] solicited [all the] criminals
in the empire [sentenced to] capital [punishment to
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "In an
sprung up a fungus of immortality with nine stalks
and interconnected leaves.[576] The Lords on High[577]
visit widely and do not disdain the inferior rooms;
they have granted Us an eminent favor. Let an
amnesty be granted to the empire. [Let] an ox and
wine be granted to [every] hundred households in
the Yün-yang capital."[578] The "Song of the Fungus
of Immortality Room" was made.[579]
In the autumn, a Ming-t'ang was built at the foot
[The Emperor] sent the General of Towered Warships,
Chih, leading the criminals who had responded to
[the Emperor's] solicitation, to attack Chao-hsien.
[The Emperor] also sent General Kuo Chang and a
General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household, Wei
Kuang, to mobilize the troops of Pa and Shu [Commanderies]
and tranquillize those of the southwestern
barbarians who had not yet submitted. [Upon its
conquest, this region] was made into the commandery
of Yi-chou.[585]
In the third year, in the spring, competitive games
were held and [people] from all [places] within three
hundred li [came] to look at them.[589]
In the summer, [the people of] of Chao-hsien
beheaded their King, [Wei] Yu-ch'ü, and surrendered.
Of his territory there were made the commanderies
of Lo-lang, Lin-t'un, Hsüan-t'u, and
Chen-p'an. The General of Towered Warships, Yang
P'u, was sentenced for having lost many [of his
troops in battle] and by desertion, was dismissed,
Hsün Chih, was sentenced for having [illegally]
striven for distinction and was publicly executed.
In the autumn, the seventh month, the King of
The Ti [barbarians] of Wu-tu [Commandery] rebelled;
they were divided [and a part of them] were
transported to Chiu-ch'üan Commandery.
In the fourth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
sacrificed at the altars to the Five [Lords on High].
He passed through the Hui-chung Road and then
went north out of Hsiao Pass, passing by [Mount]
Tu-lu and the Ming Marsh. From Tai [Commandery]
he then returned [to the capital] and [on
the way] favored Ho-tung [Commandery with a
visit].[599]
In the spring, the third month, he sacrificed to
We sacrificed in person to Sovereign Earth, the
Spirit of Earth in one night manifested three flames
of light, which rested upon the altar for sacrifice.
When [We] favored the palace at Chung-tu [with a
visit], above the [main] hall there appeared a light.
Let an amnesty be granted [to those] in Fen-yin,
Hsia-yang, and Chung-tu [who have committed]
crimes [deserving] capital [punishment] and less. [We]
grant to [the foregoing] three prefectures, together
with the [prefecture of] Yang-shih6, that they shall
not [be required] to pay this year's land or capitation
taxes."
In the summer there was a great drought, and
many common people died of the heat.[605] In the
autumn, it was considered that the Huns were weak
and might therefore [be induced] to submit [to the
Chinese Emperor] as subjects, hence [the Emperor]
sent envoys to persuade them [to do so]. After the
envoy of the Shan-yü arrived, he died in the [Chinese]
capital.[607] [Hence] the Huns raided the
borders, and [the Emperor] sent the General Who
Destroys the Huns, Kuo Ch'ang, to encamp in So-fang
[Commandery].[608]
In the fifth year, in the winter, [the Emperor]
traveled southwards, making a tour of inspection,[611]
and reached Sheng-t'ang. He made the sacrifice
from a distance to Yü Shun at [Mount] Chiu-yi[613]
and ascended Mount T'ien-chu in Ch'ien2 [Prefecture].
From Hsün-yang he traveled on the [Yangtze]
River, in person shot an alligator in the river,[614]
Emperor had traversed] a thousand li[618] neared
Ts'ung-yang, he disembarked. The "Songs of
Sheeng-t'ang" and "of Ts'ung-yang" were made.[619]
Thereupon he went northwards to Lang-yeh [Commandery],
where he reached the sea. Wherever he
went, he performed ceremonials and sacrifices to the
famous mountains and large streams. In the spring,
the third month, he turned back [towards the capital
and, on the way,] reached Mount T'ai, where he
added [the sacrifice] feng to [the imperial sacrifices].[622]
On [the day] chia-tzu, he sacrificed to the
Eminent Founder, [Emperor Kao], in the Ming-t'ang,
making him the coadjutor of the Lords on
kings and marquises, [at which] he received the
accounts from the commanderies and kingdoms.
In the summer, the fourth month, an imperial
edict said, "We have traveled over and inspected
Ching and Yang [Provinces], have communed with
the [spiritual] beings of the Yangtze and Huai [River
regions, and] have met with the emanations of the
Great Sea, in order that [We] might unite [these
spiritual beings for worship] at Mount T'ai, [with
the result that in heaven above [favorable] phenomena
appeared. [We] have added to and renewed
[the sacrifices] feng and shan. Let an amnesty [be
granted to] the empire. [Let] those prefectures
which [We] have favored [by a visit] not [be
required] to pay this year's land or capitation taxes.
[We] grant silk to the widowers, widows, orphans,
and childless, and grain to the poor."
[The Emperor] returned [to the capital] and
favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he
performed] the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the
Supreme [One].
The Commander-in-chief and General-in-chief,
[Wei] Ch'ing, died.
For the first time Inspectors and the regional divisions
[Because] the famous civil and military subjects
[of the dynasty] had nearly all passed away, an
imperial edict said, "Verily, if any unusual distinction
is to be achieved, it must wait for an unusual
person [to accomplish it]. Hence [just as] a horse
may bolt and kick, but may yet travel a thousand li,
[so] a gentleman may have got into difficulties by
distinction and fame. Now [what is accomplished
by] a horse who might upset the carriage or by a
gentleman who is self-willed and wild depends moreover
entirely upon how they are guided. Let it be
ordered that the provinces and commanderies shall
investigate [among their] officials and common people
whether there are any [persons of] Unusual
Degree of Accomplished Talent who might be made
generals or chancellors or sent [as envoys] to distant
countries."[632]
In the sixth year, in the winter, [the Emperor]
spring, Mount Shou Palace was built. In the third
month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Ho-tung
[Commandery with a visit, where he] sacrificed to
Sovereign Earth. His imperial edict said, "When
We performed the rites to Mount Shou, the fields
at its foot produced precious things which metamorphosed,
some [of which] became actual gold; when
[We] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth, there were three
flames of supernatural light. Let there be [granted]
an amnesty [to those in] Fen-yin [whose crimes are
those deserving] capital [punishment] and below.
[Let there] be granted one bolt of linen or of silk to
each poor person in the empire."
The K'un-ming [tribe] in Yi-chou [Commandery]
the imperial capital and ordered them to go with the
army. He sent the General Who Destroys the Huns,
Kuo Ch'ang, to lead them and attack [the K'un-ming
tribesmen].
In the summer, the common people of the imperial
capital watched some competitive games at P'ing-lo
Lodge in Shang-lin [Park]. In the autumn there
was a great drought and [a plague of] locusts.[642]
In [the period] T'ai-ch'u,[644] the first year, in the
winter, the tenth month, [the Emperor] traveled and
favored Mount T'ai [with a visit]. In the eleventh
month, on the [day] chia-tzu, the first day of the
month, in the morning, which was the winter solstice,[647]
[the Emperor] sacrificed to the Lords on
High in the Ming-t'ang.
On the [day] yi-yu, there was a visitation [of fire]
in the Po-liang Terrace.[650]
In the twelfth month, [the Emperor performed the
sacrifice] shan at [Mount] Kao-li and sacrificed to
Sovereign Earth. He went east to the P'o Sea,
[where he performed] the sacrifice from a distance
[to the immortals on the island] P'eng-lai.[652] In the
spring, he returned [to the capital] and received in
Kan-ch'üan [Palace] the [yearly] accounts [from the
commanderies and kingdoms].
In the second month, Chien-chang Palace was
built.[656]
In the summer, the fifth month, [the Emperor]
corrected the calendar and took the first month as
the beginning of the year;[660] [among] the colors, he
took yellow [as the ruling color], and [among] the
numbers, he used five.[661] He fixed official titles and
harmonized the sounds of the musical pipes.[662]
[The Emperor] sent the General of Yin-yü, Kung-sun
Ao, to build Shou-hsiang-ch'eng outside of the
Emperor] traveled and favored An-ting [Commandery
with a visit].
[The Emperor] sent the General of Sutrishna (Erh-shih),
Li Kuang-li, to mobilize the reprobated common
people of the empire, to go west and make an
expedition against Ferghana (Ta-yüan).[667]
Locusts
flew from the eastern quarter and reached Tun-huang
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
on the [day] mou-shen, the Lieutenant Chancellor,
[Shih] Ch'ing, died.[673]
In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and
favored Ho-tung [Commandery with a visit, where
he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth. He ordered that
[everyone in] the empire should [be permitted to
assemble] for universal drinking during five days, and
on the day for the lou [sacrifice], the five sacrifices
should be made to the Gates and Doors just as at the
la [sacrifice].[675]
In the summer, the fourth month, an imperial
edict said, "We have held services at Mount Chieh
and sacrificed to Sovereign Earth; at both [places]
there were lights [which appeared] in response. Let
an amnesty be granted to Fen-yin and An-yi, to
those [who have committed crimes deserving] death
[sentences] and less."
In the fifth month, the horses of the officials and
supply horses for the [military] chariots and cavalry,[680]
and in the autumn, [there was a plague of]
locusts.
[The Emperor] sent the General of [Mount] Chün-chi,
Chao P'o-nu, with twenty thousand cavalry, to
go out of So-fang [Commandery] and attack the
In the winter, the twelfth month, the Grandee
In the third year, in the spring, the first month,
[the Emperor] traveled eastwards and went along
and inspected the sea-coast.[691] In the summer, the
fourth month, he returned, and [on the way] renewed
[the sacrifice] feng on Mount T'ai and [the sacrifice]
shan on [Mount] Shih-lü.
He sent the Superintendent of the Imperial Household,
Hsü Tzu-wei, to build several forts outside the
Barrier of Wu-yüan [Commandery] northwestwards
to [Mount] Lu-ch'ü,[693]
the Scouting and Attacking
General, Han Yüeh, with troops, to garrison them,
and the Chief Commandant of Strong Crossbowmen,
Huns entered Ting-hsiang and Yün-chung [Commanderies],
killing or kidnapping several thousand
persons. They went to and ruined the various fortifications
[maintained by] Communes [that had been
built by the Superintendent of] the Imperial Household.[696]
They also entered Chang-yi and Chiu-ch'üan
[Commanderies] and killed a Chief Commandant.
In the fourth year, in the spring, there arrived the
General of Sutrishna (Erh-shih), [Li] Kuang-li, who
had had the head of the King of Ferghana (Ta-yüan)
cut off, and had secured the horses that sweat
blood.[701] The "Song of the Heavenly Horses from
In the autumn, Ming-kuang Palace was built.
In the winter, [the Emperor] traveled and favored
Chief Commandant of Hung-nung [Commandery] to
control Wu Pass; those going out and in [the Pass]
were to be taxed in order to provide supplies for the
officials and soldiers of the Pass.
In the [period] T'ien-han,[708]
the first year, in the
favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he]
performed the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the
Supreme [One]. In the third month, [the Emperor]
traveled and favored Ho-tung [Commandery with a
visit, where he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth.[712]
The Huns returned the Chinese envoys and sent a
messenger to bring tribute.[713]
In the summer, the
fifth month, an amnesty was granted to the world.
In the autumn, the city gates were closed and
and exiles were sent to encamp [as guards] in Wu-yüan
[Commandery].
In the second year, in the spring, [the Emperor]
traveled and favored Tung-hai [Commandery with
a visit]. He returned and favored Hui-chung
[Palace with a visit].
In the summer, the fifth month, the General of
Sutrishna (Erh-shih), [Li Kuang-li], with thirty
thousand horsemen, went out of Chiu-ch'üan [Commandery]
and fought [a battle] with the [Hun]
Worthy King of the West at the T'ien Mountains,
[in which he] cut off heads and took prisoners [to
the number of] more than ten thousand. [The
Emperor] also sent the General of Yin-yü, [Kung-sun
Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Li Ling, leading five
thousand foot-soldiers, went out of Chü-yen, went
north, and fought [battles] with the Shan-yü, cutting
off heads and [taking] captives [to the number of]
more than ten thousand. [Li] Ling's troops were
defeated and [he] surrendered to the Huns.
In the autumn, those shamans who made sacrifices
was a great search.
Six states, [including the state of] Ch'ü-li, sent
messengers bringing tribute.[730]
In T'ai-shan and Lang-yeh [Commanderies], crowds
of robbers, [led by] Hsü P'o and others, obstructed
the mountain [passes] and attacked cities, [so that]
the roads and highways were blocked.[733] [The Emperor]
sent Special Commissioners, Pao Shen-chih
and others, clad in embroidered clothes and bearing
axes, in separate parties, to pursue and arrest [the
wrong-doers]. Inspectors, Commandery Administrators,
and lower [officials] all suffered execution.[735]
In the winter, the eleventh month, an imperial edict
to the Chief Commandants of the Passes said, "At
present many of the braves and stalwarts [of the
capital commanderies] have relationships [with people]
at a distance and attach themselves to the groups
of bandits in the east. Be careful in investigating
those who come and go [through the passes]."
In the third year, in the spring, the second month,
the Grandee Secretary, Wang Ch'ing, who had committed
For the first time there was created a [government]
monopoly of [brewing] fermented drink and selling
it.[742]
In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and
[the sacrifice] feng and sacrificed in the Ming-t'ang.
Thereupon he received the [yearly] accounts [from
the commanderies and kingdoms]. He returned and
favored the northern regions[744] [of the empire with a
visit, where he] sacrificed to Mount Ch'ang and
buried black jade.[745] In the summer,[746] the fourth
month, an amnesty was granted to the empire and
[the places through which the Emperor] had passed
in his travels [were allowed] not to pay the land tax.
In the autumn, the Huns entered Yen-men [Commandery].
for cowardice and timidity and was publicly executed.[751]
In the fourth year,[754] in the spring, the first
month, the court for the vassal kings was held in
Kan-ch'üan Palace.
[The Emperor] mobilized the seven classes of reprobated
persons[757]
in the empire together with resolute
and courageous gentlemen, and sent the General
of Sutrishna (Erh-shih), Li Kuang-li, leading sixty
thousand cavalry and seventy thousand foot-soldiers,
to go out of So-fang [Commandery]; the General of
Yin-yü, Kung-sun Ao, [leading] ten thousand
cavalry and thirty thousand foot-soldiers, to go out
of Yen-men [Commandery]; and the Scouting and
Attacking General, Han Yüeh, [leading] thirty
thousand foot-soldiers, to go out of Wu-yüan [Commandery].
The Chief Commander of Strong Crossbowmen,
Lu Po-tê, [leading] more than ten thousand
foot-soldiers, effected a junction with the [General
of] Sutrishna (Erh-shih). [Li] Kuang-li fought
battles with the Shan-yü on the Yü-wu River for
[several] successive days. [Kung-sun] Ao fought
a battle with the Worthy King of the East, [but]
In the summer, the fourth month, [the Emperor]
Ch'ang-yi.[761]
In the autumn, the ninth month, [the Emperor]
crimes [could] diminish their death [sentences by]
one degree by paying[763] five hundred thousand cash
as a ransom.
In [the period] T'ai-shih,[765]
the first year, in the
[Kung-sun] Ao, who had committed crimes, was
Braves and stalwarts from among the officials and
common people of the commanderies and kingdoms
were moved to Mou-ling and Yün-yang.[771]
In the
to the empire.
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
[the Emperor] traveled and favored Hui-chung
[Palace with a visit]. In the third month, an
imperial edict said, "The high officials have discussed
and said that when formerly We made the suburban
sacrifice [in which We] presented [Ourself] to the
Lords on High and went westwards and ascended
[Mount] Lung-shou, [We] captured a white unicorn
and used it as an offering in the [imperial] ancestral
temple, the Wu-wa River produced a heavenly
horse, and actual gold was discovered on Mount
T'ai,[779] [hence] it is proper that [We] should change
[some] former appellations. Now [We] change
[the shape for ingots of] actual gold to have that of
unicorns' feet and fine horses' hoofs, in order to
accord with these auspicious presages, and use them
to distribute among the vassal kings as grants to
them."[780]
In the autumn, there was a drought. In the
ninth month, those who had committed capital
crimes were solicited [each] to pay five hundred
thousand cash as ransom in order to diminish their
death [sentence by] one degree.[785]
The Grandee Secretary, Tu Chou, died.
In the third year, in the spring, the first month,
Palace [with a visit, where he] banqueted his guests
from foreign countries. In the second month, he
ordered that [everyone] in the empire should [be
permitted to assemble] for universal drinking during
five days. He traveled and favored Tung-hai
[commandery with a visit, where he] secured [some]
red wild geese. The "Red Wild Goose Song" was
made.[791] He favored Lang-yeh [Commandery with
a visit, where he] paid rites to the Sun at Mount
Ch'eng and ascended [Mount] Chih-fou. When
he floated upon the ocean [in a boat], the mountains
called out, "Long life [to the Emperor]." In the
winter he granted five thousand cash to the households
by which he had passed, and to widowers,
widows, orphans, and childless, one bolt of silk per
person.
In the fourth year, in the spring, the third month,
[with a visit]. On the [day] jen-wu, he sacrificed
Kao], as the coadjutor of the Lords on High. Thereupon
he received the [yearly] accounts [from the
commanderies and kingdoms]. On [the day] kuei-wei,
he sacrificed in the Ming-t'ang to Emperor
Hsiao-ching. On [the day] chia-shen, he renewed
[the sacrifice] feng. On [the day] ping-hsü, [he
performed the sacrifice] shan at [Mount] Shih-lü.
In the summer, the fourth month, he favored Pu-chi
[with a visit] and when he sacrificed at Chiao-men
Palace to the supernatural persons [of P'eng-lai],
it was as if there were [some of these immortals]
who made obeisance towards the [Emperor's]
throne.[803] The "Chiao-men Song" was made. In
the summer, the fifth month, [the Emperor] returned
and favored Chien-chang Palace [with a visit, where
he] held a great feast and [granted] an amnesty to
the empire.
In the autumn, the seventh month, in [the kingdom
of] Chao, there were snakes who [came from]
outside of the outer wall, entered the city, and fought
in droves with the snakes inside the city at the foot
of the temple to [Emperor] Hsiao-wen, [so that]
the snakes inside the city died.[807] In the winter,
of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
In the twelfth month, [the Emperor] traveled and
the altars to the Five [Lords on High. Then he]
went west to An-ting and Po-ti [Commanderies].
In [the period] Cheng-ho,[813]
the first year, in the
traveled and favored Chien-chang Palace [with a
visit].
In the third month, the King of Chao, [Liu]
In the winter, the eleventh month, [the Emperor]
to make a grand search in Shang-lin
[Park]. He had the city gates of Ch'ang-an closed
for the search to the eleventh day, and then they
[case] arose.[823]
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Kung-sun] Ho, was
sent to prison and died, and in the summer, the
fourth month, a great wind blew away houses and
broke trees, [then] in the intercalary month, the
Princess of Chu-yi and the Princess of Yang-shih5
were both sentenced for witchcraft and black magic
and died.
In the summer, [the Emperor] traveled and favored
Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit], and in the
autumn, the seventh month, the Marquis of An[831] -tao,
Han Yüeh, the [Special] Commissioner [Clad in
Embroidered Garments], Chiang Ch'ung, and others
dug up black magic [charms] in the Palace of the
Heir-apparent. On [the day] jen-wu, the Heir-apparent,
[Liu Chü], and the Empress [née Wei]
plotted and beheaded [Chiang] Ch'ung. By means
of credentials, they mobilized troops and fought a
great battle with the Lieutenant Chancellor, Liu
Ch'u-li, in Ch'ang-an, [in which] the dead
[numbered] several tens of thousands. On [the
day] keng-yin, the Heir-apparent fled and the
Empress [née Wei] committed suicide. For the
first time troops garrisoning the city gates were
established. The [imperial] credentials were changed
Grandee Secretary, Pao Sheng-chih, and the Director
of Justice [to the Lieutenant Chancellor],
T'ien Jen, were sentenced for negligence in allowing
[the Heir-apparent] to escape. [Pao] Sheng-chih
committed suicide and [T'ien] Jen was cut in two
at the waist. In the eighth month, on [the day]
hsin-hai, the Heir-apparent committed suicide at
Hu2, and on [the day] kuei-hai, there was an earthquake.[839]
In the ninth month, [the Emperor] established
[Liu P'eng-tsu], as King of P'ing-kan.[841]
The Huns entered Shang-ku and Wu-yüan [Commanderies],
killing and kidnapping officials and
common people.
In the third year, in the spring, the first month,
visit]. He went to An-ting and Po-ti [Commanderies].
The Huns entered Wu-yüan and Chiu-ch'üan
[Commanderies] and killed two Chief Commandants.
In the third month, [the Emperor] sent the General
seventy thousand men, out of Wu-yüan [Commandery];
the Grandee Secretary, Shang-ch'iu Ch'eng,
with twenty thousand men, out of Hsi-ho [Commandery];
and the Marquis of Chung-ho, Ma T'ung,
with forty thousand cavalry, out of Chiu-ch'üan
[Commandery. Shang-ch'iu] Ch'eng reached the
caitiff [Huns], cutting off many heads. [Ma]
T'ung reached the T'ien Mountains. The caitiff
[Huns] led away [their troops]; thereupon he
[brought about] the surrender of Turfan (Chü-shih).[849]
Both [of these generals] led their troops
[safely] back [to China, but Li] Kuang-li was defeated
and surrendered to the Huns.[850]
In the summer, the fifth month, an amnesty [was
granted to] the empire and in the sixth month, the
Lieutenant Chancellor, [Liu] Ch'u-li, was sent to
prison and was [executed by being] cut in two at the
waist; his wife's head was exposed in public.[853]
In the autumn, [there was a plague of] locusts.
In the ninth month, the rebels Kung-sun Yung and
Hu Ch'ien were discovered and both suffered for
their crimes.
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,
[the Emperor] traveled, favored Tung-lai [Commandery
with a visit], and went to [the shore of]
the ocean. In the second month, on [the day]
ting-yu, two meteorites fell at Yung and the noise
third month, the Emperor plowed [the sacred field]
at Chü-ting. He returned and favored Mount T'ai
[with a visit, where he] renewed [the sacrifice]
feng. On [the day] keng-yin, he sacrificed in the
Ming-t'ang. On [the day] kuei-szu, [he performed
the sacrifice] shan at [Mount] Shih-lü. In the
summer, the sixth month, he returned and favored
Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit]. In the autumn,
the eight month, on [the day] hsin-yu, the last day
of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
In [the year period] Hou-yüan,[869]
the first year,
traveled and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace, where] he
performed the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the
Supreme [One]. Thereupon he favored An-ting
[Commandery with a visit].
The King of Ch'ang-yi, [Liu] Po6, died.
In the second month, an imperial edict said,
"When We presented [Ourself] in the suburban
sacrifice to the Lords on High, [We had previously]
traveled along the northern border and had seen a
flock of cranes stop and settle. Because [We] did
not spread any nets [for them, We] did not capture
any as an offering.[876] When we made offerings at
the altar to the Supreme [One], both [supernatural]
lights and signs appeared. Let an amnesty [be
granted] to the empire."
In the summer, the sixth month, the Grandee
Secretary, Shang-ch'iu Ch'eng, who had committed
crimes, killed himself.[878]
The Palace Attendant Supervisor, Ma Ho-lo,[879]
with his younger brother, the Marquis of Chung-ho,
[Ma] T'ung, planned to rebel. The Palace Attendant
and Chief Commandant of Auxiliary
Cavalry, Chin Mi-ti, the Chief Commandant Custodian
of Imperial Equipages, Ho Kuang, and the
Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Shang-kuan Chieh,
[places] gushing springs appeared.
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
Kan-ch'üan Palace and made grants to the imperial
house. In the second month, [the Emperor] favored
Wu-tso Palace at Chou-chih.[889]
On [the day] yi-ch'ou, he established his Imperial
on [the day] ting-mao, the Emperor died in Wu-tso
Palace. [His body] was encoffined in the Front
Hall of Wei-yang Palace. In the third month, on
[the day] chia-shen, he was buried in the Mou
Tomb.
In eulogy we say: The Han [dynasty] inherited
the evils of the many Kings; the Eminent Founder,
[Emperor Kao], established order [out of] confusion
and turned [things] aright.[893]
The attention of
[Emperors] Wen and Ching was [directed to]
nurturing the common people, [but] in the matters
of investigating ancient [practices] and of respecting
literature they still had many defects. When [Emperor]
Hsiao-wu first came to the throne, he
abolished and dismissed [the study of] the many
[non-Confucian] schools [of philosophy] in a surpassing
manner, [thus] making known and rendering
illustrious the six [Confucian] classics.[894]
Thereupon
he [had all the officials] within the [four]
seas "search for [intelligent persons who could accord
talented and excellent; [then] he gave them [the
opportunity to] distinguish themselves. He founded
the [Imperial] University, renewed the suburban
[and other] sacrifices, corrected the commencement
[of the year], fixed the calculation of the calendar,
harmonized the [musical] notes and musical tubes,
composed songs and music, established [the sacrifices]
feng and shan, worshipped the various divinities,
and gave [a noble appointment] by succession
to the posterity of the Chou [dynasty]. His commands
and his ordinances, his writings and literary
compositions are splendid and may be transmitted
[to posterity, so that] his descendants are able to
follow his grand achievements and possess the fame
of the three [great] dynasties.[898]
If Emperor Wu, with his superior ability and his
great plans, had not departed from the modesty and
economy of [Emperors] Wen and Ching, and if, by
means of [these principles], he had helped the common
people, in what respects could [any of] those
[heroes who are] praised in the Book of Odes or the
Book of History have surpassed him?[899]
Down to this point, SC ch. 12 is practically the same as HS ch. 6. From this point
on, the rest of SC ch. 12 is a reproduction of the second part of SC ch. 28, the "Book on
the Sacrifices Feng and Shan." The remainder of HS ch. 6 seems to be a compilation
from other sources; cf. the Introduction, p. 1 ff.
Han Fei-tzu, ch. 20 (Liao's trans., p. 178) defines fang [OMITTED] as follows: "To act fang is
to have one's thoughts and deeds correspond to each other, to make one's words and acts
balance."
For the first use of the phrase, "speak frankly and admonish unflinchingly," cf.
4: 9a. HS 56: 1b-3a makes plain that the Emperor himself set questions about the
ancient and present ways of government and that over a hundred persons wrote answers
which the Emperor read in person, and as a result Tung Chung-shu was made Chancellor
of Chiang-tu and Chuang Tsu was promoted to be a Palace Grandee (64: 1a).
Chang Yen says, "[Those who were exempted from] two suan were exempted from
the suan for two persons. [Those who] fu chia-tsu [OMITTED] were not [required] to
participate in [paying] the tax for military purposes."
Cf. 24 B: 12a. These were abolished in the spring of 136 B.C. Cf. 6: 3b, 24 B:
12b. "Cash" is the common word for the round, square-holed Chinese copper coins.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Those fifty years of age are called ai [OMITTED]". Wang
Nien-sun (1744-1832) notes that the Ching-yu ed. (1034-5) writes [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED] of the
other editions: anciently these two words were interchanged; somebody did not recognize
the ancient writing, so exchanged these words.
Cf. 4: 7a, b. Li T'zu-ming (1824-1894) says that the [OMITTED] of the text must be the
present [OMITTED], for the Shuo-wen does not have the former, only the latter word.
Meng K'ang comments, "These were prayers for agriculture. They were instituted
at this time and the annual [services] were made a regular [institution]. Hence it says,
`For the annual services.' "
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) writes, "When Wu, Ch'u and [the others of] the Seven
States had rebelled, the wives and children of those who had taken the lead in this matter
had been condemned to be government slaves and slave women. Emperor Wu pitied
them, freed, and sent them all to [their homes]." For this rebellion, cf. 5: 4a.
Yen Shih-ku remarks, "In the pastures for rearing [government] horses, the people
were formerly not allowed to cut grass, pasture [animals], or pick firewood. Now [this
law forbidding such use of the government pastures] was abolished." Emperor Ching
had established these pastures; cf. 24 A: 15b.
This proposal to erect a Ming-t'ang, for which Shen P'ei was summoned, was not
carried out; it was initiated under the influence of Chao Wan and Wang Tsang; the
opposition of the Grand Empress Dowager née Tou caused them to be sentenced and to
commit suicide, whereupon the whole matter was dropped for some time. Cf. Glossary
sub Shen P'ei; Mh III, 461, 462; HS 22: 4a.
The rushes on the wheels were to make this chariot (which was furnished with seats)
more comfortable. In ordinary chariots, riders stood.
Ying Shao explains, "[According to] the principles of proper conduct, women
should not take part in governmental matters. At this time the Emperor was already
himself overseeing the multifarious duties [of the government] in person. Wang Tsang
was a Confucian and wanted to set up a Ming-t'ang and a Pi-yung. The [Grand] Empress
Dowager had always been fond of the practises of the Yellow [Lord] and Lao-[tzu], and
disapproved and scorned the Five Classics. Because [Wang Tsang] wanted to put an
end to the memorializing of matters to Empress Dowagers, the [Grand] Empress Dowager
became angry. Hence she killed him." Cf. 52: 4b; Glossary sub vocibus.
The Han-chi (by Hsün Yüeh, 148-209) 10: 1b and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084)
17: 9a add the word hsing [OMITTED] at this point; Wang Nien-sun thinks it has dropped out
of the text, saying that the sentence does not make sense without this word. Chou
Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) objects that the text is correct; something appeared at night
which could hardly have been called the sun and yet could not be called a star. The
Wen-hsien T'ung-K'ao 284: 1a, by Ma Tuan-lin (xiv cent.) lists this event without the
word hsing; the Hsi-Han Hui-yao (by Hsü T'ien-lin) 29: 9a, lists it in the same fashion.
This event was possibly the appearance of a fireball or a large meteor.
This is comet no. 27 in J. Williams, Observations of Comets Extracted from the Chinese
Annals. Cf. also G. F. Chambers, Descriptive Astronomy, IV ed., I, p. 555.
The text reads [OMITTED], but 47: 6a and 14: 12a read the first word as [OMITTED], which is the
modern name of the place. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) suggests that the text arose
from a confusion with [OMITTED]. For these events and locations, cf. Glossary, sub vocibus.
Note the transportation of troops by sea-going vessels. For this affair, cf. Glossary
sub vocibus.
The three-shu cash had been ordered to be coined in the spring of 140. Now the
half-tael cash were again coined. Cf. 6: 2a.
It is far from certain that there were only five Erudits; but Emperor Hsüan increased
their number to twelve, so that it is likely that [OMITTED] here refers both to the number of the
Classics and to the number of the Erudits. Like the Ch'in First Emperor, Emperor
Wen had probably had 70 Erudits, who were expert in the various philosophies; Emperor
Wu's law of 141 B.C. (6: 1b, 2a) had dismissed most of them. That these were the same
Five Classics as those now enumerated is shown by Pan Ku's listing of the imperial
Erudits in accordance with their specialties: on the Book of Changes (HS 88: 6a), of
History (88: 11a), of Odes (88: 15b), of Rites (the Yi-li, 88: 20b), and the Spring and
Autumn with the Kung-yang Commentary (88: 21b).
Yen Shih-ku writes, "The phrases pien-tien [OMITTED] (side-hall), pien-shih [OMITTED] (side-chamber),
and pien-tso [OMITTED] (side-sanctum), all [mean] not the principal or large places,
[but] those where [people] go for convenience (pien) and rest. The funerary park (yüan
[OMITTED]) was made above the ling [OMITTED]; since it had a central funerary chamber (cheng-ch'in
[OMITTED]) like the Main Hall (cheng-tien) [of the palace] in his life, there were also built
side-halls (pien-tien) as places of rest and relaxation. . . . Their meanings may be found
from the memoirs of Shih Chien [46: 2a], Wei Hsüan-ch'eng [73: 9b], K'ung Kuang
[81: 15a, 22a] and others." But according to 73: 9b, only the daily sacrifices to the departed
were offered in the funerary chambers; the monthly sacrifices were performed in
the funerary temples and the seasonal sacrifices (which were naturally the most solemn
of all) were performed in the side halls. Ju Shun says that the side halls were "the
central main halls," which statement is contradicted by Yen Shih-ku, apparently without
any evidence except for the name of these buildings. Seemingly the spirit of the deceased
ruler was conceived as residing in his Main Funerary Chamber, where his daily
meals were offered; at special times he was invited to repair to his Funerary Temple or
his Side Hall, where more elaborate festivals were held. Since the sacrifices in the side
halls occurred even less frequently (and hence were more grandiose) than those in the
funerary temples, the former must have been more elaborate structures than even the
latter. Ju Shun therefore seems correct in making them the chief buildings at the imperial
tombs.
Hu San-hsing (1230-1287), in a note to Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 17: 14a, quotes Shen Yo
(441-513) as saying, "The various tombs (ling) of the Han dynasty all had parks (yüan)
and funerary chambers (ch'in), following the practise of the Ch'in [dynasty]. Those who
explained [things] considered that anciently in front [there was] the sacrificial hall
(miao [OMITTED]) and in the rear [there was] the funerary chamber (ch'in), just as for the Lord
of Men, [the Emperor], there is in front the reception hall (ch'ao [OMITTED]) and in the rear
there is his bedroom (ch'in). The sacrificial hall (miao) is to contain the tablet (chu [OMITTED]),
[which is] sacrificed to at the four seasons; the funerary chamber (ch'in) contains clothes
and hats, like those [worn] in [his] lifetime, [before which] to offer first-offerings. The
Ch'in [dynasty] first removed the funerary hall (ch'in) and built it at the side of the
grave (mu [OMITTED]); the Han [dynasty] followed suit and did not change [the arrangement of
the funerary buildings]. When Emperor Wu [d. A.D. 220] of the Wei [dynasty] was
buried at the Kao Tomb (ling), the high officials, following [the practises of] the Han
[dynasty], established a sacrificial hall (tien) at his ling. Emperor Wen [of the Wei
dynasty, 220-226,] thought that anciently there was no sacrifice at the tomb (mu),
[but the sacrifices] were all set out in the sacrificial hall (miao). The halls (tien) and
houses (wu [OMITTED]) on the Kao Tomb (ling) [for Emperor Wu of the Wei dynasty] were all
torn down; the chariots and horses were returned to the stables; the clothes and robes
were sent back to the treasury and storehouse, and Emperor Wen himself made funerary
regulations. [Emperor Wen] also said, `At my tomb (shou-ling), do not establish a
funerary chamber (ch'in), a hall (tien), or make a park and town [of tomb-keepers].'
From this [time] until the present, the funerary chamber (ch'in) at a ling has therefore
ceased [to be established]."
HS 27 Cb: 22b reads, "In Chien-yüan VI, the sixth month, [July, 135 B.C.] a comet
appeared in the northern quarter. . . . In the eighth month [Sept.], a long comet appeared
in the eastern quarter, as long as the whole sky. On the thirtieth day it left. The
diviner said, `This is the Flag of Ch'ih-yu.' " These two appearances (they may have
been from the same comet) are Williams' nos. 29 & 30. The first appearance is not mentioned
in the "Annals." This comet may have been the one that appeared at the birth
of Mithridates, cf. Chambers, Descriptive Astronomy, I, p. 555.
The text writes "Grand Minister of Agriculture"; but that title was not established
until 104 B.C.; the term in use at this time is substituted in the translation.
Fu Tsang (fl. ca. 285) says, "Because the long comet was seen, it was [named]
Yüan-kuang [lit. "grand light"]." (The present reading is san [OMITTED] instead of ch'ang [OMITTED]
["long (comet)"]; Ch'ien Ta-chao says that san should be ch'ang; the Official ed. has
emended accordingly.)
Filially Pious and Incorrupt were not official titles, but qualities supposed to be
possessed by certain persons, who were recommended to the imperial court because they
were said to have these qualities. These terms came however to be used in the same
way as official titles. Yen Shih-ku writes, "[The appellation of] `Filially pious' denotes
those who are good at serving their fathers and mothers; [the appellation of] `Incorrupt'
denotes those who are pure and irreproachable and show incorruptibility and integrity."
Yü Yüeh (1821-1906) explains that each commandery and kingdom was to recommend
two persons, not one, for some persons were recommended for filial piety and others for
incorruptibility. The first virtue was considered more important than the other.
Cf. 6: 9b, 50: 5b.
The text writes "Palace Military Commander," but Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768)
notes that, according to 19 B: 13b, the Palace Military Commander at this time was
Chang Ou and that, according to 54: 3a, Li Kuang3 was Commandant of the Palace Guard
at Wei-yang Palace and Ch'eng Pu-shih was Commandant of the Palace Guard at
Ch'ang-lo Palace, which statement is confirmed by 52: 9b. HS 19 B: 15a moreover
records that in this year Li Kuang3 became the Commandant of the Palace Guards (there
was one such official in charge of all the palace guards; sometimes special Commandants
of the Palace Guards were appointed to individual palaces). Hence the [OMITTED] in the text
should be emended to read [OMITTED]. It is natural that some copyist should have thought
that there could not have been two persons with the same title.
The second word in the phrase hsing-ts'o [OMITTED] (or [OMITTED]) had in Han times and earlier
both the meaning "to establish" and "to disuse." The latter meaning is plainly to be
found in HS 4: 22a, which must be interpreted to mean that Emperor Wen "set aside
punishments [without using them]." The former meaning is illustrated in Hsün-tzu,
ch. 28, 20: 3a (Wang Hsien-ch'ien's ed.), "For this reason the severity of [the ancient
sage-kings] was exhibited but not used and the [mutilating] punishments were established
but not employed [OMITTED]," in which passage parallelism
compels us to interpret ts'o as meaning "establish." Any other interpretation makes the
sentence a stupid tautology. The same sentence (without the [OMITTED]) is found in Hsün-tzu
ch. 15, 10: 14b as a quotation from some ancient book. My translation of the latter
passage, "punishments should be established but not used," is approved by Duyvendak
("Notes on Dubs's Translation of Hsün-tzu," T'oung Pao, 1932, p. 25), who himself
translates the phrase [OMITTED], which is the title of Paragraph 9 in the Book of Lord Shang
(p. 238) as, "Establishing Laws."
The connection between the meanings, "establish" and "disuse" is supplied by a
sentence in SC ch. 4 (Mh I, 250), "During the time of [Kings] Ch'eng and K'ang [of the
Chou dynasty, the civilized] world was calm and peaceful, [so that the mutilating] punishments
were established for more than forty years, [but] not used [OMITTED]."
(Chavannes translates differently.) Ying Shao, in a note to this passage, interprets
ts'o by chih [OMITTED], to establish, and adds, "The common people did not violate the laws,
[hence] there was no cause [for suffering in] establishing the [mutilating] punishments
[OMITTED]." This interpretation of ts'o by chih is repeated by Yen Shih-ku in a note
to HS 6: 4a and by Yang Liang in a note to Hsün-tzu 20: 3b. It is approved by Wang
Nien-sun in a note to Hsün-tzu 10: 14b, who adds the explanation [OMITTED]. The saying
from the Hsün-tsu is also quoted in SC ch. 23 (Mh III, 220). The passage in SC ch. 4 is
abbreviated in HS 23: 23a12.
This saying is explained by two sentences in the Bamboo Books (Chu-shu Chi-nien,
Legge, Chin. Clas. III, i, 147, 149; [which saying may however have been inserted as a
result of the statements in the SC and Hsün-tzu]): sub King Ch'eng, XXI yr., "[King
Ch'eng] did away with government [by the use of] symbolic [punishments] [OMITTED]," and
sub King Chao, I yr., "[King Chao] reestablished the symbolic [punishments] [OMITTED]."
Forty-four years are supposed to have elapsed between these two dates. The implication
is that during this period of forty-odd years, the ruler's virtue caused the people to be
free from crime, so that even the symbolic punishments were not used, hence the rulers
established the ancient cruel mutilating punishments because there was no need to employ
them. Hence hsing-ts'o always means "the punishments were established," and the tradition
about Kings Ch'eng and K'ang gave it the connotation of "establishing but not
employing punishments," so that the phrase came to imply "the punishments were
disused." It is necessary to understand the details of Confucian mythological history in
order to interpret Chinese phrases. Cf. also App. II.
The passage in single quotation marks is a quotation from the Ta-Tai Li-chi, Ch.
76, 11: 9a, although that passage refers to Shun, Yü, T'ang, and King Wen. The "Preface"
to the Book of History, verse 56 (Legge, p. 12; part of the ancient text, but
quoted in SC 4: 41, cf. Mh I, 249) reads, "When King Ch'eng had punished the eastern
barbarians, the Su-shen came to congratulate him." For these place-names, cf. Glossary
and Mh I, 89, n. 4.
For the diagram from the Yellow River and the book from the Lo River, cf. Book
of Changes, App. III, ch. XI, Sect. 73 (Legge, p. 374); Glossary, sub vocibus.
According to 56: 1b, Tung Chung-shu was recommended as a Capable and Good
and answered the examination questions "when Emperor Wu ascended the throne."
That passage moreover quotes another edict of the Emperor, similar to this one. HS 6:
1b records that Capable and Good were promoted in Nov. 141 B.C.; presumably they
were also examined at that time. Ssu-ma Kuang has followed the biography and dated
Tung Chung Shu's advancement in 141 B.C. (cf. n. 1.6).
According to 58: 1b, when Emperor Wu came to the throne, Kung-sun Hung1 was then
in his sixtieth year, was summoned as a Capable and Good, and was made an Erudit.
Later he was dismissed, but was again, in 130 B.C., sent to the court as a Capable and
Good. According to 64 A: 1a, Chuang Tsu was also sent to the court as a Capable and
Good and promoted to be Palace Grandee because of his answers to the examination
questions; Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that this was in Nov. 141 B.C. Shen Ch'in-han
(1775-1832) thinks that possibly all three of these persons were promoted in the same
year. The disagreement between these biographies and the "Annals" makes us suspect
this notation concerning Tung Chung-shu and Kung-sun Hung; it seems out of place in
an "Annals" devoted to important governmental affairs; probably it is an interpolation.
Cf. Glossary, sub Wang K'uei; SC 110: 43, 44 = HS 94 A: 16a, b = de Groot,
Die Hunnen, p. 95 ff.
The Yellow River had previously followed approximately the course of the present
Grand Canal, and entered the sea near Tientsin; now it changed its course, but still
flowed into the present Gulf of Chihli. This change was followed, a few months later,
by the breach at Hu-tzu, after which the River flowed into the Yellow Sea. Tun-ch'iu
was not far from Hu-tzu.
The names of these persons are not given and there were no such enfeoffments made
for the first time in this year. There are however recorded in this year as being enfeoffed
by succession the following: Chang Kuang-kuo as Marquis of Sui-ling, because he was
the younger brother of Chang Sheng, the great-grandson of Chang Ao (16: 46a), and
Kuan Hsien as Marquis of Lin-ju, because he was the grandson of Kuan Ying (16: 15b).
(His appointment is listed for the second year, which is possibly a mistake for the third
year, since the previous marquis of Lin-ju, Yang Wu-hai, was dismissed in the second
year. Cf. 16: 36a.) The other three persons are not mentioned in the "Tables," so that
ch. 16 and 17 lack the names of some marquises. Chou Shou-ch'ang suggests that
all these five enfeoffments were enfeoffments by succession, and that the word [OMITTED]
has dropped out of the text just before [OMITTED]. These appointments show the high honor
in which were held those who assisted in the founding of the dynasty.
HS 29: 6a, b, following SC 29: 8, says that the Yellow River broke its dikes at
Hu-tzu, turned into the Chü-yeh Marsh, and ran into the Huai and Szu Rivers. Su Lin
(fl. 196-227) says that the breach was south of Chüan-ch'eng [OMITTED] and north of P'u-yang.
(Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that Hu-tzu was a dike in P'u-yang prefecture.)
The Hsi-ching Tsa-chi 2: 6b (vi cent.) says, "At Hu-tzu, when the [Yellow] River broke
its dikes, a chiao dragon [possibly an alligator], followed by nine young, from within the
breach, went against the current up into the River, spurting out foam and making waves
for several tens of li," which statement is probably based on a line of Emperor Wu's poem
in HS 29: 10a. This breach was closed in 109 B.C.: cf. 6: 26b.
HS 97 A: 11a says that only the Empress née Ch'en's daughter, Ch'u-fu, had her
head impaled on a stake in the market-place; more than three hundred persons were
executed as accomplices. Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) thinks that [OMITTED] is an interpolation
and that the last clause should be translated in the singular number. Black
magic, [OMITTED] ku, was thought to act as a love philter and to punish a faithless lover. Cf.
Introduction to this chapter, p. 18 ff; H. Y. Feng and J. R. Shryock in Jour. Amer. Or.
Soc'y Mar. 1935, pp. 1-30.
This record is repeated in 27 Bb: 20a. Other plagues of ming are mentioned in
HHS, Tr. 16: 7a, b, under dates of 82, 175, and 185 A.D., as early as July/Aug. and as
late as Sept./Oct. The localities are from the modern K'ai-feng to the neighborhood
of Ch'ang-an. The Spring and Autumn notes ming in 718 B.C. and later; cf. Legge,
p. 18.
In a note to Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu 18: 12b, "Pu-ch'ü," Kao Yu (fl. 205-212) remarks,
"Huang [OMITTED] are insects. When they eat the heart [of plants], they are called ming [OMITTED].
When they eat the leaves, they are called t'eng [OMITTED]. Today in Yen Province [present
Shantung, Honan], they say that huang are t'eng." Thus the ming would appear to have
been a worm or grub. Mr. J. A. Hunter, writing from near Peiping, says that the farmers
around there call the army worm or any worm on the grain a ming-ch'ung [OMITTED], and also
call small moths by this name. Mr. Raymond T. Moyer, writing from Taiku, Shansi,
reports that farmers there know as ming a stem borer of rice and of millet.
The ancient literary Chinese do not however seem to have been exact in their use of
the word ming. Shuo-wen (100 A.D.) 13 A: 6a10 defines ming as "Insects that eat the
leaves of plants." Mr. Moyer says that the nymphs of locusts appear in great swarms
and do much damage. In all probability, ming was a common noun applied to various
insects; there likely were local variations in the designation intended by this word and
the intelligensia may not have clearly understood the distinctions made by farmers.
The text here reads hsü [OMITTED]; the Sung Ch'i ed. (xii cent.) notes that the Ancient
Text (before vi cent.) read instead chi1 [OMITTED]; Yen Shih-ku's (636-641) comment uses chi1
and 12: 6a has a similar phrase with chi1. The T'ung-tien (by Tu Yu, 735-812) 13: 5a,
"Hsüan-chü," 1, quotes this order with chi1; the T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan (978-983), 628: 3a "Sect.
on Chih-tao," 9, has the same reading. The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 18: 10b (1084) has hsü,
so that in its time the HS already contained this error. Wang Nien-sun concludes
that the reading chi1 is correct.
The Official ed. reads [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED].
Yen Shih-ku explains, "The chi2-chê [OMITTED] was the messenger who presented [to the
imperial court] the accounts and registers [OMITTED]. Every year the commanderies
and kingdoms sent him to the imperial capital to present them. Chieh [OMITTED]
is together [OMITTED]. [The Emperor] ordered that the persons who were summoned
should come with the person who presented the accounts and that the prefectures where
they sojourned were to furnish (chi1) them with food. Later generations were deceived
and mistaken in transmitting [the interpretation of] this passage, hence generally said
that the presenters of the accounts were chi1-chieh. K'an Ying [fl. ca. 422] did not
examine carefully, and erroneously gave such an explanation, saying, `The Ch'in and
Han [dynasties] called the officials who came to court for the nobles by the name of
chi2-chieh. Chieh is [OMITTED] (to sojourn).' In the Chin dynasty there were chi2-chieh-pu [OMITTED].
[People] also changed chieh to [OMITTED] (steps, to mount), [thereby] misunderstanding it even
worse, and bringing later scholarship into error." Cf. also the phrase with chi2 on 6: 29b.
Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) writes, "[The Emperor] for the first [time] taxed carriages and
boats of resident and traveling merchants and ordered them to pay poll-taxes (suan)."
Cf. Kato, "A Study of the Suan-fu," Mem. Toyo Bunko, no. 1, p. 57.
The Official ed. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].
Cf. HS 29: 7a. This canal extended from below the Southern Mts. near Ch'ang-an
direct to the Yellow River, for a distance of more than 300 li, and was for the purpose
of irrigation and of facilitating the transport of tribute grain to the capital. It was not
completed until the third year.
In SC 110: 44 = HS 94 A: 16b = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 103, this expedition
is dated in the "autumn."
Chavannes (cf. Mh III, 553, n. 2) would translate huo-shou-lu [OMITTED] as "made
surrendered slaves prisoner," taking shou in the sense "submit," as in the expression [OMITTED]
-shou. But "submitting [or bending] one's head" is not the same as "capturing heads."
Huo in the expression above can hardly mean anything except "capturing" or "taking."
In HS ch. 94, the parallel passages use tê [OMITTED] for huo, which likewise means "secured" or
"captured." In 6: 12b, Emperor Wu says that Wei Ching attacked the Huns and chan [OMITTED]
-shou-lu [OMITTED], which Chavannes (Mh III, 554) translates, "décapité dix-neuf mille
esclaves soumis." But the Chinese have never eulogized the killing of prisoners. A
reader of emanations told Li Kuang3 that the reason he had been so unlucky as not to
have secured a high position was because he had killed 800 surrendered Ch'iang; cf. his
Memoir, 54: 6b; Glossary sub voce.
An illuminating phrase is found in 6: 16a, where it says that Ho Ch'ü-ping fought a
battle with the Worthy King of the West and chan huo shou lu [OMITTED]. It could
hardly mean that he beheaded and captured 70,000 surrendered slaves. Rather it means
that he cut off heads and took prisoners to the number of more than 70,000. This
expression seems to be the complete form of the phrase, of which other forms commonly
found, chan-shou-lu and huo-shou-lu or tê-shou-lu are abbreviations. The Yen-t'ieh Lun,
ch. 44, 9: 13a has moreover the phrase [OMITTED]. Evidently, in reckoning up the
number of the rewards to be given to an army, the number of the slaughtered was added
to that of the prisoners. Cf. also 7: n. 9.2.
A step in noble rank was given for each head taken, according to the Ch'in law. This
important law is to be found in J. J. L. Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang, pp. 297-300,
and specifies the promotions for various grades. Cf. also Maspero's emendations to
this passage in Jour. Asiatique, 1933, Supplement to vol. 222, pp. 55-59.
The Han dynasty may have followed the same plan; it gave money rewards for
captures of heads or prisoners; 24 B: 8a. Such prisoners were probably worked by the
government or sold as slaves. Since no distinction is made between heads and prisoners,
it seems that one prisoner counted as much as one head. We are not told anything to
the contrary; yet it is impossible to be sure.
Since a chi [OMITTED], lit. "step [in noble rank]" was given for each head, chi came to be
the numerator for the number of heads taken, and, by extension, for the number of
prisoners. The number of prisoners and heads was sometimes exaggerated by the soldiers
or generals; if detected, they were punished severely.
Lung-ch'eng was the capital of the Huns; cf. Glossary sub voce. For an account of this
campaign, cf. de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 103.
This phrase is probably taken from the source of the similar phrase in HS 91: 4a,
possibly SC 40: 61 = Mh IV, 395.
The Official ed. (1739) emends [OMITTED] to [OMITTED], which Wang Hsien-ch'ien approves and
I accept.
The name of this year-period was probably taken from the fact that during this
period the commandery of So-fang was established as the result of great victories in the
northwest. Ying Shao however says that so means to revive, quoting Mencius I, ii, xi,
2 ad fin. (Legge, p. 47), where Mencius quotes the Book of History. "The prince's
coming will be our reviving." Yen Shih-ku replies that so means beginning. Wang
Hsien-ch'ien points out that all of Emperor Wu's early year-periods were named from
some actual happening, not from literary quotations.
These phrases seem to have been taken from Hsüntzu, ch. 6, 3: 16b, "To unite
ways of government, to make [people's] words and deeds accord [with the true standard],
to unify general principles and specific cases [OMITTED]," which is said
of Confucius and Tzu-kung.
A quotation from the Ho-kuan-tzu (author unknown, professes to be written by an
author who fl. dur. 325-299 B.C.), A: 10b, ch. 6, "If the person who promotes the capable
will receive high rewards, then one's inferiors will not keep each other in obscurity."
The Shang-shu Ta-chuan (compiled by Master Fu, [d. dur. 179-157 B.C.] from
material that had been reworked, book lost in the xiv cent.) is quoted by Fu Tsan (fl.
ca. 285) as having said, "[When for] the third [time the persons who are recommended to
the emperor prove] suitable, [the person who presented them] is said to have done a
distinguished deed, and there are granted to him [the distinctions of] carriages and horses
[or] a bow and arrows." The Ch'ien-fu Lun 2: 5a, ch. 7, quotes this paragraph.
Ying Shao writes, "The first [distinction [OMITTED]] was chariots and horses, the second
was garments [of honor], the third was music and instruments, the fourth was vermillion
doors, the fifth was inside staircases [cf. 99 A: n. 23.2], the sixth was a hundred of the As
Rapid as Tigers [cf. Glossary, sub Gentlemen as Rapid as Tigers], the seventh was
axes [carried as insignia of honor], the eighth was bows and arrows, and the ninth was
black millet herb-flavored liquor—these all were institutions [fixed by] the Son of Heaven
for honoring a person. Therefore he grants and bestows them on several [occasions],
but only a few [of each]." Wang Mang was granted the nine distinctions; cf. 99 A:
22b, 23a, and n. 23.3.
The sentences in single quotation marks are said to be a quotation from the Book
of History, V, i, "The Great Declaration," by the Shuo-yüan (by Liu Hsiang, 79-8 B.C.;
present text compiled by Ts'eng Kung, 1019-1083), 2: 14a, chapter "Ch'en-shu." The
Ch'ien-fu Lun (by Wang Fu, fl. dur. 79-166), 2: 5a, chap. 7, "K'ao-chi," also quotes
3 clauses of this passage. These sentences are not in the present text of the Book of
History. Ma Jung (79-166) doubted these sentences, and Chao Ch'i (108-201) said
that they were obtained later than the genuine text. They are also quoted in Legge's
appendix to that chapter; cf. his Shoo-king, II, p. 299.
A quotation from the Book of Changes, App. III, ch. II, sect. 15 (Legge, p. 383).
The passage refers to the reforms instituted by the Yellow Lord, Yao, and Shun.
A poem lost even in the time of Ying Shao (140-206), about whose meaning the
commentators dispute. In explanation of "nine mutations," Shen Ch'in-han quotes
Lieh-tzu (iii cent. B.C.) A: 1b, chap. "T'ien-jui," "The primeval impalpable chaos mutates
and becomes one; the one mutates and becomes seven; the seven mutates and becomes
nine; nine is the limit of mutation, so that when it mutates again, it becomes one."
Ch'ien Ta-chao says that the Fukien ed. (1549) writes [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED] of the text,
but SC 110: 45 = HS 94 A: 17a = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 106 says that the Huns
"defeated the Grand Administrator of Yü-yang [Commandery] with his army of more
than a thousand men, . . . and also entered Yen-men. [Commandery], killing or kidnapping
more than a thousand persons," so that "defeat" is corroborated, but not "Chief
Commandant." The Chief Commandant was the military head of a commandery; the
Grand Administrator was its civil head.
HS 24 B: 6b says, "P'eng Wu opened the way to the Wei-mo and Chao-hsien,
[whereupon] Ts'ang-hai Commandery was established." In 194 to 180 B.C., a treaty
had been made by the Chinese government with Wei Man, a Chinese adventurer who had
made himself King of Chao-hsien, in accordance with which he agreed to prevent the
barbarians from raiding Chinese territory, in return for which the present Korean peninsula
was to be regarded as his "sphere of influence," so that all intercourse between
chieftains of that region was to come through Wei Man, and Korean chieftains were to
be denied audience with and by the Chinese emperor (95: 19a). The admission of Nan-lu
to audience, who was probably challenging the overlordship of Wei Man's successor, and
the taking of his territory as a nominal imperial commandery was a direct breaking of
this treaty. Although this territory was given up in 126 B.C. (p. 10b), probably because
Wei Man's successors asserted their rights, Emperor Wu did not forget the incident, and,
when Wei Man's grandson, Wei Yu-ch'ü, refused to come to court in person and acknowledge
Chinese overlordship, an expedition captured his capital and annexed his territory.
The stool and cane were symbols of age; they had previously been granted for
the same reason by Emperor Wen to Liu P'i, King of Wu (cf. 4: 21b & HFHD I, 274,
n. 2). Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 18: 17a omits the mention of the King of Tzu-ch'uan, and
Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 1: 7b remarks that Liu Chih, the previous King of Tzu-ch'uan,
had died in 130 B.C. (cf. HS 14: 7a; 38: 10a). Shih Yün-yü (1756-1837) remarks
that Liu Chien had just come to the throne, so that it would be unlikely that he should
have been so infirm as to be unable to attend court; Szu-ma Kuang, Wang Hsien-ch'ien,
and Shih Yün-yü all consider that the mention of the King of Tzu-ch'uan is probably a
mistaken interpolation. Han-chi 12: 2b however mentions the King of Tzu-ch'uan.
This dynastic practice was suggested by Chu-fu Yen; cf. 64 A: 19a, b. On its
importance, cf. O. Franke, Geschichte des Chinesischen Reiches, I, 293.
This was the region earlier conquered by Meng T'ien in 214 B.C. It was located
in the present Ordos region inside the great northward bend of the Yellow River and
beyond it. Cf. Glossary sub vocibus; Mh II, 168.
The K'un-hsüeh Chi-wen 12: 5a, (Com. Press ed., p. 1001), (by Wang Ying-lin,
1223-1296) says that somebody reported an old hand-written copy of the HS, lacking
comment, to have read for the [OMITTED] of the present HS text, [OMITTED] "and to publish
amnesties," which Wang Nien-sun thinks fits into the text much better than what is
there now. This reading is supported by the reference to "amnesty" in the following
sentence. Li Tz'u-ming adds that Liu Ch'ang-shih (xii/xiii cent.), in his Lu-pu Pi-chi,
wrote that an old copy of the HS, preserved in the home of Chang Tun (fl. 1094-1101),
which may have been the same copy as that mentioned by Wang Ying-lin, had this latter
phrase. But this reading is possibly merely a conjectural emendation by Liu Ch'ang-shih
himself. Dr. Duyvendak moreover objects that the emendation [OMITTED] is not very
good, for there are two complete sentences, each ending in [OMITTED], so that there is no room
for [OMITTED]. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) and Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) show, by their comments,
that they had substantially the present text. Yang Shu-ta (1885- ) quotes
the Discourse on Salt and Iron, ch. 44, 9: 11b, which uses the phrase [OMITTED], so that this
phrase was used in Han times.
SC 110: 46, 47 = HS 94 A: 17b = de Groot, ibid., p. 111 dates the foray of the
Huns into Tai Commandery in the summer and that into Yen-men Commandery in
the autumn.
Kung-sun Hung had inspected this region in 129 B.C. He reported that it was not
worth the effort to reconquer it and it should be discarded. Emperor Wu did not heed
his advice. In 126, when Kung-sun Hung became the Grandee Secretary, he repeated
his suggestion; at this time the Chinese forces were needed to fortify and defend So-fang
in the north, hence this suggestion was adopted. Cf. Glossary, sub voce; HS 95: 3b;
58: 4b.
According to 55: 4b, 5a, Wei Ch'ing did not receive the title of General-in-chief
until after this expedition; at this time he was still General of Chariots and Cavalry.
That passage moreover says that he led 300,000 cavalry, and that the other generals were
subordinate to him. These six generals were Su Chien, Li Chü, Kung-sun Ho, Li Ts'ai,
Li Hsi, and Chang Tz'u-kung.
This edict is also found in SC 121: 9 and HS 88: 3b-4a. Together with Kung-sun
Hung's reply it constituted the charter of the Imperial University.
For details, cf. SC 110: 48 = HS 94 A: 18a = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 115 f.,
which says they went out several hundred li. The six generals were Kung-sun Ao,
Kung-sun Ho, Chao Hsin4, Su Chien, Li Kuang3, and Li Chü.
A Legalist teaching, also found in a memorial of Li Szu, SC 6: 50 = Mh II, 171 =
Bodde, China's First Unifier, p. 81. (Reference from Dr. Bodde.)
An allusion to Analects XIII, xvi; but there, and in Han-fei-tzu, 16: 2b, ch. 38,
"Nan iii," as well as in the Shuo-yüan (by Liu Hsiang, 79-8 B.C., compiled by Tseng
Kung, 1019-1083), 7: 7b, all of which quote this saying, the interlocutor is the Duke
of Shê, not Duke Ting. Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) has noticed this difference.
A reference to a saying of Confucius in Han-fei-tzu 16: 2b, ch. 38, "Nan iii," "Duke
Ai asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, `[Good] government [lies]
in selecting the capable." The Shuo-yüan, 7: 5a, in quoting this saying, for the last
two characters, [OMITTED], uses [OMITTED], which looks like the original of the passage in the
HS; the confusion between [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] is easy to make; Yang Shu-ta, in his comment
on this passage, has either misread the first character to be the second or has a
variant edition of the Shuo-yüan that we have not been able to find; both words mean
the same in this connection. Wang Nien-sun explains that the second character means
the same as and stands for [OMITTED], which means "select."
A reference to a saying of Confucius in Han-fei-tzu, 16: 2b, ch. 38, "Nan iii,"
"Duke Ching of Ch'i asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, `[Good]
government [lies] in economizing [the state's] wealth.' " This passage in Han-fei-tzu
goes on to explain that in each case Confucius adapted his reply to the circumstances
of the interlocutor. These three sayings are all quoted in Liu Hsiang's Shuo-yüan,
7: 7b, in a form that matches much more exactly the expressions in this edict than the
form in the Han-fei-tzu; possibly Liu Hsiang, when he wrote this passage, had Emperor
Wu's edict in mind, and Emperor Wu took them from the Han-fei-tzu.
Here chung-kuo [OMITTED] is used as equivalent to China and is contrasted with surrounding
states.
This edict is found in substance in the SC (cf. Mh III, 554, & n. 5; cf. also HS
24 B: 8a, b), but with variations and not labelled as an edict. Ying Shao writes, "It
says that military officers or soldiers who have taken heads or prisoners have many noble
ranks and no means of transferring or giving [them to others]. Now for their [sakes]
there was established an office for rewarding military merit, [so that] those who had [too]
many noble [ranks] could distribute them and give them to their fathers, their elder
brothers, their sons, or their younger brothers, or sell them to other persons." Yen
Shih-ku disagrees with this translation (Chavannes, Mh III, 554, n. 6, follows him),
quoting Hsü Shen's Shuo-wen 6 B: 4b as saying that "Yi [OMITTED] [means] the order of
layers of things," and interpreting the edict as ordering that a value should be set for
various ranks. But Wang Nien-sun shows that yi has also the meaning "confer,"
"transmit" (cf. 100 B: 15a), and says that if it had the meaning assumed by Yen Shih-ku,
the words [OMITTED] and yi should have been interchanged and several other words must have
been added to explain it. Hence Ying Shao's interpretation is correct.
Dr. Duyvendak however writes, "I think that we should take the meaning [of yi]:
layer, stratification, gradation, [and translate], `For those who wish to transfer or to sell
[the various rewards they have received] there is no current gradation.' "
The purpose of this order was to establish a new noble hierarchy, the eleven grades
in which could be given as rewards to victorious troops instead of money or the former
noble ranks, thus economizing expenditure, and also enabling the troops to sell these
noble ranks in order to secure money if they needed it. At the same time these new
titles were available for sale by the government, giving it more revenue. Mr. Tai Jen
suggests that the last part of this sentence should be translated, "should have no means
of transferring their conferred [titles]," implying that the Emperor was putting a stop
to the sale of titles by private individuals, in order to encourage their sale by the government.
Ying Shao testifies to the continuance of this practice of transferring titles.
For the details of the hierarchy of military titles now established, cf. Mh III, 555 &
n. 4; HS 24 B: 8a-9a.
Ying Shao writes, "A white unicorn was captured, hence, when the year period was
changed, it was called Yüan-shou," (lit. "the first year of the [period in which] the animal
[was captured]").
This unicorn was used in an offering in the imperial ancestral temple; cf. 6: 35b.
Yen Shih-ku writes, "The unicorn has the body of a deer, the tail of a cow, the feet of a
horse, is yellow in color, has round hoofs, one horn, and flesh at the end of its horn."
He seems to be quoting freely from a saying in the Yi-chuan (a lost book) by Ching Fang
(77-37 B.C.), now found in a comment on the Tso-chuan (Dk. Ai, XIV), "The unicorn
has the body of a muntjak, the tail of a cow, the forehead of a wolf, and the hoofs of a
horse. [It is dappled with all] five colors. Below its belly it is yellow. It is twelve feet
tall [9 ft. Eng. meas.]." Wang Ch'ung (27-97), in his Lun-heng, Bk. XVI, Ch. IV
(Forke, ch. 30; I, 359) discusses the unicorn and phoenix. He writes, "In Chou [times],
a unicorn was captured; the unicorn was like a deer and had a horn. The unicorn of
Emperor Wu was also like a deer and had a horn." He also writes (ibid. p. 370), "In the
time of Emperor Wu, a western hunting party secured a white unicorn, with one horn
and five feet." According to HS 25 A: 24a, the chief characteristic of this animal was its
single horn; at first people were by no means certain that it was a unicorn.
The "White Unicorn" Song is in 22: 31b, 32a. It is translated in Mh III, 626 f, XVII.
According to 44: 11b, the rebellion of Liu An had been crushed in the autumn of
the preceding year; because these two kings had plotted together to rebel, the suicides
of Liu An and Liu Tz'u were recorded at the same time.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that the present text is not happy and proposes
inserting [OMITTED], following 27 Bb: 13a.
This act was the result of discovering that Liu An's rebellion arose from his hope
to succeed to the imperial throne because no heir had been appointed. Cf. Glossary,
sub Liu An.
A free quotation from the Book of History, II, iii, 2 (Legge, p. 70). In the original,
the second and third sentences are interchanged and some words intervene between the
first and second sentences quoted by Emperor Wu.
Reading [OMITTED] for the character in the text. According to the pronunciations and
meanings given in their comments, Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) and Ying Shao (ca. 140-206)
seem to have had the former character in their texts and Ju Shun (fl. 189-265) seems to
have had the latter reading, which arose because the former reading had been corrupted
to [OMITTED]. Wang Nien-sun points out this fact and illustrates this reading from parallel
passages.
Ju Shun says that chui [OMITTED] means to assemble [OMITTED]. The Shuo-yüan (by Liu Hsiang
79-8 B.C.) 12: 6a says, "The King of Liang assembled (chui) his various officials and
they discussed his faults." The idea seems to have been that the Messengers should
actually visit the people themselves and not collect a number of people in a haphazard
fashion, to whom rewards were to be given.
HS 6: 19b notes a horse born in another river.
Yen Shih-ku says that this bird was a parrot and that in his time they occurred in
both Lung-hsi (Kansu) and Nan-hai (Kuang-tung). Shen Ch'in-han however points
out that the HS elsewhere uses the usual Chinese word for `parrot,' so that if this bird
was a parrot, it would have been directly mentioned by that name; and that there were
many parrots in Ch'in and Lung [Shensi and Kansu], so that the presentation of a parrot
would not have been important enough to mention. [Cf. also Ni Heng (style, Cheng-p'ing's)
"Fu on the Parrot," in the Wen-hsüan, ch. 13.] Shen Ch'in-han adds that the
T'ang History, "Treatise on Music," says, "In Ling-nan [Kwangtung] there is a bird like
a thrush, but somewhat larger. When one suddenly glances at it, one cannot distinguish
it [from a thrush]. When it is reared in a cage for a long time, it can talk and can repeat
anything. The people of the south call it a chi-liao [OMITTED]. At the beginning of
[the period] K'ai-yüan [713-742], Kuang-chou [modern Canton] presented one. Its
speech and voice is loud and heavy like a man. It is docile and recognizes people; its
nature is more intelligent than a parrot." Shen Ch'in-han accordingly thinks that this
bird was a Chi-liao. The Tz'u-yüan, sub Ch'in [OMITTED] -chi-liao, says, "The name of a
bird. In shape it is like a thrush. Its whole body is black. Behind its two eyes there
is a yellow flesh crest. Its feet are yellow and its beak red. It can imitate human
speech." This bird was, according to Herbert Friedman of the U. S. National Museum,
the Chinese crested mynah, Aethiopsar cristatellus, which is now a common cage bird
with the Chinese, because of its attractive plumage and its ability as a mimic.
Liu P'in (1022-1088) remarks that Li Kuang3's "Memoir" (cf. 54: 6a; Glossary,
sub voce) has a different statement, to the effect that Chang Ch'ien came to Li Kuang3's
rescue when Li Kuang3's men had almost all been killed. Liu P'in accordingly thinks
that the "Annals" are mistaken here.
HS 94 A: 19a reads, "That autumn the Shan-yü became angry at the King of
Kun-hsieh and the King of Hsiu-t'u, who lived in the western part [of the Shan-yü's
empire] and several ten-thousands of whose men had been killed or captured [by Ho Ch'ü-ping.
The Shan-yü] wanted moreover to summon and execute [these kings]. The
Kings of Kun-hsieh and of Hsiu-t'u were afraid, and plotted to surrender to the Chinese
[Emperor]. The Chinese [Emperor] sent the General of Agile Cavalry, [Ho Ch'ü-ping],
to receive them. The King of Kun-hsieh killed the King of Hsiu-t'u, united and led
[the dead King's] troop [with his own], and surrendered to the Chinese. [The two troups
were] altogether more than forty thousand men and were called a hundred thousand.
When the Chinese had thereupon secured [the territory of] Kun-hsieh, then Lung-hsi,
Po-ti, and Ho-hsi [Commanderies suffered] much less [from] raids by the Hu." Cf. de
Groot, ibid., p. 126 f = SC 110: 51.
Hu San-hsing, following Chang Shou-chieh (fl. 737) says that the surrendered
Huns were distributed to regions outside the former Barrier (the Great Wall) in these
five commanderies, where Chief Commandants of Dependent States were established,
namely, the commanderies of Lung-hsi, Po-ti, Shang, So-fang, and Yün-chung.
Cf. 55: 12b.
This comet is not in the list in ch. 27. It is no. 32 in Williams' list. HS 27 Ba:
24a adds that in this summer there was a severe drought.
Yen Shin-ku says, "In the autumn or winter, they plant it, over the New Years
it is ripe, hence it is called su [OMITTED] [lit. sleeping or over-night] wheat."
HS 24 B: 10a reads, "Many of the people east of the mountains who suffered from
floods were famished and lacked everything, whereupon the Son of Heaven sent a messenger
to empty the depots and granaries of the commanderies and kingdoms in order to
aid the poor, [but the food] was still not sufficient; [so he] also solicited distinguished and
rich people to lend to them, [but] it was still impossible to rescue [the starving]; so more
than seven hundred thousand of the poor people were removed to the west of [Han-ku]
Pass and [were sent] to fill up [the region in the] south of So-fang [Commandery] in
Hsin-ch'in." Cf. also Mh III, 562.
This action was the result of the surrender of the Hun Kings of Kun-hsieh and
Hsiu-t'u and the victories of Ho Ch'ü-ping, whereby the invasions of the Huns were
greatly lessened.
HS 24 B: 12a says that as the laws became more severe, most of the officials were
dismissed, and adds, "Those who had formerly been officials had all been reporbates and
were ordered to cut down thorns in Shang-lin [Park] or make the K'un-ming pond."
(Cf. Mh III, 568-9.) Ju Shu remarks, "HS ch. 24 [recounts] that the former officials
had fallen foul of the law as being former reprobates, so they were sent to dig the Pond,
and those who had property were instead appointed [as officials]." For "reprobated
persons," cf. n. 35.2. It looks as though a law had been discovered or enacted, prohibiting
those who had been connected with trade from occupying official posts, with the
result that many officials had to be dismissed.
Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) adds, "HS 95: [1b reports] that in the state of K'un-ming [later
included in the Han dynasty's] Yüeh-sui [Commandery], there is `a T'ien Lake, whose
circumference is three hundred li' [which was the present lake by the same name, located
just south of K'un-ming (the Ch'ing dynasty's Yün-nan Fu), Yunnan]. The Han
messengers sought the country of Shen-tu [India] and were stopped by [the King of]
K'un-ming [cf. 95: 4a]. Now [the Emperor] wished to make an expedition against it,
hence made a K'un-ming Pond like [the one in Yünnan], in order to practise naval
fighting. [It was] southwest of Ch'ang-an and was forty li in circumference."
HS 24 B: 10a reads much the same as this passage (cf. n. 15.8), except that it says
the people were moved to the region of Hsin-ch'in in the south of So-fang Commandery
and does not mention K'uai-chi Commandery.
Ying Shao says, "At this time [the resources for] the state revenues were
insufficient, so white deerskin was used to make money." HS 24 B: 11a, b says, "The
high officials said, `Anciently the nobles used leathern money for ambassadorial offerings
and presents [given by guests at feasts]. Of metals there were three grades: actual gold
was the highest, silver was the second, and Tan-yang copper was the lowest. Now . . .
as the cash become lighter and thinner and goods become [more] expensive, [when people
from] distant places use currency [to present to the emperor], it is troublesome and
expensive and not economical.' So white deerskin, a foot square, bordered with embroidery,
was used as leathern money worth four hundred thousand [cash]. When the
kings, marquises, and [members of] the imperial house attended court and in the autumn
made offerings to the Emperor, they were required to use [this] leathern money and
present jade circlets, and then only were [their offerings] accepted. Silver and tin were
also made into white metal. Because it is considered that for use [as a symbol of]
`Heaven, nothing is as good as the dragon,' for use [as a symbol of] `Earth, nothing is
as good as the horse [a mare],' [an allusion to sayings in the Book of Changes, Hex. 1 & 2]
and for use [as a symbol of] man, nothing is as good as the tortoise, hence [this] white
metal [money was of] three grades: the first was called `Weight eight taels.' It was
round, its device was a dragon, its name was `A White Hsüan' [the hsüan was an ancient
weight of 6 taels (of gold)], and it was worth 3000 [cash]. The second was called, `A
little less in weight.' It was square; its device was a horse [mare], and it was worth
500 [cash]. The third was called, `Still less [in weight].' It was oblong, its device was
a tortoise, and it was worth 300 [cash]." Cf. Mh III, 564 ff.
HS 24 B: 13a, b says, "[As to] resident merchants and craftsmen, who buy on
credit and lend on interest, and who buy and sell and live in towns [cf. 24 B: 10b], or who
collect and amass various [kinds of] goods, together with the merchants [who travel] in
order to make profits, although they [may] not be [enregistered on] the registers of the
market-places, [yet] each one [of the foregoing must] himself estimate [the value of his
goods, report it to the officials], and be taxed on his property [in terms of] cash, one poll-tax
(suan) on [each] two thousand [cash]. Those who manufacture and pay the land-tax,
together with those who cast [cash], should be taxed on their property [in terms of]
cash, one poll-tax on [each] four thousand [cash]." Cf. also Mh III, 571-5.
Fu Tsan quotes the above passage as quoted in the Mou-ling Shu (prob. written in
Han times, lost before 312) and adds, "This property [in terms of] cash is their accumulated
[property in terms of] cash. Hence [a merchant's taxes] are in accordance with
the way he uses [his property]. If he uses it to get a high profit, his poll-taxes are also
more [in proportion]." If the poll-tax was 190 cash (cf. Glossary, sub voce), merchants
and pedlars paid 9½% and artisans 4¾% on their capital.
Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) and Yen Shih-ku would interpret min1 [OMITTED] as the string used
to `string' cash; Chavannes (Mh, III, 573, n. 4) follows this interpretation; but Su Yü
(fl. 1913) notes that Shuo-wen 14 A: 4b defines min2 [OMITTED] [and [OMITTED]] as "property.
Shop-keepers estimate [the value of their] property," while min1 is defined as "a line for
angling fish." He points out that here min1 is used for min2, and adds that the Yü-p'ien
(by Ku Yeh-wang, 519-581) interprets min2 as "capital."
These are nos. 32 and 33 in Williams' list of comets. HS 27 Cb: 22b does not mention
the first of these, but says that "a long comet came out again" in the fourth month,
which was May/June, 119 B.C. This seems to have been the comet that appeared when
Mithridates ascended the throne; cf. Chambers, op. cit. p. 555.
These four generals were Li Kuang, Kung-sun Ho, Chao Yi-chi, and Ts'ao Hsiang.
Cf. 55: 13a; de Groot, ibid., p. 133 ff.
Yen Shih-ku says, "To climb a mountain, worship Heaven, and pile up earth [for a
memorial] is to feng [OMITTED]. He engraved a stone recording this event in order to manifest
the achievements of the Han [army]." Cf. n. 25.1; Chavannes' discussion of feng in Mh
III, 413, n. 1; Ku Chieh-kang, Han-tai Hsüeh-shu-shih Lüeh, ch. 2. Po-hu-t'ung B: la
says that the sacrifice feng must be made on top of Mount T'ai, and continues, "It must
be on top of it. Why? It utilizes its height to give information to [Heaven, who] is
high, [thereby] according with the nature [of Heaven and the mountain]. Hence the
person who sheng [OMITTED] -feng (raises up [the altar to perform the sacrifice] feng) increases
its height." The altar on Mount T'ai was twenty (Chinese) feet high. Cf. n. 25.1.
According to 55: 14b, Ho Ch'ü-ping also performed the sacrifice shan.
Wang Nien-sun says that the chan [OMITTED] is an interpolation, for the Ching-yu ed.
(1034) is without it and 94 A: 20a is also without it. The Official ed. reads chan shih
[OMITTED], instead of shih chan.
Ju Shun notes that HS 54: 7a, 8a, b; 55: 13a, b record Chao Yi-chi as General of
the Right; Yen Shih-ku says that ch. 6, which here entitles Chao Yi-chi as General of
the Rear, contains an error of transcription.
Ju Shun says, "The price of stallions was standardized at a high [value], with the
intention of making people compete in rearing horses." The campaigns of 119 B.C. alone
had caused the loss of 100,000 horses (cf. Mh III, 569; HS 24 B: 12b).
Szu-ma Kuang, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 1: 8b, says that this recording
is erroneous, for the half-tael cash had been previously melted down (according to the
order in Mh III, 567 = HS 24 B: 12a), so that at this time the three-shu cash were abolished,
not the half-tael cash. Since however the order for the imperial government (not
the "fonctionnaires provinciaux" as Chavannes translates; cf. HFHD I, 311, n. 3.5) to
melt down half-tael cash had only been issued in the preceding year, no large proportion
of these coins could yet have been withdrawn from circulation, hence the present reading
of this order may be correct.
The three-shu cash were put into circulation in 140 B.C. (cf. 6: 2a), and in 136 B.C.
they were abolished and the half-tael cash coined in their place (cf. 6: 3b). In 120 B.C.,
they were ordered melted and three-shu cash were to be issued with the legend, "Three-shu
cash." Now, in 119 B.C. (Mh III, 569 = HS 24 B: 12b) an official complained that
the three-shu cash were light, hence could easily be counterfeited, and begged that five-shu
cash be coined. The term "half-tael cash" does not mean that cash by this name
actually weighed half a tael or 12 shu; HS 24 B: 4a reports that Emperor Wen coined four-shu
cash with the legend, "Half-tael." There was much illicit private coinage, and light
coins would naturally continue in use and not be melted down.
The "cunning and troublesome officials and common people" were probably the counterfeiters.
The Ching-yu ed. (1034), the Academy ed. (1124), and the Official ed. read [OMITTED];
the Sung Ch'i ed. says that the New ed. (unknown) does not have the first of these words;
Wang Hsien-ch'ien's ed. also omits it, saying that this word is a mistake. I have retained
it in the translation because of its excellent textual evidence.
Yen Shih-ku states that some popularly current copies of the HS read "public
chariots [OMITTED]," which he says is a mistake. These grants were probably in gratitude
for the Emperor's recovery from illness in the preceding year (Mh III, 472).
These admonitory decrees, kao [OMITTED], were formal written admonitions given by
the Emperor to the kings he was appointing and were in imitation of the kao, "Admonitions,"
in the Book of History. Several such admonitory decrees are to be found in ch.
63, among the biographies of Emperor Wu's sons. These admonitory decrees were similar
in their nature to the charters of appointment given officials; cf. 5: n. 5.7 and 5: app.
I. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) and Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) testify to this technical sense of
kao.
Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) explains, "It says that powerful families have been taking
possession of (chien [OMITTED]) and making servants of the unimportant common people and the
rich have been taking possession of (chien) and making servants of the poor people, and
[the Emperor] wished to equalize matters." But Wen Ying replies, "Those who `had
taken concurrently (chien-ping [OMITTED])' were the families who enjoyed official salaries; they
were not permitted to rule their estates and concurrently (chien) to take the advantages
[given to] unimportant common people. Although merchants might be rich, they were
not again concurrently (chien) to hold fields and residences, to have guest-[retainers],
or to plow and farm." Yen Shih-ku approved of Li Ch'i's interpretation, but Wen Ying
seems to be correct, for Mh III, 575 = HS 24 B: 13b records for the year 119 B.C., "Merchants
who are enregistered in the market-places, together with their families and relatives,
are all not to be permitted to own private cultivated fields in order to take advantage
of [the privileges accorded to] farmers."
Wen Ying seems to imply that there were three classes: (1) officials and nobility, who
might possess fields and residences and entertain guest-retainers, (2) farmers, and (3)
merchants. Farmers were granted many privileges by the Ch'in and Han dynasties;
Emperor Wu tried to keep the officials and merchants from claiming the advantages
granted to farmers, by prohibiting merchants from owning farm land.
The phrase ping-chien has however a different meaning: Li Hsien, in a note to HHS,
Mem. 39: 17a, says, "Ping-chien means that powerful and rich [people], by means of their
wealth and influence, unite and secure (ping-[OMITTED]) the fields of poor people and take and
possess (chien-[OMITTED]) them."
The change in the currency referred to is the coining of five-shu cash (cf. n. 16.8).
The Ching-yu ed. and the Official ed., Li Ch'i and Wen Ying, read chien for the [OMITTED]
in Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text. I have adopted this reading.
I follow Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) in interpreting [OMITTED] as [OMITTED]. The edict abolishing
the three-shu cash was dated a year and three months previous to this one.
The phrase [OMITTED] is an allusion to Book of Changes III, Sect. II, ch. 5, par. 31
(Legge, p. 389).
Wei Chao (197-273/4) says, "Whenever one is considered deceptive, he is chiao [OMITTED];
to take by force is ch`ien [OMITTED]," quoting, in support, the Tso-chuan, Dk. Ch'eng, XIII,
iv; 27: 7b (Legge, 38010), where ch'ien is used in that sense. But Wang Nien-sun quotes
a comment of Cheng Hsüan (127-200) on the Book of History, IV, xxvii, 2, where the
phrase chiao-ch'ien occurs (this comment is now to be found in the comment of Chia
Kung-yen [fl. dur. 640-455] on the Chou-li, 36: 1b, sub the Szu-hsing), "Chiao-ch'ien
means [OMITTED] (to make a [serious] disturbance). The Commentary on the Spring and
Autumn [the passage in the Tso-chuan referred to above] means that they pillaged and
took people and things in order to make a [serious] disturbance." Wang Nien-sun says
that chiao and ch'ien mean [approximately] the same and have not here two different
meanings.
Mh III, 580 and HS 24 B: 14b say that Ch'u Ta, Hsü Yen and others were sent
out to suppress the grasping rich and the Administrators and Chancellors who were
profiting. Chavannes' translation gives a wrong impression; his notes, 581, n.1 and 563,
n 2 furnish the correct explanation.
Wang Nien-sun says that [OMITTED] is a mistake for lun [OMITTED]; and that the latter
word here means `choose'. The parallelism with [OMITTED] in the next clause and the meaning
require lun.
Ju Shun quotes Ts'ai Yung (133-192) as saying, "The Son of Heaven considers
the world as his household; he himself calls the place where he dwells the [OMITTED]."
Yen Shih-ku points out that this phrase may be used of the place where the Emperor is,
whether he is in the capital or out traveling or hunting; Chou Shou-ch'ang adds that at
this time the Emperor was out traveling. The last two words of this phrase are used of
another person than the emperor in HS 99 C: 6a.
Ying Shao remarks that this period was named for the three-legged cauldron.
This article was not however secured until the sixth month of the fourth year in the
period, and this year-period was not named until 114 B.C. Cf. n. 17.9, n. 19.5, and
App. I.
The Han-chi 13: 8a follows the HS in recording on this date the finding of a percious
three-legged cauldron in Ho-tung, on the Fen River, saying that it was presented in the
Ancestral Temple and preserved in the Kan-ch'üan Palace, and was 8 ft. 1 inch in size
[circumference] and 3 ft. 6 in. in height; the officials said that it was the lost three-legged
cauldron of the Chou dynasty, but Wu-ch'iu Shou-wang replied that it was not a Chou
cauldron, but one that Heaven had given especially to the Han dynasty. This material
in the Han-chi (except for the size of the cauldron) is taken from this passage of the HS
and from HS 64 A: 16.
The statement that this three-legged cauldron was found at this time is almost certainly
a mistake. Szu-ma Kuang notes, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi, 1:9a under
this date, that SC ch. 28 (Mh III, 482) reports that in the same year that Luan Ta was
made Marquis of Lo-t'ung (Mh III, 480) a shamaness of Fen-yin, Chin, made at Shui
in Weih a sacrifice to Sovereign Earth, that there was found, in the earth at the side of
the place where the sacrifice was made, a three-legged cauldron, and that the Emperor said
in an edict (Mh III, 483) that he had recently traveled, had sacrificed to Sovereign Earth,
and asked why the three-legged cauldron had now appeared. This account is repeated
in HS 25 A: 29a-30b. Now HS 6: 18b also records that in the fourth year of Yüan-ting,
in the tenth month, the Emperor visited Fen-yin, that (p. 19a) in the eleventh month he
established sacrifices to Sovereign Earth on Shui Mound in Fen-yin district, and that
(p. 20a) in the sixth month he obtained a precious three-legged cauldron at the side of
the place for sacrificing to Sovereign Earth. Thus the HS records the finding of a three-legged
cauldron twice: here and in July 113 B.C. HS 22: 30a also says, "In [the period]
Yüan-ting, the fifth year, [after] the three-legged cauldron had been secured at Fen-yin,
[this poem] was composed." According to 18: 10b, Luan Ta was made Marquis of Lo-t'ung
on May 22, 113 B.C., so that the account in SC ch. 28 is also dated in 113 B.C.
Thus, except for this one recording and its parallel in the Han-chi, the discovery of the
three-legged cauldron is dated in 113 B.C. and nowhere else except in this one place is
such a discovery said to have been made in 116 B.C. Szu-ma Kuang thinks that the
account of finding a three-legged cauldron in 116 B.C. is a doublet of the account dated
for 113 B.C., and that the first account was inserted into the record by mistake because
someone thought it necessary to account for the name of the year-period, since the interpolator
did not realize that the names of these year-periods were not given until 114 or
113 B.C. The size given by the Han-chi for the cauldron may however be a genuine
addition to our knowledge, coming from Hsün Yüeh's personal knowledge.
He had committed brigandage. Cf. Glossary, sub voce. Shang-yung was near
the present Chu-shan, in northwestern Hupeh.
These two officials had quarrelled and accused each other unjustly. Cf. Glossary
sub Chang T'ang.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) writes, "[They] burn the grass and let in water, [then]
plant rice. The grass and rice grow together [until they are] seven or eight inches tall.
Thereupon it is all mowed [by fire?] and then again water is let in to flood it. The grass
dies and only the rice grows. [This is] what is called `to plow by fire and hoe by water',"
Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1832) adds, "In plowing by fire, when the rice is cut, they burn its
straw in order to fertilize the ground and then only do they plow it. The duty of the
Tao-jen [the Rice Official, cf. Chou-li 16: 5a; Biot, XVI, 18] was `in summer to destroy
the grass by means of water and mow it.' "
The customs barrier, which had been at Han-ku Pass (cf. Glossary sub voce). was
moved some 270 li eastwards.
HS 24 B: 13b says, "Those who conceal [their property] and do not themselves
testify [the amount of their estate], or those who do not testify the full [amount of their
property] shall be sent to the border as garrison soldiers for one year and their property
[in terms of] cash shall be confiscated [to the government]. Those who are able to give
information shall be given half of [what is confiscated]."
HS 27 Bb: 13b records in this month "a fall of snow", which is much more appropriate
as an unusual event in May or June. Ch. 27 lists it along with other unseasonable
snows, so that "snow" is probably correct and ch. 6 is erroneous here. The Han-chi
13: 10b and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 20: 8a read "snow".
Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks that the SC (Mh III, 476-7) summarizes this edict
and that here Pan Ku quotes the original. Evidently Pan Ku used a collection of imperial
edicts.
Cf. 25 A: 29a; 64 A: 16; 22: 30a; 6: n. 17.9; Mh III, 482. It may have been a
Yin cauldron; more likely it was the one hidden by Hsin-yüan P'ing in 164 B.C.; cf.
HFHD, I, 218, 259, n. 3.
Li Fei writes, "In Hsin-yeh of Nan-yang [Commandery] there was a Pao Li-chang,
who, during the time of Emperor Wu, happened to have been punished [by exile to] a
garrison colony in the region of Tun-huang. Many times on the shore of this [Wu-wa]
River he saw that in a herd of wild horses there was a very peculiar [horse], which came
with all the [other] horses to drink at this river. [Pao] Li-chang first made on the
border of the river an earthen mannekin holding a halter and horse-hobbles. Later,
when the horses had played with and become accustomed to it for a long time, he took
the place of the earthen mannekin and held a halter and horse-hobbles. He took and
secured this horse and presented it [to the Emperor]. Wishing to [make out] this horse
as a supernatural marvel, he said that it came out of the midst of the River." Cf. also
Mh III, 236, n. 3. Possibly this report of a horse being born in a river originated from
the similar one recorded on 6: 14a.
These songs are to be found in HS 22: 30a and 26b, 27a; they are translated in Mh
III, 624, XIV and 620, X.
This recording lacks the words "P'ing, King of Chen-ting" and should have been
listed with the events of the preceding year. HS 53: 19a says that after Liu P'o had been
king for several months, he was dismissed; 6: 18b records that dismissal in the summer of
114 B.C. HS 53: 19a goes on to quote an imperial edict dated several months after that
dismissal, which orders the enfeoffment of Liu P'ing and Liu Shang as Kings of Chen-ting
and Szu-shui, respectively. The notice of Liu P'ing has undoubtedly dropped out of HS
ch. 6, for the son with the smaller kingdom would hardly be mentioned and the one
with the larger kingdom left out. Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks that Pan Ku may here have
been misled by the recording in SC 17: 66f, in which Liu Shang and Liu P'ing are recorded
as reigning for their first year in Yüan-ting IV, and may have thought that the appointment
of these two kings came in the preceding year. In HS 28 Bii: 17a and 39a, both the
kingdoms of Chen-ting and Szu-shui are moreover recorded as having been established
in 113 B.C.
This date, Dec. 24, 113 B.C., is taken from P. Hoang's tables, changing his gregorian
to the julian day. De Saussure (in Jour. Asiatique, 1925, p. 285, n. 1) reports a
computation by Dr. J. K. Fotheringham, showing that the solstice actually occurred
on Dec. 23 at 8 h. 1 m. p.m. (Hsi-an time) and that the true new moon occurred on Dec.
22, 10 h. 48 m. p.m. and the mean new moon on Dec. 23, 3 h. 49 m. a.m. The observation
of the solstice by a gnomen 8 ft. in length, which seems to have been the method used by
the Chinese, is however very inexact, since the declination of the sun varies less than
half a degree in the whole of the ten days preceeding and following the winter solstice.
Dr. Fotheringham writes me that "it was in antiquity very difficult to determine the time
of the solstice by direct observation to within a day or two. . .even for the great Ptolemy."
Hence a difference of one day between the actual and recorded solstice (assuming P.
Hoang's calendar is correct) is not surprising.
Eight years later, another solstice is listed on Dec. 25, 105 B.C. (cf. 6: 31a). But this
interval is one day more than eight solar years. According to the cyclical date, the
interval must have been 2923 days, whereas 8 tropical years contain 2921.938 days and
8 julian years contain 2922 days. The Chinese astronomers must have known this
discrepancy in the number of elapsed days; de Saussure says of the latter date, "On fausse
volontairement d'un jour et demi la date du solstice." (Ibid. p. 280).
HS 21 B: 73b lists another winter solstice on Dec. 25 or 26, 124 B.C. julian ("eleventh
month" in that text should plainly be amended to "twelfth month").
HS 25 A: 33a says, "In the eleventh month, [the day] hsin-szu, the first day of
the month, in the morning, was the winter solstice and at the break of day the Son of
Heaven first made the surburban sacrifice (chiao) and prostrated himself to the Supreme
One; in the morning he made the morning sacrifice (chao) to the Sun and in the evening
he made the evening sacrifice (hsi) to the Moon." Cf. Mh III, 491. Fu Tsan (fl. ca.
285) quotes a note in the Han-chiu-yi (by Wei Hung, fl. dur. 25-57) as saying, "In making
the suburban sacrifice at the place for sacrifice to the Supreme [One], at daybreak the
emperor comes out of the Bamboo Palace [within Kan-ch'üan Palace, according to the
San-fu Huang-t'u, 2: 6b], and, facing east, he bows to the Sun; that evening, facing southwest,
he bows to the Moon."
Ying Shao however says, "In the spring, the Son of Heaven makes the morning
sacrifice to the Sun and in the autumn he makes the evening sacrifice to the Moon. He
makes the morning sacrifice to the sun in the morning and the evening sacrifice to the
Moon in the evening." This statement represents a slightly different practise, and may
have been taken from Chia Yi's memorial in HS 48: 24a10.
The Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed. (1528-31), the Fukien ed. (1549), and
the Official ed. read [OMITTED]. Wang Hsien-ch'ien reads [OMITTED]. I have adopted the former
reading.
The ode from which these lines were taken was not extant even as early as the time of Yen Shih-ku.
HS 25 A: 33b (Mh III, 492) reports that on Dec. 24, while the Emperor was sacrificing,
a light was seen by some officials, and that at other times lights were seen. The
hymn in HS 22: 27a (trans. in Mh III, 621, XI) says, "Light shone at night."
A quotation from Book of Changes, Hex. 18 (Legge, p. 95 and Wilhelm, I, 55 translate
differently). Ying Shao quotes here from a commentary on that Book, "The third
day before [the day] chia is hsin; the third day after [the day] chia is ting." The Han
dynasty performed the suburban sacrifice on days whose cyclical date contained the
words hsin or ting. Su Yü quotes the Po-hu-t'ung as saying, "For the days of sacrifice,
[the days] ting and hsin were used." (A lost fragment.) Since the miracle of lights
occurred on a hsin day, the thanksgiving was made on a ting day, thus conforming to this
saying.
Cheng Hsüan, in a comment upon the Book of Changes (quoted in a note to HHS,
Tr. 4: 2b, where these days are discussed) gives a moralistic explanation for these days,
based on puns: "[The day] chia is the day when new ordinances are made. The three
days previous to [the day] chia [should be] employed [by the ruler] to correct his errors
and renew (hsin) himself, hence [the day] hsin is used; the three days after [the day]
chia [should be] employed with the purpose of making repeated (ting) admonitions [to
himself], hence [the day] ting is used."
HHS Tr. 4: 4a explains "abstain [OMITTED]" as follows: "Whenever [it is necessary to]
abstain, [before sacrificing to] Heaven and Earth, [the emperor should abstain for]
seven days; [before sacrificing] in the ancestral temples or to the mountains and streams,
five days; [before] lesser sacrifices, three days. [During] the days of abstinence, [he
should remain] within [the house or room. If he should commit any] impurity or uncleanness
[during the period of abstinence, it would] dissolve the abstinence." Ch'ien
Ta-hsin (1728-1804) notes that Shuo-wen 12 B: 4b, sub [OMITTED], says, "Women's impurity.
. . . The Han [Dynastic] Code says, `[If anyone] sees [a woman in] menstruation, he may
not wait upon [the divinities in] sacrifice.' " Thus the fundamental idea about abstinence
in Han times was not the avoidance of particular foods, as at present under the influence
of Buddhism, but the purification of the celebrant by ablutions and the avoidance of
contamination from others' uncleanness. For a more elevated conception of abstinence,
cf. Li-chi, XXII, 6 and XXI, i, 2 (Legge, II, 239 f, 210 f; Couvreur, II, 323 f, 272); Wei
Hung's Han-chiu-yi, Pu, B: 2b.
Lü Chia had held this office during three reigns; he opposed the pro-Chinese policy
of the Chinese-born Queen Dowager and her paramour, the Chinese envoy. She attempted
Lü Chia's life; when Chinese troops approached, he massacred the pro-Chinese
party and annihilated the troops.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "The wa [OMITTED] is a toad [OMITTED]. It is like a frog [OMITTED], but with
long legs. Its color is green [OMITTED]." HS 27 Bb: 17b says that toads and frogs "fought together
in droves." Han-chi 14: 1b adds that they were fighting "below the [Palace]
portals." Toads and frogs figure in the stone reliefs from the Wu clan funerary chamber
in Chavannes, Mission archeologique.
Fighting frogs were reported earlier in Chinese literature. Han Fei-tzu (iii cent.
B.C.) 9: 9b, ch. 30, 3 (Liao's trans. I, 302) says, "King Kou-ch'ien of Yüeh saw frogs
raging and bowed to them. His driver said, `Why bow to them?' The King replied,
`When frogs have such spirit as these, can one forbear from bowing [in respect] to them?'
When his gentlemen and people heard of it, they said, `If, when frogs have spirit, the
King bows to them, how much more [will he do so to any of his] gentlemen or people
who possess courage?' " T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 949: 3b quotes a variant of the foregoing
often mentioned passage, in which the frogs are said to have been "fighting".
Dr. Leonhard Stejneger, Head Curator of Biology at the United States National Museum,
however writes me, "It can be safely asserted that frogs and toads do not fight in
droves, and I doubt very much that anybody has ever seen individual frogs `fighting'
individual toads (and surely they have nothing to fight with); but some person with a
very vivid imagination may have interpreted the commotion observed in a pond full of
mating toads, as a fight."
The Emperor's plan was to have six generals collect troops in six different regions
in the present Kiangsi, Hunan, Kwangsi, and Kweichow (including Szechuan) and converge
upon P'an-yü (modern Canton) by various river routes. Yang P'u and Lu Po-tê
arrived first and took the city. Some of the other armies were then diverted to conquer
the present Yünnan. Cf. Glossary, sub vocibus.
He had failed to materialize any immortals and had gone to the east, saying he
needed to consult his teacher. When he would not venture upon the sea, Emperor Wu
had him followed. Upon receiving the report that his magical powers were at an
end, Emperor Wu had him executed. Cf. Mh. III, 493; HS 25 A: 34a; Glossary, sub
Luan Ta.
The text writes Ku-an, which was the name of a place in Cho Commandery in the
present northern Hopei, far from the lands of the Western Ch'iang. Hu San-hsing suggests
transposing these two words. An-ku was, in the time of the Contending States, a
city of the Western Ch'iang. Further confirmation for that emendation is to be found in
the next note.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text writes this surname as—; but the Ching-yu ed. and the
Official ed. read Hsü [OMITTED]. Ch'ien Ta-chao notes that 19 B: 19a lists Hsü Tzu-wei as
Chief of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace during 117-105. HHS Mem. 77: 5b reads, "At
this time the Hsien-ling Ch'iang and the tribe of the Feng-yang-lao-tzu made up their
feuds, bound themselves together by an oath, and communicated with the Huns that they
would join more than 100,000 of their troops [with them]. Together they attacked
Ling-chü and An-ku and thereupon besieged Fu-han. The Han [Emperor] sent General
Li Hsi and the Chief of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Hsü Tzu-wei, with 100,000 soldiers
to attack and tranquillize them, and for the first time the Colonel Protecting the
Ch'iang was established."
HS 25 A: 34a says, "Kung-sun Ch'ing was attending upon the gods in Ho-nei
[Commandery] and said that he had seen the traces of an immortal on the city wall of
Kou-shih, that there was something like a pheasant going and coming on top of the city-wall.
The Son of Heaven himself favored Kou-shih [with a visit] and looked at these
traces."
Wen-hsi means, "The happy [news] was [here] reported." Huo-chia means,
"[The Emperor] obtained [the head of Lü] Chia." Cf. Glossary, sub vocibus.
According to 28 Bi: 15a and 17b, the commanderies of Chang-yeh and Tun-huang
were established in 104 B.C. and 88 or 87 B.C., respectively. The commanderies of Wu-wei
and Chiu-ch'üan were moreover not established, according to 28 Bi: 13b, 16b, until
101 and 104 B.C., respectively. The Han-chi, 14: 2a, and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien, 20:
19a, follow ch. 6. Possibly these commanderies were nominally ordered in 111, but
administration was not organized until 104 and 87 B.C.
Ying Shao says, "[The Emperor] for the first time performed the sacrifice feng at
Mount T'ai, hence changed the year-period." The edict ordering this year-period was
not given until the fourth month of this year; cf. p. 26a.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien declares that tse1 [OMITTED] should be shih [OMITTED]. HS 25 A: 35a (taken
from SC ch. 28; cf. Mh III, 495 f) reads shih twice, "In the next year, in the winter [of
111 B.C.], the Emperor discussed [the matter] and said, `Anciently, the troops were first
made to retreat and the cohorts were [temporarily] dismissed [the same phrase as here,
[OMITTED] shih- [OMITTED]], and then only were the sacrifices feng and shan performed. . . .He
returned, sacrificed at the tomb of the Yellow Lord at Ch'iao-shan and [temporarily]
dismissed (shih) the troops at Liang-ju." Hsü Kuang (ca. 352-425) says, "The ancient
word shih was written tse2 [OMITTED]." According to Wang Hsien-ch'ien, in the ancient writing,
shih and tse2 were interchanged, and shih and tse1 were not interchanged; but because
tse1 is similar to tse2, the former was here written for shih. On the meaning of this phrase,
cf. Mh III, 495, n. 5. The dismissal of the troops was merely during the time of sacrifice—war
was considered as an inauspicious matter. The purpose of this campaign
seems to have been to lure the Shan-yü to his final defeat. But he would not be
tempted. Emperor Wu went north of the great northern bend in the Yellow River.
HS 94 A: 21a (de Groot, ibid., p. 148 = SC 110: 56) continues, "When his speech
was ended, the Shan-yü was infuriated and immediately beheaded his Intendant in Charge
of Guests, who had introduced [the Chinese envoy]. He retained Kuo Chi [the envoy],
not [allowing him] to return. He exiled him shamefully north of the Northern Sea [Lake
Baikal]. However, in the end, the Shan-yü did not permit the making of any raids into
the Chinese borders."
Han-chi, 14: 2b and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien, 20: 21a follow this chapter in dating
this visit in the first month; SC ch. 28 (Mh III, 498) and HS 25 A: 35b date it in the
third month (Apr.).
In a note to SC 12:10, Wei Chao (197-273/4) says, "The people of Ch'u call a
tailed deer [Cervus (elaphurus) davidianus] [OMITTED] a p'ao [OMITTED]." In a note to HS 25 A:
24a, Yen Shih-ku, commenting upon the capture of a supposed unicorn, says, "The
p'ao is like a deer, in shape like a hornless river-deer [Hydropotes inermis] [OMITTED], with the
tail of an ox and one horn." This animal was shot by Emperor Wu himself; 25 A: 29b
calls it a deer [OMITTED]; SC 28: 61 (Mh III, 483) and HS 6: 24a call it a p'ao. Emperor
Wu's edict is also translated in Chavannes, Mission archeologique, vol. 11, p. 47, n.
The present text contains the personal name of this sovereign, Ch'i. But Ch'i
was also the personal name of Emperor Wu's father, Emperor Ching, so that Emperor
Wu would hardly have used the word ch'i. Liu Pin (1022-1088) says that Emperor Wu
changed the name of this shrine from "The Stone of the Mother of Ch'i [OMITTED]" to
"The Stone of the Mother of the Hsia Sovereign [OMITTED]" on account of the taboo
on his father's name; he concludes that the word Ch'i is an attempt at restoring the original
name after ch'i was no longer tabooed, and hence was not original in the History.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) mentions the presence of Ch'i in the text. For an account of this
person and shrine, cf. Glossary, sub Ch'i.
The Sung Ch'i ed. said that the New ed. (unknown) writes [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu
ed. (1034-5) reads likewise. Ch'ien Ta-chao notes that the Fukien ed. (1549)
writes the first character as the Official ed. does, and that 25 A: 36a writes that character
[OMITTED]. The Official ed. writes the name of this mountain [OMITTED]. (In 25 A:
13b, 14a, Wang Hsien-ch'ien's ed. reads as the Official ed. does here.) Wang Nien-sun
says that we should follow the Ching-yu ed. Anciently [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] were interchanged.
Wang Nien-sun adds that the first of these two words is not in the Shuo-wen; the ancients
used the second character for the first; the second character came into use during
168-189 A.D.
HS 25 A: 35b, 36a says, "[The Emperor] favored Kou-shih [with a visit], performed
the [sacrifical] rites, and ascended the T'ai-shih [Mount] of the Central [Sacred]
Peak, [Mount Sung-kao]. When his attendant officials who accompanied him were on
the mountain, they heard [something] as it were the words, `Long life.' They asked
those above them, [but] those above them had not said it; they asked those below them,
[but] those below them had not said it." An imperial edict (6: 25b) is even milder, "Light
sounds just as if words [were spoken]." Han-chi 14: 2b says, "[The Emperor] favored
Kou-shih [with a visit] and ascended [Mt.] Sung-kao. He heard three sounds calling
`Long life.' His various ministers, officials, and troops did not [make this] call, [but] all
heard it." Hsün Yüeh says that the mountain spirits were acclaiming the Emperor.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says, "In Sung-kao prefecture, there are [today] an Upper, Middle,
and Lower Wan-sui [lit. `Long life'] Hamlet."
Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) explains, "When the achievements of [true] kings are
complete and their rule has been established, they inform Heaven that they have completed
their work. To feng [OMITTED] is to elevate. [This sacrifice] is to assist [in showing] the
greatness of Heaven. He had a stone engraved, recording his words. There was the
sealing (feng) of a golden document on a stone envelop bottom (han [OMITTED]) with a golden
mortar [seal] on a jade envelop top (chien [OMITTED])." The "envelop" was probably similar
to the wooden ones found by Stein in the Tarim basin; cf. Serindia, vol. IV, pl. xxi.
Ying Shao writes, "[For the sacrifice] feng, the altar was 120 feet wide and 20 feet
high, with three flights of steps [to ascend it. The sacrifice] feng [was performed] on top
of it, to show [that the Emperor] had increased in greatness. A stone was inscribed to
record his achievements. [Emperor Wu] set up a stone 31 feet [tall]. Its inscription
reads,
And established [Our] person according to moral principles.
[We] have served [Our] parents according to [the principle of] filial piety
And nurtured the common people according to [the principle of] benevolence.
Within the four boundaries.
The whole [land] has been [organized] into commanderies and prefectures.
The four [groups of] eastern barbarians and the eight [tribes of] southern barbarians
Have all come to pay dues and tribute.
Together with Heaven, [Our empire] is endless;
The people are defended and live in quietude.
The blessings of Heaven will [hereby] be everlastingly obtained.'
"Dark wine was presented and raw fish [was offered] on the sacrificial table. [The
Emperor] descended [the mountain and performed the sacrifice] shan at [Mount]
Liang-fu [a lower peak of Mount T'ai, cf. Glossary, sub voce], worshipping the Ruler of
Earth, to show that he had increased the breadth [of his territory]. This [practise
(reading [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] with the Southern Academy, Fukien, and Official editions)] was an
ancient institution."
HS 25 A: 37a says, "[The altar for the sacrifice] feng was twelve feet wide and nine
feet high; below it there were jade tablets with writing [on them, but] the writing was
hidden," probably by this envelop arrangement. Ying Shao, in quoting this passage,
says it was "a writing [tied up with] cords [OMITTED]," just as those ancient envelops
were tied. The writing was probably thus sealed because it was directed to the gods
alone. Then a feature of the sacrifice feng (the word means "to seal") was a sealed message
to the god, hence this name. An elaborate account of the sacrifice feng made by
Emperor Kuang-wu in A.D. 56, in which he followed Former Han practises, is to be
found in HHS, Tr. 7: 7a-11b. Cf. also n. 16.3 to this chapter; Ying Shao's Han-Kuan-yi,
B: 1b-3b. According to HS 58: 12bf, Emperor Wu himself fixed the rites for the sacrifice
feng.
HS 25 A: 37b adds that the Emperor's "many courtiers in order presented to the
Emperor their congratulations." Fu Tsan explains, "HS 25 [B: 2b] says, `[At] the northeast
foot of Mt. T'ai, in ancient times there had been a place for a Ming-t'ang.' [This
statement is taken from the SC; cf. Mh III, 510.] Then this was the place where [the
Emperor] seated himself. In the next year, in the autumn, he built a Ming-t'ang."
HS 28 Aii: 75a notes that at Feng-kao in T'ai-shan Commandery, "there is a Ming-t'ang
four li southwest [of the city], which was built by Emperor Wu in 109 B.C." Wang
Hsien-ch'ien infers that the Ming-t'ang southwest of Feng-kao was the one used by the
Han emperors and the one at the northeast foot of Mt. T'ai was the one used by the Chou
dynasty. The Shina Rekidai Chimei Yoran, p. 596, locates Feng-kao as seventeen li
northeast of the present T'ai-an Hsien (which is south of Mount T'ai), so that the two
Ming-t'ang must have been at different localities. The establishment of a Ming-t'ang
had previously been discussed in 140 B.C.; cf. 6: 2b.
For [OMITTED], the Official ed. has mistakenly [OMITTED]; Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 20: 22a
reads as Wang Hsien-ch'ien's ed. does.
HS 25 A: 36a states that Emperor Wu "went east, traveled along and inspected
the sea-coast, and performed sacrificial rites to the eight gods." HS 25 A: 10b-11b
enumerates these eight divinities as the Ruler of Heaven (T'ien-chu), the Ruler of Earth,
the Ruler of War, the Ruler of the Yin [Principle], the Ruler of the Yang [Principle], the
Ruler of the Moon, the Ruler of the Sun, and the Ruler of the Four Seasons. Cf. also Mh
III, 432-435. Liu Pin says that the altars to these eight gods were all in the territory of
Ch'i, so that when Emperor Wu imitated the First Emperor in going eastwards and along
the sea-shore, he similarly sacrificed to these eight deities (cf. Mh III, 431).
The reference is probably to the lights seen at sacrifices (cf. p. 21a) and to the supposed
shouts of "Long life!" (cf. p. 24b). Fu Tsan makes this identification.
This sentence establishes that the official year began with the tenth month (cf.
1: App. II). The names of the previous year-periods were not given until 113 or 114
B.C. Cf. App. I. Chavannes translates the preceding sentence differently, cf. Mh III,
503. Tzu-hsin [OMITTED] is also used to mean "reform oneself" in 7: 7a.
Five prefectures are enumerated above; here only four are exempted from the poll-tax;
Yen Shih-ku explains that Feng-kao did not pay the poll-tax, but instead regularly
made provision for the offerings to the gods. I use "capitation taxes" to translate [OMITTED],
which is the general term, and "poll-tax" to translate [OMITTED], which is one of the various
capitation taxes.
HS 25 A: 38a says, "In the fifth month [June], he thereupon reached Kan-ch'üan
[Palace. He had started out in the first month.] The circuit [he traveled was] eighteen
thousand li." Cf. also Mh III, 504.
HS 27 Cb: 22b, 23a dates these two appearances in the fifth month. They are considered
as two appearances of the same comet and numbered 34 in Williams, Observations
of Comets. HS 25 A: 38a says, "A comet appeared in Tung-ching; more than ten days
later a comet appeared in San-t'ai."
The Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (vi cent.), 2: 6a, says that this year "it was extremely cold;
the snow was five feet deep, [so that] wild birds and beasts all died and cattle and horses
all coiled and shrunk themselves up like porcupines. Two or three tenths of the people
in the three capital [commanderies] froze to death."
HS 25 A: 38b says, "In that spring, Kung-sun Ch'ing said that he saw a supernatural
person on a mountain of Tung-lai [Commandery], who seemed to say that he
wished to have an audience with the Son of Heaven. The Son of Heaven thereupon
favored the city of Kou-shih [with a visit] and installed [Kung-sun] Ch'ing as a Palace
Grandee. Thereupon he went to Tung-lai [Commandery] and lodged there. For several
days there was nothing to be seen. [Then] he saw the footprints of a giant."
This breach in the Yellow River dike had occurred in 132 B.C.; it had remained
open for 23 years. Cf. p. 6a. HS 25 A: 39a says that Emperor Wu stopped at Hu-tzu
only two days, sacrificed, and left. The "Song of Hu-tzu" is to be found in 29: 9b-11a.
It was translated by Edkins in the China Review, vol. 15, no. 5, p. 287, and by Chavannes
in Mh III, 533-5.
HS 95: 19a reports that the Emperor had sent Shê Ho as an envoy to rebuke the
King of Chao-hsien, Wei Yu-ch'ü, who was however unwilling to submit to the Chinese.
Shê Ho had the Assistant King of Chao-hsien, Chang, who was escorting Shê Ho out of
Korean territory, assassinated and then reported to the Emperor that he had killed a
Chao-hsien general. Shê Ho was made Chief Commandant of the Eastern Section in the
Liao-tung Commandery; Wei Yü-ch'ü, in revenge, attacked and killed Shê Ho.
Ying Shao writes, "Chih [OMITTED] means the chih plant. Its leaves interconnect."
Ju Shun adds, "The Jui-ying T'u [by Sung Jou-chih, prob. fl. before 265] [says], `When
[true] kings respectfully serve the aged and old and do not neglect their former old [subjects],
then the chih plant is produced.' " This book also says, "The chih plant usually
springs up in the sixth month; in the spring it is blue, in the summer it is purple, in the
autumn it is white, and in the winter it is black." Bretschneider (Jour. N. C. Br., 25:
40) identifies the chih as an orange colored branching fungus of a ligneous structure,
described as Agaric ramifié.
Yen Shih-ku says that this fungus grew in a room of the harem; Wang Hsien-ch'ien
points out that [OMITTED] means a room, and quotes the Book of Odes, I, x, ii, 2 (Legge, p. 176)
in illustration. HS 22: 30a says, "In 109 B.C., a fungus of immortality sprang up in the
room for [ceremonial] retreat in Kan-ch'üan [Palace]." This mushroom is also mentioned
in 25 B: 2a. Cf. also 8: 16a.
Yen Shih-ku writes, "The Lord on High is Heaven. [OMITTED]." But in the HS,
this term refers to more than one god, for 25 A: 17b lists five Lords on High; cf. Glossary
sub voce. Emperor Wu worshiped the Supreme One and five Lords on High.
Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) writes, "In Kan-ch'üan [Palace] in Yün-yang there was the
place [where there was located] the round mound for the worship of Heaven from the
time of the Yellow Lord on. Emperor Wu regularly [went there] to escape the heat.
He had a palace and lodge there, hence he called it his capital." Yen Shih-ku however
objects that "capital" means merely the prefecture in which the Emperor happens to
occupy a palace or building, and that it did not mean to imply that Yün-yang was an
imperial capital. Wang Hsin-ch'ien replies that Yen Shih-ku's remark is unsubstantiated,
and quotes a line from the poem in 22: 30a5, where Kan-ch'üan Palace is
also called a "capital." HS 25 B: 4b moreover states that Emperor Wu was urged to
make Kan-ch'üan Palace his capital and that he built lodges there for his vassal kings.
HS 95: 4b, 5a recounts that they destroyed the states of Lao-shen and Mi-mo, and
that the King of T'ien submitted and was enfeoffed by the Emperor.
The Liang-shu, 40: 5a, in the biography of Liu Chih-lin (477-548), says that this
scholar and collector possessed a foreign-style ewer, on which there was the inscription,
"Presented in Yuan-feng II by the state of Kuei-tzu" (the present Kucha). HS 96 B:
14b says, concerning Kuei-tzu, "They are skilled in casting [metal] and possess lead
[mines as well as of other metals]." Thus intercourse between the Chinese capital and
what became the Western Frontier Regions was already well-developed at this time.
For the "competitive games," cf. Appendix IV.
Wang Nien-sun says that lai [OMITTED] is an interpolation; the Ching-yu ed. (1034-5) is without
it; T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 755: 5a has it, but Han-chi 14: 4a quotes this sentence without
this word. The latter adds that the games were for the purpose of entertaining those who
brought offerings to the court from foreign countries. The Official ed. writes [OMITTED] instead
of lai.
Li Tz'u-ming (1824-1894) says that min [OMITTED] here should be jen [OMITTED]; other similar
passages do not use min. Probably Yen Shih-ku changed the words min in the HS
to jen in order to avoid the taboo on the name of the T'ang Grand Exempler, Li Shih-min
(reigned 627-649); later other persons changed them all back, and then this jen was
also mistakenly changed to min.
He seems to have gone north through the present western Shensi and eastern Kansuh
and south through northern Hopei. Cf. Glossary sub vocibus.
Ju Shun says that [OMITTED] has the same pronunciation as [OMITTED] (yeh5) and Yen Shih-ku
says, "They suffered from the heat and died."
For the events summarized here, cf. SC 110: 58-60 = HS 94 A: 21, 22 = de Groot,
ibid., 149, 150.
SC 110: 60 = HS 94 A: 22b = de Groot, ibid., 150 adds that Chao P'o-nu was sent
with Kuo Ch'ang.
Shun was sacrificed to as the tutelary deity of Mt. Chiu-yi. Cf. Glossary, sub
voce. Emperor Wu probably did not go to this mountain (in the present southern
Hunan), but performed the sacrifice in the present Anhui, where the ancient Sheng-t'ang
and Ch'ien2 were located.
The word used is chiao1 [OMITTED], which the Shuo-wen interprets as "a kind of dragon."
Cf. HFHD I, 29, n. 1. Yen Shih-ku quotes Kuo P'u (276-324) as saying, "It is like a
snake but has four feet and a narrow neck. On its neck is a white ring-mark. The large
ones are several double arms' length [around]. They are hatched from eggs. The young
are like a jar [the size of] one or two hu. [These creatures] are able to swallow a man."
Wang Nien-sun adds, "The chiao1 which was shot should be read as chiao2 [OMITTED] and it
should be explained as a large fish of the Yangtze River. The Shuo-wen [11 B: 5b,
explains] chiao2 as a sea-fish, whose skin is used to encase knives." This word is translated
in Couvreur, Dict. Class., as "large shark." As Wang Nien-sun points out, this
fish is recognized in the SC (cf. Mh II, 190) as a sea-fish. He continues, "The chiao2 is a
sea-fish, yet there are also some in the Yangtze River [Dr. C. W. Bishop tells me that in
the Yangtze River, fresh-water porpoises are seen as far up as Ichang, and dolphins are
seen in the Tung-t'ing Lake. A species of alligator is also found in that river (the
only place in the world where it occurs outside of North America).].... In the [Li-chi,
chap.] "Yüeh-ling," the Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu, and the Huai-nan-[tzu], chiao2 is written
chiao1." Since Emperor Wu was emulating the Ch'in First Emperor's exploits, chiao2
was very probably meant. In view of Kuo P'u's description, this creature was probably
an alligator, altho we cannot be sure that it was not a fresh-water porpoise or dolphin.
The Ta-Ch'ing Yi-t'ung Chih (1842) vol. 116, Chiu-chiang Fu, 1: 15b, lists a Shêchiao-p'u
[OMITTED] (lit. "the bank where the alligator was shot"), located ten li southeast
of the present Hu-k'ou [OMITTED], in the Ching dynasty's Chiu-chiang Fu, Kiangsi, which is
said to have been the place where Emperor Wu shot his alligator.
Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) writes, "Chu [OMITTED] is the stern of a boat, where one holds the
rudder. Lu [OMITTED] is the front of a boat, where the [places for] oars are incised. It means
that his boats were many, with their stems and sterns linked unbroken for a thousand
li." "Thousand li" is then a poetical exaggeration. But Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813)
points out that the Shuo-wen 8 B: 1b, sub chu, says, "The Han Code names a boat, when it
is square and long, a chu-lu. It also means the stern of a boat." Sub lu, it says, "It
also means the bow of a boat." The Emperor's route on the Yangtze River seems to have
been nearer five hundred than a thousand li.
HS 30: 56b lists a book with the title "Songs of Travels, Tours of Inspection, and
Pleasure-trips, in ten chapters," which are probably Emperor Wu's poems and included
these two. These poems have been lost.
HS 25 B: 3b says, "This year [the Emperor] renewed [the sacrifice] feng;" SC
28: 82 reads [OMITTED], which is translated in Mh III, 511 "La cinquième année (106 av.
J.-C.), il recommença le sacrifice fong," for Chavannes considers that Pan Ku wrote the
sentence in HS ch. 25 in interpretation of this sentence in the SC. In a comment to
HS 6: 29, Wang Hsien-ch'ien however interprets this passage, "[The Emperor] renewed
[the sacrifice] feng once every five years."
HS 25 B: 3b says, "Then he sacrificed to the Supreme One and to the Five Lords
[on High, putting their thrones] in the highest place at the Ming-t'ang, and united the
throne for sacrifice to Emperor Kao [with their thrones], putting his throne facing theirs.
[He also] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth in the lower room, using, [for these sacrifices,
altogether] twenty suevotaurilia." Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) adds, "The Han [dynasty]
had not yet at this time made the Eminent Founder, [Emperor Kao] the coadjutor of
Heaven, hence it says `[placed his throne] facing [theirs].' From [the time of Emperor]
Kuang-wu, [25-57], [Emperor Kao] was made the coadjutor [of Heaven]." A memorial
by Wang Mang, in 25 B: 19a, states that in 164 B.C., when Emperor Wen
sacrificed to the Supreme One, he made the Eminent Founder, Emperor Kao, the
coadjutor of the Sun. Making Kao-tsu the coadjutor of Heaven meant that his
tablet was put with that of Heaven, so that Emperor Kao acted as the intermediary
to the god, and both tablets were worshipped at the same time with offerings of the
same rank.
Cf. von Zach, Übersetzungen aus dem Wên Hsüan, p. 112; Margoulies, Le Kou
Wen, p. 55 for other translations of this edict.
Ying Shao says, "For the first time, [the Emperor] used the calendar of the Hsia
[dynasty] and made the first month the beginning of the year. Hence he changed the
year and made [the year-period] T'ai-ch'u (the Great Beginning)." Cf. Mh III, 512.
HS 27 A: 13a adds to this recording, "Before this a great wind had blown away its
roof. Hsia-hou Shih-ch'ang predicted the day of this visitation." Cf. also 75: 2a.
HS 25 B: 4a says, "He went to the P'o Sea in order to [perform] the sacrifice from
a distance to the inhabitants of [the island] P'eng-lai [q. v. in Glossary], hoping to reach
its marvellous halls." Cf. also Mh III, 513.
HS 25 B: 4a, b says, "Because there had been a visitation [of fire] to the Po-liang
[Terrace in Wei-yang Palace, the Emperor] received the [yearly] accounts at Kan-ch'üan
[Palace]. . . .Yung-chih [whom Wen Ying says was a shamaness from the Yüeh barbarians]
however said, `[According to] the customs of Yüeh, when there is a visitation
of fire, they again raise up a building which must be larger, in order to overcome and
suppress [the malignant influences that caused the fire].' Thereupon [the Emperor]
built Chien-chang Palace."
This statement proves that previously the month called "the first month" did not
begin the year. Cf. ch. I, App. II. The change was from a year beginning in the tenth
month, which calendar had been adopted from the Ch'in dynasty, to a year beginning
in the first month. P. Hoang gives this year an intercalary month, so that this calendar
year contained 16 months. For this change, cf. 21 A: 25a ff.
HS 25 B: 5b (Mh III, 515) says, "[The Emperor] took the first month as the
beginning of the year, and [among] the colors, took yellow [as the ruling color. For]
the officials, he changed their seals, [making them] of five characters." Chang Yen
(prob. iii cent.) explains, "The Han [dynasty] occupied [its place through] the virtue of
[the element] earth. The number [corresponding to the element] earth is five, hence he
used five. This refers to the inscriptions on seals. For example, for the Lieutenant
Chancellor it said, [OMITTED], and for the ministers, together with Administrators
and Chancellors, if the words in their seals did not have as many as five characters,
they were augmented [to this number]."
Emperor Wu changed the titles of many official positions at this time; he and other
emperors had made changes previously and subsequently continued to do so. For these
changes, cf. Glossary, sub the various official titles. Many are noted in HS 19.
There is no actual record of any changes in music, but 22: 15a says that Emperor Wu
appointed Li Yen-nien as "the Commandant for Harmonizing the Musical Pipes."
Feng-su-t'ung (by Ying Shao) 6: 9b, sub the "Flute (ti [OMITTED])," says, "According to the Classic
of Music, the flute was made in the time of Emperor Wu by Ch'iu Chung [OMITTED]. The
flute (ti) is to cleanse (ti [OMITTED]). It is the means of purifying and cleansing unorthodox and
harmful [music] and bringing it [into harmony with music that is] elegant and correct.
[The flute] is two feet four inches long and has seven holes." Shen Ch'in-han remarks,
"Judging by the example of the twelve flutes used by Hsün Hsü [OMITTED] (d. 289), probably
at this time they made this instrument to harmonize the musical tubes."
SC 110: 61, 62 = HS 94 A: 22b, 23a = de Groot, ibid., 152 says, "The Shan-yü
was young and was fond of killing and fighting, so that there was much disturbance in
his country. The [Hun] Grand Commandant of the East intended to kill the Shan-yü.
He sent a man secretly to inform the Chinese, saying, `I intend to kill the Shan-yü
and surrender to the Chinese. [But] China is distant. If [the Chinese] will send
troops to my vicinity, I will at once make [an attack upon the Shan-yü].' When the Han
[Emperor] had first heard these words, he had Shou-hsiang-ch'eng [lit. "the city to
receive the surrenderers"] built, [but the Hun Grand Commandant of the East] still
thought it was too distant, [so did not come to surrender]."
Yen Shih-ku writes, "The ordinary people [OMITTED] who have committed crimes are
the [OMITTED]." But cf. n. 35.2. For this expedition, cf. App. V and Glossary, sub Li
Kuang-li.
HS 27 Bb: 20a says, "In the summer, locusts [came] from the east; by flying they
reached Tun-huang [Commandery]."
Hsi-Han Nien-chi 16: 15b (by Wang Yi-chih, fl. 1221) notes that the first month of
this year did not contain a mou-shen day, so that this date is impossible; Hoang agrees;
HS 19 B: 23a dates this death on the day mou-jin, which P. Hoang equates with Mar. 4,
103. Han-chi 14: 8b and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 21: 13a however both write mou-shen, so
that this error must have occurred very early.
Ju Shun interprets lou [OMITTED] as ch'ou [OMITTED]-lou, which was a sacrifice to the ancestors at
the autumnal equinox, according to the comment in the Han-chiu-yi; the early commentators
follow him. Ch'ien Ta-chao objects that this meaning is inappropriate, since the
Emperor's order was for the third month, not for the autumn. Shuo-wen 4 B: 5a
says, "Lou is a sacrifice in the second month with eating and drinking, according to the
custom in [the state of] Ch'u. ... It is also said, `To pray for grain and eat of the new
[products of the year] is called li [OMITTED]-lou.' " (One text omits the word li.) Shen Ch'in-han
quotes Han-fei-tzu, "Wu-tu P'ien," 19: 1b, "Those who dwell in the mountains and
draw water from the valleys, [on the days for the sacrifices] lou and la, offer water to
each other [as a gift]," so that this festival was ancient. The la sacrifice was made to
the spirits on the third day having the cyclical character hsü, after the winter solstice.
Liu Pin (1022-1088) says that the word [OMITTED] is an interpolation; I have taken it that
[OMITTED] and [OMITTED] should be interchanged. HS 25 A: 3b says "Grandees make the `five sacrifices'
to the Gates, Doors, Well, Stove, and Center of the [Principal] Room." The Li-ki
IV, vi, 19 (Couvreur, I, 396) says, "On the La [day], he [sacrifices] to the ancestors and
makes the `five sacrifices'," which latter are the sacrifices to the parts of the house enumerated
above. These five sacrifices are described in Ts'ai Yung's Tu-tuan 10b, 11a and
in Po-hu T'ung 1: 15a-16b.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "Registration means that they were all put on the registers,
recorded and taken." Ho Ch'uo adds, "This registration of horses was for the expedition
against Ferghana (Ta-yüan)."
Ch'ien Ta-hsin (1728-1804) remarks, "The recording of deaths of Grandee Secretaries
begins with [Yi] K'uan. There is only omitted in the `Annals of Emperor Yüan'
the recording of the death of Ch'en Wan-nien, which is an omission of the annalist. When
Grandee Secretaries died, their surname was regularly recorded. [But] in 33 B.C., upon
the death of Grandee Secretary [P'an] Yen-shou [cf. 9: 13a], his surname is not recorded,
which is also an omission."
HS 25 B: 5b (= Mh III, 516) adds, "He investigated the [alleged] divinities, immortals,
and the like [upon the sea-coast, but] none were verified."
Yen Shih-ku writes, "[According to] the Han institutions, at important places on
each [part of] the Barrier, there were separate buildings constituting a fort [OMITTED], and
there were people appointed to hold [OMITTED] and guard it. It was called a captain's fort
[OMITTED]. These were precisely the fortifications [OMITTED] [spoken of]."
In 39: 2b, Hsiao Ho is represented as saying, "The saying is, `The heavenly Hans
[i.e., the Milky Way; Hans is the same word as that for the Han dynasty];' this name is
very beautiful." Fu Tsan interprets this saying, "A vulgar expression is `The heavenly
Hans.' It means that the Hans [dynasty] is regularly matched with Heaven." Wang
Hsien-ch'ien asserts that this saying indicates the meaning of the name for this year-period.
But Ying Shao says, "At that time, for successive years there had been bitter
droughts, hence the year-period was changed to T'ien-hans in order to pray for sweet
rain." Yen Shih-ku agrees; he refers to the Book of Odes, III, iii, iv, which poem is
entitled "Yün-hans" (the Milky Way, the heavenly river, from which rain comes), and
which was composed, according to him, "by Jeng Shu in order to glorify [the preparations
made by] King Hsüan [827-782 B.C.] for meeting a visitation of drought, by cultivating
his virtue and by a diligent government, so that he was able to bring rain. Hence, because
of [this conception, the Milky Way] was taken as the name of the year-period."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien denies that meaning because of Hsiao Ho's saying. Possibly both
conceptions, the aversion of drought and the glorification of the dynasty, were implied
in this name.
This submission was the result of Li Kuang-li's conquest of Ferghana; cf. SC 110:
64, 65 = HS 94 A: 23b, 24a = de Groot, ibid., 156, 157.
According to 27 Ba: 24a, in the summer of this year there was a great drought.
Such a "great search" is also recorded in the autumn of 99 B.C. (p. 34a) and in
Nov./Dec. 92 B.C. (p. 36b). Huai-nan-tzu, "T'ien-wen Hsün," 3: 10b, says, "If on [the
day] jen-tzu, an order is received, thereupon the [city]-gates and street-[gates] are
closed, there is a great search for strangers, criminal cases are decided and those who
deserve it are killed, the [customs] barriers and the bridges are closed, and moving
out of [the kingdom] is prohibitated." Ibid., "Shih-tse Hsün," 5: 13a says, "In the first
month of winter, . . . [the ruler should] prohibit moving out [of the country], close [the
gates to] the streets, [make] a great search for strangers, decide criminal cases, and kill
those who deserve [this] punishment."
Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks, "The `great search' probably arose [in the time of] the
Contending States [403-255 B.C.]; it was especially used in the time of the Ch'in
[dynasty]. For proof, see the various "Memoirs of Li Szu" [SC ch. 87] and "of Shang
Yang" [SC ch. 68 (I have not been able to find there any reference to a great search in
SC 68 or 87)], together with the Huai-nan-tzu. When [Emperor] Kao of the Han [dynasty]
united [the empire], this law was considerably relaxed. [Emperor] Hsiao-wen
did away with the barriers and did not employ passports, so that he was not generous
merely to the imperial capital. Emperor Wu again employed this law. When [the
affair of] witchcraft and black magic arose, this prohibition [was enforced] still more
strictly. Pan [Ku] mentioned it especially in his "Annals" in order to record the harshness
of the government in this period. During and after [the reigns of Emperors] Chao
and Hsüan, [this practise of making a `great search'] is not seen in history. Probably
this prohibition had already been entirely done away with." The biographies of Shang
Yang and of Li Szu do not contain any accounts of `great searches' having been made;
but the spirit of the `great search' is very akin to what is found there. This practise fits
in well with the legalist measures adopted by Emperor Wu.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that it was not the practise of the historian to omit the
name of a general in such a case as this one, so that the words, "Kung-sun Ao," have
probably dropped out of the text here. SC 110: 66 = HS 94 A: 24a = de Groot, ibid.,
162 states that Li Kuang-li was surrounded by a great force of Huns on his return, and
barely escaped with the loss of 60% to 70% of his force. It also says that Kung-sun Ao
was to meet Lu Po-tê at Mt. Cho-yeh, and that they did not even make any captures.
Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) writes, "At first, the Han dynasty made sacrifices upon
the roads, to take away misfortunes and calamities and transfer them upon travelers.
The people considered this [practise] unorthodox, so he now stopped it." Yen Shih-ku
says however that this interpretation is mistaken, for "Emperor Wen had previously
done away with the Secret Invocator and the transferrence of faults [to others, cf. 4:
14b. But this practise may meanwhile have been revived]. This [order] is now merely
a general prohibition to the people against shamans and seers who perform sacrifices upon
the roads." Shen Ch'in-han notes that the Chou-li 26: 5b (Biot, II, 103) says, "The
Male Shaman [OMITTED] has charge of sacrifices at a distance. He looks towards [the divinities
invoked], invites [them to come; the word used is yen1 [OMITTED]] and bestows upon them
[honorific] titles." (Tu Tzu-ch'un, ca. 30 B.C.-A.D. 60, says that the bestowing of titles
consists in "bestowing upon them the name used in sacrificing to them." Cheng Hsüan,
127-200, says that yen1 should be read as yen2 [OMITTED], which we have interpreted as "invite
to come." But Szu-ma Cheng [fl. 713-742], in a note to SC ch. 28, quotes Li Ch'i
[fl. ca. 200] as saying, "In the three capital commanderies, [the region] between hills or
tomb mounds is called yen1." Shen Ch'in-han accordingly says that this yen1 sacrifice
is a sacrifice in the regions between hills or tomb mounds, and is the sacrifice referred to in
the HS text as being on roads. The above passage from the Chou-li should accordingly
be translated, "He looks to the gaps between hills or tomb mounds and bestows [upon the
divinity dwelling there an honorific] title.")
HS 96 B: 17b, quoting an edict of Emperor Wu, says, "The young men of six
states, [including] Korla (Wei-hsü), Wei-li, and Lou-lan, who were in the imperial capital,
all came [to Us] first." Hsü Sung (1781-1848) suggests that the other two states might
have been Charchan (Chü-mo) (which does not seem correct on geographic grounds)
and Karashahr (Yen-ch'i).
There was considerable disorder at this time. HS 90: 12a says, "At this time the
Commandery Administrators and Commandants, and the nobles' Chancellors and
[officials ranking at] two thousand piculs who wished to have a good government generally
imitated Wang Wen-shu and others in all things [by controlling the people thru stool-pigeons
and protected criminals], so that the officials and common people increasingly
despized and violated the laws, and robbers and thieves arose increasingly. In Nan-yang
[Commandery] there were Mei Mien and Po Cheng; in [the region of] Ch'u there
were Tuan Chung and Tu Shao; in Ch'i there was Hsü P'o; in [the region] between Yen
and Chao there were Chien Lu and Fan Chu, and their like. The large groups attained
[the number of] several thousand persons. They unauthorizedly gave themselves titles,
attacked cities and towns, took arms from the arsenals, freed [those who had committed]
capital crimes, bound and insulted Commandery Administrators and Chief Commandants,
killed [officials ranking at] 2000 piculs, and by means of dispatches informed prefectural
[cities] that they must hasten to provide food. The small groups, numbering
hundreds [of people], who kidnapped and captured in the villages and hamlets, could not
be estimated or numbered."
HS 90: 12b says, "They cut off the heads of the greater part [of the robbers, whose
number] reached to perhaps more than ten thousand. Moreover, in accordance with the
law, there were executed: those who had opened the way [for the robbers], those who had
given them food, and those who were sentenced for being implicated [with them, whose
number totaled] at most several thousand persons in a commandery."
Ying Shao explains, "The imperial government itself dealt in liquor and monopolized
the selling of fermented drink. Ordinary people were not again permitted to deal
in it."
Wei Chao writes, "To use a tree to cross a stream is called chio [OMITTED] [Ju Shun says this
word is pronounced the same as [OMITTED]]. It says that it was prohibited for the people to
deal in or ferment liquors, only the officials could open and establish [places for such
activities], just as on the roads and ways when logs are placed to serve as a means of
crossing a stream (a chio), they alone get the profit [from it]." Yen Shih-ku writes,
"The chio is a bridge for crossing [a stream] on foot. The Erh-ya [5:4b] speaks of
`a stone foot-bridge [OMITTED] [i.e., stepping stones].' The present small beam or tree
lying across a stream [OMITTED] is [precisely] this [thing]. They prohibited and closed
up this business, gathering its profits for the government, so that their inferiors would
have no means of securing or having them, like a foot-bridge (chio) for crossing a stream.
From that it was given [this] name, [chio]. Wei [Chao's] explanation and Ju [Shun's]
pronunciation are correct."
Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) remarks that po-ti cannot here be the name of a
commandery, because Mt. Ch'ang was in Ch'ang-shan Commandery. "It is merely as if
it said `the northern borders.' "
Teng Chang (fl. ca. 208) writes, "Yi [OMITTED] is to bury." Yen Shih-ku adds, "The
Erh-ya [6: 8a] says, `Sacrifices to the Earth are called yi-mai [OMITTED].' The objects [used
as offerings] are buried to show that they are devoted to the Earth."
A similar case is mentioned in 52: 20a, "The Commandant of Justice charged that
[Wang] Hui had stopped and hesitated, and should be executed by being cut [in two]."
Ju Shun explains "[According to] the military law, one who delays or is fearful or timid
should be cut in two at the waist."
Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that HHS, Mem. 76: 20b, states that in this year Shen-li
Commandery was abolished and its territory was made the western portion of Shu
Commandery.
Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) writes, "[The reprobated persons (tse [OMITTED]) are:] first,
petty officials who have committed crimes; second, fugitives [the Official ed. and Hu
San-hsing in his quotation of this comment in the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 22: 1b write
[OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED]]; third, adopted sons-in-law [there was an intense prejudice against
the practise employed by some persons who had no sons, of adopting a boy, giving him
their surname, and marrying him to a daughter, in order to perpetuate their ancestral
sacrifices, probably on the ground that such a practise constituted incest]; fourth, resident
merchants; fifth, those who had formerly been enregistered in the market-place [as
merchants]; sixth, those whose father or mother had been enregistered in the marketplace
[as merchants]; seventh, those whose grandfather or grandmother had been enregistered
in the market-place [as merchants]; seven classes in all."
The Official ed. has correctly emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. This order commuting death
punishment for a money payment is repeated on p. 35b under the date 95 B.C. The
latter seems a doublet for the present recording; in 78: 5b, Hsiao Wang-chih mentions
this order, dating it in 97 B.C., and not even hinting that it was repeated in 95 B.C.
Ying Shao explains, "It says that he purified and cleansed the world and gave the
common people [an opportunity to make] a new beginning, hence he capped the year-period
with [this name]," lit. "the great beginning."
Chavannes, Documents Chinois découverts par Aurel Stein, p. 71, notes that one of
Stein's tablets necessitates putting the intercalary month at the end of the year T'ai-shih
I, not at the end of T'ien-han IV, as Hoang has it. The months in Hoang's calendar
for T'ai-shih I are then each to be moved along by one month. This change is confirmed
by the eclipse recorded for this year; cf. App. VI, xi.
HS 55: 18b states that Kung-sun Ao feigned death and fled, hiding among the
common people. Five or six years later he was discovered and executed. The "Annals"
is probably merely copying his sentence of death. Cf. Glossary, sub voce.
The present text reads, "Yün-ling." Yen Shih-ku remarks that at this time there
was no Yün-ling. Mou-ling was the city at the tomb erected by Emperor Wu for himself.
Yün-yang was the prefecture in which Kan-ch'üan Palace was located. When
the Favorite Beauty nee Chao of the Kou-yi Palace died between 91 and 87 B.C., she
was buried in Yün-yang prefecture; when her son, Emperor Chao, ascended the throne in
87 B.C., she was for the first time entitled Empress Dowager and the Yün tomb was built
with the town of Yün-ling, made from part of Yün-yang prefecture. Hence in 96
B.C. there was no Yün-ling and the future Empress Dowager nee Chao was still living.
In Pan Ku's time only Yün-yang remained. Hence Yen Shih-ku is probably correct in
suggesting the emendation of "Yün-ling" to "Yün-yang." The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
22: 2b however deletes "Yün-ling" as an interpolation. Han-chi 15: 1a reads, "to Mou-ling
and the tomb which is at Yün-yang," so that the present reading of the HS is ancient.
A copyist who knew that there had been a Yün-ling might have written ling for yang
through the attraction of the first ling.
For the ascent of Mt. Lung, cf. 6: 20a; for the white unicorn, cf. 6: 13a; for the
horse, cf. 6: 19b. The gold may be that mentioned in 6: 30b, but that was at another
locality.
Ying Shao says, "He captured a white unicorn and had the auspicious presage of
the horse [from the Wu-wa River], hence he changed the casting of actual gold to be like
unicorns' feet and fine horses' hoofs, in order to accord with these happy celestial favors.
Anciently there was an excellent horse by the name of Yao-niao [OMITTED] [the latter of which
words is here translated `fine horse'], who had a red muzzle, a black body, and could travel
fifteen thousand li in one day." Yen Shih-ku adds, "Since it says, `It was proper that
[We] should change former appellations,' it also says, `[We] change [the shape for ingots
of] actual gold to have [the shape of] unicorns' feet and fine horses' hoofs.' This [means]
that although anciently gold was named in terms of [its weight in] catties and taels, yet
according to the official regulations it had a regular shape, like the present golden ingots
with lucky words [OMITTED] [which we have not been able to find described elsewhere].
Emperor Wu wished to make known his auspicious presages, hence universally changed
[the shapes of gold ingots] and cast [gold] in the shape of unicorns' feet and horses' hoofs,
merely to change the ancient forms. At present people from time to time find in the
earth [ingots in the shape of] golden horses' hoofs [OMITTED] [this seems to be the only
place where these ingots are mentioned], the gold of which is very fine and good and whose
shape is beautiful and elegant." Liu Pin remarks that Emperor Wu probably used gold
from Mt. Lung-shou to make these castings in order to accord with the portents. "Unicorns'
hoofs" is an allusion to Book of Odes, I, i, xi (Legge, p. 19). Unicorns were supposed
to have the hoofs of a horse; the animal was the symbol of all goodness and benevolence.
One of these ingots is reproduced in the magazine Ch'üan pi (Chinese Numismatics)
vol. 1, no. 1, July 1940, p. 26.
The Emperor secured six wild geese. The poem is found in HS 22: 32a, b and
translated in Mh III, 628, XVIII.
Yen Shih-ku quotes a note of Ju Shun to HS 25 B: 6b, saying, "It was as if there
were shadows of spirits who faced the throne which was sacrificed to and who made
obeisance," and adds, "A Han [dynasty] commentator says, `[Some] spirits appeared
together, both white and black, both great and small, facing the [Emperor's] throne, and
[made] three obeisances.' " Sacrifices were made in the morning before dawn. The
"three obeisances" look like the required obeisances to the emperor; such obeisances were
probably also made to shrines. Ying Shao identifies these spirits as immortals from the
fairy isle of P'eng-lai.
This event is also noted in 27 Ca: 17a, where it is interpreted as presaging the
downfall of Heir-apparent Li, since his downfall was caused by a man from Chao, Chiang
Ch'ung, who dug up the black magic; cf. 6: 37a. Snakes, frogs, fish, and the like were
thought to be attendants upon certain gods; Cf. the plates of the Wu clan graves in
Chavannes, Mission archeologique, which also show toads fighting.
This portent is an imitation of the one recorded in the Tso-chuan, Dk. Chuang, XIV,
(Legge, p. 92), where the fighting of serpents prophesies the assassination of the Earl of
Cheng and his two sons. The fighting in the HS may have been believed to presage the
fighting in Ch'ang-an at the time of the Heir-apparent's turmoil.
Dr. Leonhard Stejneger, Head Curator of Biology at the United States National
Museum, Washington, D. C., writes, "It does not seem possible that the account can
have reference to `snakes' or serpents in the ordinary sense of the word. It seems to be
pure myth." This account is one of the rare purely mythological events reported for
Han times in the HS. It may be paralleled by the fight between frogs and toads (6:
21a; cf. n. 21.6). Practically all the portents in the HS dated in Han times are possible
events; among the impossible ones, besides these two, there are the hair on the bottoms
of Emperor Hsüan's feet (8: 3a), the dwarf shadows (99 B: 18a), and Emperor Hsüan's
grave-clothes standing up (99 C: 8b, which seems a sheer exaggeration of the similar
and possible event in 12: 3b). The rarity of such impossible events recorded in a superstitious
era speaks well for Pan Ku's carefulness.
Ying Shao explains the name of this year-period as follows: "It says that [the Emperor]
had made military expeditions (cheng) against the barbarians in all directions, so
that the world was at peace (ho)."
Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "They surveyed the chariots and horses and
counted the provisions for the army." But Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) adds, " `Search' means
to seek for evil people [cf. n. 33.5]. Shang-lin Park is several hundred li around, hence
[the Emperor] mobilized the chariots and cavalry of the three capital commanderies to
enter it and make a grand search. The Han-ti Nien-chi [(before 285) says the Emperor]
`mobilized the cavalrymen of the three capital commanderies to make a grand search in
Ch'ang-an and in the Shang-lin [Park]. The city gates were closed to the fifteenth
day and many of the military officials who were Expectant Appointees to the Northern
Army died of hunger.' Then in both [cases, in the Park and in the city], it was a search,
and was not to count the provisions for the army." Han-chi 15: 3a and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
22: 4b both read "the eleventh day," so that the "fifteenth day" of the Han-ti
Nien-chi is a mistake. A search is mentioned in the Tso-chuan Dk. Ch'eng, XVII,
574 B.C. (Legge, p. 404). Cf. also Book of Changes, App. II, xxiv, Legge, p. 297; SC
15: 116, under date 236 B.C.
For this cause célèbre, and the subsequent tumult, cf. Glossary, sub Kung-sun Ho,
Chiang Ch'ung, and Liu Chü; J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, V,
826-844.
The typesetters have followed the Official ed. This is also the reading of the
Ching-yu ed. and is correct. The traditional text, followed by Wang Hsien-ch'ien, gives
An the wood (No. 75) radical.
Ying Shao comments, "At that time, the Heir-apparent had also sent out credentials
in order to be able to fight, hence yellow [pennons] were affixed to the top of [the imperial
credentials] in order to distinguish them." HS 66: 3b says, "At first, the credentials of
the Han [emperors] were pure red [in color]. Because the Heir-apparent used red credentials,
[the imperial credentials] were changed to have yellow pennons added to them
in order to distinguish [the two kinds of credentials]."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien's ed. has dropped the kan [OMITTED] at this point; the Ching-yu ed.,
the Southern Academy ed. (1528-31), the Fukien ed. (1549), and the Official ed. have it.
HS 94 A: 25b = de Groot, ibid., 178f recounts that the Huns sent more than twenty
thousand troops to block Ma T'ung's way, but retreated when they found the Chinese
force was strong, so that Ma T'ung neither gained nor lost anything. At this time the
Chinese feared that the troops of Turfan (Chü-shih) would intercept Ma T'ung, so
Ma T'ung sent the Marquis of K'ai-ling, Ch'eng Wan, who was originally a Hun, to
besiege Turfan. He captured its king and all its people.
For details, cf. Glossary sub voce. According to 94 A: 26a, Li Kuang-li was not
defeated until after the execution of Liu Ch'u-li; this paragraph sums up the year's
campaigns.
For details, cf. Glossary, sub Liu Ch'u-li. The present text adds the word "children
[OMITTED]" after "wife"; but Mr. Cheng (fl. dur. 265-317) comments, "His wife committed
witchcraft and black magic; her husband was sentenced as her accomplice, [but] he
only was cut in two at the waist." The Sung Ch'i ed. writes that the Old text (before
vi cent.) has not the word for "children"; the Ching-yu ed. (1034-5) also has not this
word. HS 27 A: 13b also mentions only his wife as having had her head exposed; Han-chi
15: 7a likewise mentions her alone. Wang Nien-sun says accordingly that "children"
is a conflation from 66: 5a. But in the Han style tzu may be an enclitic; cf. p. 425,
addition to 231, n. 2.
These meteorites are also mentioned in 27 Cb: 25a and in 25 B: 6b, 7a. The latter
passage says, "In this year, at Yung Hsien, when there were no clouds, it was as if there
were three [peals] of thunder, and something as if it were a rainbow mist, blue and yellow,
like a [flock of] flying birds, perched south of Yü-yang Palace. The noise was heard for
four hundred li and the two meteorites were as black as a black mole. A high official
considered them as a fortunate [sign, so] they were offered in the [imperial] ancestral
temples."
The name of this year-period, which seems to mean "the last year-period," is
peculiar. It looks very much as if Emperor Wu had failed to give a name to this year-period
(names were not usually assigned until some time, sometimes years, after the
year-period began), and this name was used by historians because it was the last period
of his reign.
But Wang Yi (1321-1372) says that Emperor Wu was imitating Emperor Wen's
and Emperor Ching's last year-periods, so that the name of this year-period was not
given by historians. Wang Hsien-ch'ien approves. Liu Pin (1022-1088) thinks that,
just as in the reigns of Emperors Wen and Ching there were properly no named year-periods,
so here there was merely a "last first year [OMITTED]." Chu Yi-hsin (1848-1894)
points out that this phrase is found in 68: 2a and 28 Bi: 17b, and that the phrase [OMITTED]
is found in 7: 3b and 14: 9b. (In these cases however the word [OMITTED] may have merely
dropped out in the transmission of the text. Cf. 7: n. 3.8.) Chu Yi-hsin suggests
that [OMITTED] was probably a popular term for the more precise [OMITTED]. Wu
Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) suggests that just as Emperor Kuang-wu named 56 A.D.
as [OMITTED] and the historians dropped the first two words, so Emperor Wu called
this year-period Cheng-ho-hou-yüan, and the historian deleted the first two characters.
But there is independent proof for the above designation of 56 A.D., whereas there is no
corroboration for Wu Jen-chieh's suggestion. Wang Hsien-ch'ien points out that Emperor
Wu began the practise of giving year-periods with a name composed of two characters,
and that each of his ten previous year-periods had such a name, so that this year-period
would hardly be an exception. These explanations seem however far-fetched, so
that I am possibly correct in suggesting that the name of this year-period was given by
historians on the model of those in preceding reigns.
Ju Shun says, "At the time it was spring, not the time to use bird-nets, hence
he did not capture any."
[OMITTED] and [OMITTED] seem anciently to have been pronounced alike, as muo. For the change
of this surname, cf. Glossary, sub Ma T'ung. The first of these two words is usually
written, hence I have used its modern pronunciation, in accordance with my practise of
employing the modern equivalents of ancient pronunciations, unless there is some
justification for a change.
For this attempted assassination of Emperor Wu, cf. Glossary, sub Ma Ho-lo.
Chin Mi-ti siezed Ma Ho-lo; Ho Kuang and Shang-kuan Chieh probably pursued and
killed Ma T'ung.
In a note to 7: 1b, Liu Pin remarks that in this year, the second month (Mar./Apr.),
there was an amnesty, mentioned in 8: 2a and 74: 7a (also 97 A: 19b7), which the "Annals"
fail to record.
A quotation from Kung-yang Commentary 28: 8a, Dk. Ai, XIV. It is repeated in
SC 8: 86 = Mh II, 403 = HS 1 B: 24b.
Yen Shih-ku writes, "The six classics are the Book of Changes, the Book of Odes, the
Book of History, the Spring and Autumn, the Book of Rites, and the Book of Music.
Ch'ou-tzu [OMITTED] is a phrase used by Yao in the Book of History, I, iii, 9 (Legge,
p. 23) and must be interpreted accordingly.
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