Livy's History of Rome: Book 24
The Revolution in Syracuse
24.1
After his return to
Bruttium, Hanno, with the assistance and guidance of the Bruttians, made an
attempt on the Greek cities. They were steadfast in their adherence to Rome,
and all the more so because they saw that the Bruttians, whom they feared
and hated, were taking sides with the Carthaginians. Rhegium was the first
place he attempted, and several days were spent there without any result.
Meanwhile the Locrians were hastily carrying their corn and wood and
everything else they might want out of the fields into the city, not only for
safety, but also that no plunder whatever might be left for the enemy. Every
day larger numbers of people poured out of all the gates, till at last only
those remained in the city whose duty it was to repair the walls and gates
and provide a store of weapons on the ramparts. Against this miscellaneous
crowd of all ranks and ages wandering through the fields mostly unarmed,
Hamilcar sent his cavalry with orders not to injure any one but simply to
scatter them in flight and then cut them off from returning to the city. He had
taken up his position upon some high ground where he had a view of the
country and the city, and he sent orders to one of the Bruttian cohorts to go
up to the walls and invite the principal men of the place to a conference, and
if they consented they were to endeavour to persuade them to betray the
city, promising them, if they did so, Hannibal's friendship. The conference
took place, but no credence was placed in what the Bruttians said, until the
Carthaginians showed themselves on the hills and a few who escaped to the
city brought the news that the whole population was in the hands of the
enemy. Unnerved by terror they replied that they would consult the people,
and a meeting was at once convened. All who were restless and discontented
preferred a fresh policy and a fresh alliance, whilst those whose kinsfolk had
been shut out of the city by the enemy felt as much pledged as though they
had given hostages. A few were in favour of maintaining their loyalty to
Rome, but they kept silence rather than venture to defend their opinion. A
resolution was passed with apparent unanimity in favour of surrendering to
the Carthaginians. L. Atilius, the commandant of the garrison, and his men
were conducted down to the harbour and placed on board ship for
conveyance to Regium; Hamilcar and his Carthaginians were received into
the city on the understanding that a treaty with equal rights should be at once
concluded. This condition was within a very little of being broken, for the
Carthaginians charged the Locrians with treachery in sending away the
Romans, whilst the Locrians pleaded that they had escaped. Some cavalry
went in pursuit in case the tide in the straits should either delay the departure
of the ships or drift them ashore. They did not overtake those whom they
were in pursuit of, but they saw some other ships crossing the straits from
Messana to Regium. These were Roman soldiers who had been sent by
Claudius to hold the city. So the Carthaginians at once retired from Regium.
By Hannibal's orders peace was granted to the Locrians; they were to be
independent and live under their own laws; the city was to be open to the
Carthaginians, the Locrians were to have sole control of the harbour, and the
alliance was to be based on the principle of mutual support: the
Carthaginians were to help the Locrians and the Locrians the Carthaginians
in peace and in war.
24.2
Thus the
Carthaginians marched back from the straits amidst the protests of the
Bruttians, who complained that the cities which they had marked for
themselves for plunder had been left unmolested. They determined to act on
their own account, and after enrolling and arming 15,000 of their own
fighting men they proceeded to attack Croto, a Greek city situated on the
coast. They imagined that they would gain an immense accession of strength
if they possessed a seaport with a strongly fortified harbour. What troubled
them was that they could not quite venture to summon the Carthaginians to
their aid lest they should be thought not to have acted as allies ought to act,
and again, if the Carthaginian should for the second time be the advocate of
peace rather than of war, they were afraid that they would fight in vain
against the freedom of Croto as they had against that of Locri. It seemed the
best course to send to Hannibal and obtain from him an assurance that on its
capture Croto should pass to the Bruttians. Hannibal told them that it was a
matter for those on the spot to arrange and referred them to Hanno, for
neither he nor Hanno wanted that famous and wealthy city to be plundered,
and they hoped that when the Bruttians attacked it and it was seen that the
Carthaginians neither assisted nor approved of the attack, the defenders
would come over to Hannibal all the sooner.
In Croto there was neither unity of purpose nor of feeling; it
seemed as though a disease had attacked all the cities of Italy alike,
everywhere the populace were hostile to the aristocracy. The senate of Croto
were in favour of the Romans, the populace wanted to place their state in the
hands of the Carthaginians. This division of opinion in the city was reported
by a deserter to the Bruttians. According to his statements, Aristomachus
was the leader of the populace and was urging the surrender of the city,
which was extensive and thickly populated, with fortifications covering a
large area. The positions where the senators kept watch and ward were few
and scattered, wherever the populace kept guard the way lay open into the
city. At the suggestion of the deserter and under his guidance the Bruttians
completely invested the town, and at the very first assault were admitted by
the populace and took possession of the whole place with the exception of
the citadel. This was held by the aristocrats, who had prepared it beforehand
as a place of refuge in case anything of this sort should happen.
Aristomachus, too, fled there, and gave out that he had advised the surrender
of the city to the Carthaginians, not to the Bruttians.
24.3
Before
Pyrrhus' arrival in Italy, the city of Croto had walls which formed a circuit of
twelve miles. After the devastation caused by that war hardly half the place
was inhabited; the river which used to flow through the middle of the city
now ran outside the part where the houses were, and the citadel was at a
considerable distance from them. Sixteen miles from this famous city there
was a still more famous temple to Juno Lacinia, an object of veneration to all
the surrounding communities. There was a grove here enclosed by a dense
wood and lofty fir-trees, in the middle of which there was a glade affording
delightful pasture. In this glade cattle of every kind, sacred to the goddess,
used to feed without any one to look after them, and at nightfall the different
herds separated each to their own stalls without any beasts of prey lying in
wait for them or any human hands to steal them. These cattle were a source
of great profit, and a column of solid gold was made from the money thus
gained and dedicated to the goddess. Thus the temple became celebrated for
its wealth as well as for its sanctity, and as generally happens in these famous
spots, some miracles also were attributed to it. It was commonly reported
that an altar stood in the porch of the temple, the ashes on which were never
stirred by any wind.
The citadel of Croto, which overhung the sea on one side and on
the other faced the land, was formerly protected by its natural position;
afterwards it was further protected by a wall, on the side where Dionysius,
the Sicilian tyrant, had captured it by stratagem, scaling it on the side away
from the sea. It was this citadel that the aristocrats of Croto now occupied,
regarding it as a fairly safe stronghold, while the populace in conjunction
with the Bruttians besieged them. At last the Bruttians saw that they could
never take the place in their own strength, and found themselves compelled
to appeal to Hanno for help. He tried to bring the Crotonians to a surrender
on condition that they would admit a Bruttian colony and allow their city,
wasted and desolate as it was by war, to recover its ancient populousness.
Not a single man amongst them, except Aristomachus, would listen to him.
They said that they would sooner die than be mingled with Bruttians and
change to alien ceremonies, customs, and laws, and soon even to a foreign
speech. Aristomachus, finding himself powerless to persuade them to
surrender and not getting any opportunity of betraying the citadel as he had
betrayed the city, went off by himself to Hanno. Shortly after some envoys
from Locri, who had, with Hanno's permission, obtained access to the
citadel, persuaded them to suffer themselves to be transferred to Locri
instead of facing the last extremity. They had already sent to Hannibal and
obtained his consent to this course. So they left Croto and were conducted
to the sea and put on board ship and sailed in a body for Locri. In Apulia
even the winter did not pass quietly so far as the Romans and Hannibal were
concerned. Sempronius was wintering at Luceria and Hannibal not far from
Arpi; skirmishes took place between them as occasion offered or either side
saw its opportunity, and these brushes with the enemy made the Romans
more efficient every day and more familiar with the cunning methods of their
opponents.
24.4
In Sicily
the position of the Romans was totally altered by the death of Hiero and the
demise of the crown to his grandson, Hieronymus, who was but a boy and
hardly likely to use his own liberty much less his sovereign power with
moderation. At such an age and with such a temperament guardians and
friends alike sought to plunge him into every kind of excess. Hiero, it is said,
seeing what was going to happen, was anxious at the close of his long life to
leave Syracuse as a free State, lest the kingdom which had been acquired and
built up by wise and honourable statesmanship should go to ruin by being
made the sport of a boy tyrant. His project met with the most determined
opposition from his daughters. They imagined that whilst the boy retained
the name of king, the supreme power would really rest with them and their
husbands, Andranodorus and Zoippus, whom the king purposed to leave as
the boy's principal guardians. It was no easy matter for a man in his ninetieth
year, subject night and day to the coaxing and blandishments of two women,
to keep an open mind and make public interests predominant over private
ones in his thoughts. So all he could do was to leave fifteen guardians for his
son, and he implored them on his deathbed to maintain unimpaired the loyal
relations with Rome which he had cultivated for fifty years, and to see to it
that the young man, above all things, followed in his footsteps and adhered
to the principles in which he had been brought up. Such were his
instructions. When the king had breathed his last the guardians produced the
will and brought the boy, who was then about fifteen, before the assembled
people. Some who had taken their places in different parts to raise
acclamations shouted their approval of the will, the majority, feeling that
they had lost a father, feared the worst now that the State was orphaned.
Then followed the king's funeral, which was honoured more by the love and
affection of his subjects than by any grief amongst his own kindred. Shortly
afterwards Andranodorus got rid of the other guardians by giving out that
Hieronymus was now a young man and capable of assuming the government;
by himself resigning the guardianship which he shared with several others, he
concentrated all their powers in his own person.
24.5
Even a
good and sensible prince would have found it difficult to win popularity with
the Syracusans as successor to their beloved Hiero. But Hieronymus, as
though he were anxious by his own vices to make the loss of his grandfather
more keenly felt, showed on his very first appearance in public how
everything was changed. Those who had for so many years seen Hiero and
his son, Gelo, going about with nothing in their dress or other marks of
royalty to distinguish them from the rest of their countrymen, now saw
Hieronymus clad in purple, wearing a diadem, surrounded by an armed
escort, and sometimes even proceeding from his palace in a chariot drawn by
four white horses, after the style of Dionysius the tyrant. Quite in harmony
with this extravagant assumption of state and pomp was the contempt he
showed for everybody; the insolent tone in which he addressed those who
sought audiences of him; the way he made himself difficult of access not only
to strangers but even to his guardians; his monstrous lusts; his inhuman
cruelty. Such terror seized everybody that some of his guardians anticipated
a death of torture by suicide or flight. Three of them, the only ones who had
familiar access to the palace, Andranodorus and Zoippus, Hiero's
sons-in-law, and a certain Thraso, did not rouse much interest in him when
talking of other matters, but as two of them took the side of the
Carthaginians and Thraso that of the Romans, their heated arguments and
quarrels attracted the young king's attention. A conspiracy formed against
the despot's life was disclosed by a certain Callo, a lad of about the same age
as Hieronymus and accustomed from his boyhood to associate with him on
terms of perfect familiarity. The informer was able to give the name of one
of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he had himself been invited to join
in the plot. This man was at once arrested and handed over to Andranodorus
for torture. He confessed his own complicity without any hesitation, but was
silent about the others. At last, when he was racked with tortures too terrible
for human endurance, he pretended to be overcome by his sufferings, and
instead of disclosing the names of the guilty informed against an innocent
man, and falsely accused Thraso of being the ringleader of the plot. Unless,
he said, they had had such an influential man to lead them they would never
have ventured upon so serious an undertaking. He went on inventing his
story amidst groans of anguish and mentioning names just as they occurred
to him, taking care to select the most worthless amongst the king's courtiers.
It was the mention of Thraso that weighed most in persuading the king of
the truth of the story; he accordingly was at once given up for punishment,
and the others, as innocent as he was, shared his fate. Though their
accomplice was under torture for a long time, not one of the actual
conspirators either concealed himself or sought safety in flight, so great was
their confidence in the courage and honour of Theodotus, and so great the
firmness with which he kept their secret.
24.6
The one
link with Rome had now gone with Thraso, and there was no doubt about
the movement towards revolt. Envoys were sent to Hannibal, and he sent
back, together with a young noble, also named Hannibal, two other agents,
Hippocrates and Epicydes, natives of Carthage and Carthaginians on the
mother's side, but their grandfather was a refugee from Syracuse. Through
their agency an alliance was formed between Hannibal and the Syracusan
tyrant, and with Hannibal's consent they stayed on with Hieronymus. As
soon as Appius Claudius, who was commanding in Sicily heard of this, he
sent envoys to the king. When they announced that they had come to renew
the alliance which had existed with his grandfather, they were laughed at,
and as they were leaving the king asked them in jest what fortune they had
met with in the battle of Cannae, for he could hardly believe what Hannibal's
envoys told him; he wanted to know the truth so that he might make up his
mind which course to follow as offering the best prospects. The Romans said
that they would come back to him when he had learnt to receive embassies
seriously, and, after warning him, rather than asking him, not to abandon
their alliance lightly, they departed. Hieronymus sent envoys to Carthage to
conclude a treaty in the terms of their alliance with Hannibal. It was agreed
in this compact that after they had expelled the Romans from Sicily -and
that would soon be done if they sent a fleet and an army -the river Himera,
which almost equally divides the island, was to be the boundary between the
dominions of Syracuse and that of Carthage. Puffed up by the flattery of
people who told him to remember not only Hiero but his maternal
grandfather, King Pyrrhus, Hieronymus sent a second legation to Hannibal to
tell him that he thought it only fair that the whole of Sicily should be ceded
to him and that Carthage should claim the empire of Italy as their own. They
expressed neither surprise nor displeasure at this fickleness and levity in the
hot-headed youth provided only they could keep him from declaring for
Rome.
24.7
But
everything was hurrying him headlong into ruin. He had sent Hippocrates
and Epicydes in advance, each with 2000 troops, to attempt some cities
which were held by Roman garrisons, whilst he himself advanced to Leontini
with 15,000 foot and horse, which comprised the rest of his army. The
conspirators, all of whom happened to be in the army, took an empty house
overlooking the narrow road by which the king usually went down to the
forum. Whilst they were all standing in front of the house, fully armed,
waiting for the king to pass, one of them, Dinomenes by name, in the royal
body-guard, had the task assigned to him of keeping back the crowd in the
rear, by some means or other, when the king approached the gate of the
house. All was done as had been arranged. Pretending to loosen a knot
which was too tight on his foot, Dinomenes stopped the crowd and made so
wide a gap in it that when the king was attacked in the absence of his guards
he was stabbed in several places before help could reach him. As soon as the
shouting and tumult were heard the guard hurled their missiles on
Dinomenes who was now unmistakably stopping the way, but he escaped
with only two wounds. When they saw the king lying on the ground the
attendants fled. Some of the assassins went to the people who had assembled
in the forum, rejoicing in their recovered liberty, others hastened to Syracuse
to forestall the designs of Andranodorus and the rest of the king's men. In
this critical state of affairs Appius Claudius saw that a war was beginning
close at hand, and he sent a despatch to the senate informing them that Sicily
was being won over to Carthage and Hannibal. To frustrate the plans being
formed at Syracuse, he moved all the garrisons to the frontier between the
Roman province and the late king's dominion. At the close of the year Q.
Fabius was authorised by the senate to fortify Puteoli, where there had
grown up a considerable trade during the war, and also to place a garrison in
it. On his way to Rome, where he was to conduct the elections, he gave
notice that they would be held on the first election day that he could fix, and
then to save time he marched past the City straight to the Campus Martius.
That day the first voting fell by lot to the junior century of the tribe of the
Anio, and they were giving their vote for T. Otacilius and M. Aemilius
Regillus, when Q. Fabius, having obtained silence, made the following
address:
24.8
"If Italy
were at peace, or if we had on our hands such a war and such an enemy as to
allow room for less care on our part, I should consider any one who sought
to check the eagerness with which you have come here to confer honour on
the men of your choice as very forgetful of your liberties. But in this war, in
dealing with this enemy, none of our generals has ever made a single mistake
which has not involved us in the gravest disasters, and therefore it is only
right that you should exercise your franchise in the election of consuls with
as much circumspection as you show when going armed into battle. Every
man must say to himself, 'I am nominating a consul who is to be a match for
Hannibal.' It was during this year that Vibellius Taurea, the foremost of the
Campanian knights challenged and was met by Asellus Claudius, the finest
Roman horseman, at Capua. Against a Gaul, who once offered his defiance
on the bridge over the Anio, our ancestors sent T Manlius, a man of
undaunted courage and prowess. Not many years later it was in the same
spirit of fearless confidence, I will make bold to say, that M. Valerius armed
himself against the Gaul who challenged him in the same way to single
combat. Just as we desire to have our infantry and cavalry stronger, or if that
is impossible at least equal to the enemy, so we should look for a
commander equal to his. Even if we choose as our commander the finest
general in the republic, still he is only chosen for a year, and immediately
after his election he will be pitted against a veteran and permanent strategist
who is not shackled by any limitations of time or authority, or prevented
from forming and executing any plans which the necessities of war may
require. In our case, on the other hand, the year is gone simply in making
preparations and commencing a campaign. I have said enough as to the sort
of men you ought to elect as your consuls; let me say a word about the men
in whose favour the first vote has already been given. M. Aemilius Regillus is
a Flamen or Quirinus; we cannot discharge him from his sacred duties
without neglecting our duty to the gods nor can we keep him at home
without neglecting proper attention to the war. Otacilius married my sister's
daughter and has children by her, but the obligations you have conferred on
me and my ancestors are not such that I can place private relationship before
the welfare of the State. In a calm sea any sailor, any passenger, can steer the
ship, but when a violent storm arises and the vessel is driven by the wind
over the raging waters then you want a man who is really a pilot. We are not
sailing now in smooth water, already we have almost foundered in the many
storms that have overtaken us, and therefore you must use the utmost
foresight and caution in choosing the man who is to take the helm.
"As for you, T. Otacilius, we have had some experience of your
conduct of comparatively unimportant operations, and you have certainly not
shown any grounds for our entrusting you with more important ones. There
were three objects for which we equipped the fleet this year which you
commanded: it was to ravage the African coast, to render the coast of Italy
safe for us, and, what was most important of all, to prevent any
reinforcements, money, or supplies from being sent from Carthage to
Hannibal. If T. Otacilius has carried out -I will not say all, but -any one of
these objects for the State, then by all means elect him consul. But if, whilst
you were in command of the fleet, everything required reached Hannibal safe
and sound from home, if the coast of Italy has this year been in greater
danger than the coast of Africa, what possible reason can you give why they
should put you up, most of all, to oppose Hannibal? If you were consul we
should have to follow the example of our forefathers and nominate a
Dictator, and you could not take it as an insult that somebody amongst all
the citizens of Rome was looked upon as a better strategist than yourself. It
is of more importance to you, T. Otacilius, than it can be to any one else that
you should not have a burden placed upon your shoulders whose weight
would crush you. And to you, my fellow-citizens, I appeal most solemnly to
remember what you are about to do. Imagine yourselves standing in your
armed ranks on the field of battle; suddenly you are called upon to choose
two commanders under whose auspicious generalship you are to fight. In the
same spirit choose the consuls today to whom your children must take the
oath, at whose edict they must assemble, under whose tutelage and
protection they must serve. Trasumennus and Cannae are melancholy
precedents to recall, but they are solemn warnings to guard against similar
disasters. Usher! call back the century of juniors in the tribe of the Anio to
give their votes again."
24.9
T.
Otacilius was in a state of great excitement, loudly exclaiming that Fabius
wanted to have his consulship prolonged, and as he persisted in creating a
disturbance the consul ordered the lictors to approach him and warned him
that as he had marched straight to the Campus without entering the City, the
axes were still bound up in the fasces. The voting had in the meantime
recommenced, and the first was given in favour of Q. Fabius Maximus as
consul for the fourth time and M. Marcellus for the third. All the other
centuries voted without exception for the same men. One praetor was
re-elected, Q Fulvius Flaccus, the others were fresh appointments; T.
Otacilius Crassus, now praetor for the second time; Q. Fabius, a son of the
consul and curule aedile at the time of his election; and P. Cornelius
Lentulus. When the election of the praetors was finished the senate passed a
resolution that Quintus Fulvius should have the City as his special province,
and when the consuls had gone to the war he should command at home.
There were two great floods this year; the Tiber inundated the fields, causing
widespread destruction of farm-buildings and stock and much loss of life. It
was in the fifth year of the second Punic war that Q. Fabius Maximus
assumed the consulship for the fourth time and M. Claudius Marcellus for
the third time. Their election excited an unusual amount of interest amongst
the citizens, for it was many years since there had been such a pair of
consuls. Old men remembered that Maximus Rullus had been similarly
elected with P. Decius in view of the Gaulish war, and in the same way
afterwards Papirius and Carvilius had been chosen consuls to act against the
Samnites and Bruttians and also against the Lucanians and Tarentines.
Marcellus was elected in his absence whilst he was with the army. Fabius
was re-elected when he was on the spot and actually conducting the election.
Irregular as this was, the circumstances at the time, the exigencies of the
war, the critical position of the State prevented any one from inquiring into
precedents or suspecting the consul of love of power. On the contrary, they
praised his greatness of soul, because when he knew that the republic needed
its greatest general, and that he was unquestionably himself the one, he
thought less of any personal odium which he might incur than of the interest
of the republic.
24.10
On the
day when the consuls entered upon office, a meeting of the senate was held
in the Capitol. The very first decree passed was that the consuls should
either draw lots or arrange between themselves which of them should
conduct the election of censors before he left for the army. A second decree
extended the command of the former consuls who were with their armies,
and they were ordered to remain in their respective provinces; Ti. Gracchus
at Luceria, where he was stationed with his army of volunteer slaves; C.
Terentius Varro in the district of Picenum; Manius Pomponius in the land of
the Gauls. The praetors of the former year were to act as propraetors; Q.
Mucius was to hold Sardinia, and M. Valerius was to continue in command
of the coast with his headquarters at Brundisium, where he was to be on the
watch against any movement on the part of Philip of Macedon. The province
of Sicily was assigned to P. Cornelius Lentulus, one of the praetors, and T.
Otacilius was to command the same fleet which he had had the previous
year, to act against the Carthaginians. Many portents were announced that
year, and the more readily men of simple and pious minds believed in them
the more numerously were they reported. Right in the inside of the temple of
Juno Sospita at Lanuvium some crows had built a nest; in Apulia a green
palm-tree had caught fire; at Mantua a pool formed by the overflow of the
Mincius presented the appearance of blood; at Cales there was a rain of
chalk stones, and at Rome, in the Forum Boarium, one of blood; in the
Insteian quarter a subterranean spring flowed with such violence that it
carried off some casks and jars in the cellars there as though they had been
swept away by a torrent; various objects were struck by lightning, a public
hall in the Capitol, the temple of Vulcan in the Campus Martius, some farm
buildings in the Sabine territory; and the public road, the walls, and one of
the gates of Gabii. Then other marvels were reported; the spear of Mars at
Praeneste had moved of its own accord; in Sicily an ox had spoken; amongst
the Marrucini an infant had cried "Io triumphe" in its mother's womb; at
Spoletum a woman had been turned into a man; at Hadria an altar had been
seen in the sky with men clothed in white standing round it; and lastly at
Rome, in the very City itself, a swarm of bees was seen in the Forum and
immediately afterwards some people raised the cry "To arms!" declaring that
they saw armed legions on the Janiculum, though the people who were on
the hill at the time said that they saw no one except those who were usually
at work in the gardens there. These portents were expiated by victims of the
larger kind in accordance with the directions of the diviners, and solemn
intercessions were ordered to be made to all the deities who possessed
shrines in Rome.
24.11
When
all had been done to secure "the peace of the gods," the consuls brought
before the senate the questions relating to the policy of the State, the
conduct of the war, and the amount and disposition of the military and naval
forces of the republic. It was decided to place eighteen legions in the field.
Each of the consuls was to have two, Gaul, Sicily, and Sardinia were each to
be held by two, Q. Fabius, the praetor, was to take command of two in
Apulia, and Ti. Gracchus was to keep his two legions of volunteer slaves at
Luceria. One legion was left with C. Terentius at Picenum, and one also with
M. Valerius at Brundisium for the fleet, and two were to defend the City. To
make up this number of legions six new ones had to be raised. The consuls
were directed to raise these as quickly as possible, and to fit out a fleet so
that with the vessels stationed off the Calabrian coast the navy might that
year be increased to 150 vessels of war. After the troops were levied and
100 new vessels launched, Q. Fabius held the election for the appointment of
censors; those elected were M. Atilius Regulus and P. Furius Philus. As the
rumours of war in Sicily became more frequent, T. Otacilius was directed to
sail thither with his fleet. As there was a deficiency of sailors, the consuls,
acting upon the instructions of the senate, published an order to meet the
case. Every one who had been assessed or whose father had been assessed in
the censorship of L. Aemilius and C. Flaminius at from 50,000 to 100,000
ases or whose property had since reached that amount, was to furnish one
sailor with six months' pay; those whose assessment was from 100,000 to
300,000 were to supply three sailors with twelve months' pay; from 300,000
to 1,000,000 the contribution was to be five sailors, and above that amount
seven. The senators were to furnish eight sailors and a year's pay. The sailors
forthcoming under this order, after being armed and equipped by their
masters, went on board with thirty days' rations. This was the first occasion
on which a Roman fleet was manned by seamen provided at private cost.
24.12
The
extraordinary scale on which these preparations were made threw the
Campanians into a state of consternation; they were in dread lest the Romans
should begin their campaigns for the year by besieging Capua. So they sent
to Hannibal imploring him to move his army to Capua; fresh armies, they
informed him, had been raised in Rome with a view to attacking them, and
there was no city whose defection the Romans more bitterly resented than
theirs. Owing to the urgency of the message, Hannibal felt he ought to lose
no time in case the Romans anticipated him, and leaving Arpi he took up his
position in his old camp at Tifata, overlooking Capua. Leaving his
Numidians and Spaniards to protect the camp and Capua at the same time,
he descended with the rest of his army to Lake Avernus, ostensibly for the
purpose of offering sacrifice, but really to make an attempt on Puteoli and
the garrison there. As soon as the news of Hannibal's departure from Arpi
and his return to Campania reached Maximus, he returned to his army,
travelling night and day, and sent orders to Ti. Gracchus to move his forces
from Luceria to Beneventum, whilst Q. Fabius, the praetor, the consul's son,
was instructed to take Gracchus' place at Luceria. Two praetors started at
the same time for Sicily, P. Cornelius to the army and T. Otacilius to take
charge of the coast and direct the naval affairs. The others all left for their
respective provinces, and those whose command had been extended kept the
districts they had held the year before.
24.13
While
Hannibal was at Lake Avernus he was visited by five young nobles from
Tarentum who had been made prisoners, some at Trasumennus and the
others at Cannae, and afterwards sent to their homes with the same
courteous treatment that the Carthaginian had shown to all the allies of
Rome. They told him that they had not forgotten his kindness, and out of
gratitude had persuaded most of the younger men in Tarentum to choose the
friendship and alliance of Hannibal in preference to that of the Romans; they
had been sent by their compatriots to ask him to march his army nearer to
Tarentum. "If only," they declared, "your standards and camp are visible at
Tarentum, there will be no hesitation in making the city over to you. The
populace is in the hands of the younger men, and the government of
Tarentum is in the hands of the populace." Hannibal expressed his warm
approval of their sentiments, loaded them with splendid promises, and bade
them return home to mature their plans. He would himself be with them at
the right time. With this hope the Tarentines were dismissed. Hannibal
himself was extremely anxious to gain possession of Tarentum; he saw that it
was a wealthy and famous city, and, what was more, it was a maritime city
on the coast opposite Macedonia, and as the Romans were holding
Brundisium, this would be the port that King Philip would make for if he
sailed to Italy. After performing the sacred rites which were the object of his
coming, and having during his stay laid waste the territory of Cumae as far
as the promontory of Misenum, he suddenly marched to Puteoli, hoping to
surprise the Roman garrison. There were 6000 troops there, and the place
was not only one of great strength, but had also been strongly fortified. The
Carthaginian spent three days there in attempting the fortress on every side,
and as he met with no success he proceeded to ravage the district round
Naples, more out of disappointed rage than in hopes of gaining possession of
the city. The populace of Nola, who had long been disaffected towards
Rome and at variance with their own senate, were greatly excited by his
presence in a territory so close to their own. Their envoys accordingly came
to invite Hannibal and brought him a positive assurance that the city would
be delivered up to him. Their design was forestalled by the consul Marcellus,
who had been summoned by the leading citizens. In one day he marched
from Cales to Suessula in spite of the delay involved in crossing the
Vulturnus, and the following night he threw into Nola 6000 infantry and 500
cavalry as a protection to the senate. While the consul was acting with the
utmost energy in making Nola safe against attack, Hannibal was losing time,
and after two unsuccessful attempts was less inclined to put faith in the
populace of Nola.
24.14
During
this time the consul, Q. Fabius, made an attempt on Casilinum, which was
held by a Carthaginian garrison, while, as though they were acting in
concert, Hanno, marching from Bruttium with a strong body of horse and
foot, reached Beneventum on the one side and Ti. Gracchus, from Luceria,
approached it in the opposite direction. He got into the town first, and
hearing that Hanno had encamped by the river Caloris about three miles from
the city and was ravaging the country, he moved out of the place and fixed
his camp about a mile from the enemy. Here he harangued his troops. His
legions were composed mostly of volunteer slaves who had made up their
minds to earn their liberty, without murmuring, by another year's service
rather than demand it openly. He had, however, on leaving his winter
quarters noticed that there were discontented "rumblings going on in the
army, men were asking whether they would ever serve as free men. In
consequence of this he had sent a despatch to the senate in which he stated
that the question was not so much what they wanted as what they deserved;
they had rendered him good and gallant service up to that day, and they only
fell short of the standard of regular soldiers in the matter of personal
freedom. On that point permission had been granted to him to do what he
thought best in the interests of the State. So before closing with the enemy
he announced that the hour which they had so long hoped for, when they
would gain their freedom, had now come. The next day he was going to
fight a pitched battle in a free and open plain where there would be full scope
for true courage without any fear of ambuscade. Whoever brought back the
head of an enemy would be at once by his orders declared to be a free man;
whoever quitted his place in the ranks he would punish with a slave's death.
Every man's fortune was in his own hands. It was not he alone that
guaranteed their liberty, but the consul Marcellus also and the whole of the
senate whom he had consulted and who had left the question of their liberty
to him. He then read the despatch from Marcellus and the resolution passed
in the senate. These were greeted with a loud and ringing cheer. They
demanded to be led at once to battle and pressed him forthwith to give the
signal. Gracchus announced that the battle would take place the next day and
then dismissed the men to quarters. The soldiers were in high spirits, those
especially who had the prospect of earning their freedom by one day's
strenuous work, and they spent the rest of the day in getting their arms and
armour ready.
24.15
When
the bugles began to sound the next morning the volunteer slaves were the
first to muster in front of the headquarters' tent, armed and ready. As soon as
the sun was risen Gracchus led his forces into the field, and the enemy
showed no slackness in meeting him. He had 17,000 infantry, mostly
Bruttians and Lucanians, and 1200 cavalry, amongst whom were very few
Italians, the rest were almost all Numidians and Moors. The battle was a
severe and protracted one; for four hours neither side gained any advantage.
Nothing hampered the Romans more than the setting a price upon the heads
of their foes, the price of liberty, for no sooner had any one made a furious
attack upon an enemy and killed him than he lost time in cutting off his head
-a difficult matter in the tumult and turmoil of the battle -and then, as their
right hands were occupied in holding the heads all the best soldiers were no
longer able to fight, and the battle was left to the slow and the timid. The
military tribunes reported to their general that not a man of the enemy was
being wounded as he stood, whilst those who had fallen were being
butchered and the soldiers were carrying human heads in their right hands
instead of swords. Gracchus made them at once give the order to throw
down the heads and attack the enemy, and to tell them that their courage
was sufficiently clear and conspicuous, and that there would be no question
about liberty for brave men. On this the fighting was renewed and even the
cavalry were sent against the enemy. The Numidians made a countercharge
with great impetuosity, and the fighting became as fierce between the cavalry
as it was amongst the infantry, making the issue of the contest again
uncertain. The generals on both sides now appealed to their men; the Roman
pointed to the Bruttians and Lucanians who had been so often defeated and
crushed by their ancestors; the Carthaginian showered contempt upon
Roman slaves and soldiers taken out of the workshops. At last Gracchus
gave out that there would be no hope whatever of liberty if the enemy were
not routed and put to flight that day.
24.16
These
words so kindled their courage that they seemed like different men; they
raised the battle shout again and flung themselves on the enemy with such
force that their attack could no longer be withstood. The Carthaginian ranks
in front of the standards were broken, then the soldiers round the standards
were thrown into disorder, and at last their entire army became a scene of
confusion. Soon they were unmistakably routed, and they rushed to their
camp in such haste and panic that not even in the gates or on the rampart
was there any attempt at resistance. The Romans followed almost on their
heels and commenced a fresh battle inside the enemies' rampart. Here the
combatants had less space to move and the battle was all the more bloody.
The prisoners in the camp also helped the Romans, for they snatched up
swords amid the confusion and, forming a solid phalanx, they fell upon the
Carthaginians in the rear and stopped their flight. Out of that large army not
2000 men escaped, and amongst these were the greater part of the cavalry
who got clear away with their general, all the rest were either killed or made
prisoners, and thirty-eight standards were captured. Of the victors hardly
2000 fell. The whole of the plunder, with the exception of the prisoners, was
given to the soldiers; whatever cattle the owners claimed within thirty days
were also excepted.
On their return to camp, laden with booty, some 4000 of the
volunteer slaves who had shown remissness in the fighting and had not
joined in the rush into the camp took possession of a hill not far from their
own camp as they were afraid of punishment. The next day Gracchus
ordered a parade of his army, and these men were brought down by their
officers and entered the camp after the rest of the army was mustered. The
proconsul first bestowed military rewards on the veterans, according to the
courage and activity they had shown in the battle. Then turning to the
volunteer slaves he said that he would much rather have praised all alike,
whether deserving or undeserving, than that any man should be punished that
day. "And," he continued, "I pray that what I am now doing may prove to be
for the benefit, happiness, and felicity of yourselves and of the
commonwealth -I bid you all be free." At these words they broke out into a
storm of cheering; at one moment they embraced and congratulated each
other, at another they lifted up their hands to heaven and prayed that every
blessing might descend upon the people of Rome and upon Gracchus
himself. Gracchus continued: "Before making you all equal as free men I did
not want to affix any mark by which the brave soldier could be distinguished
from the coward, but now that the State has fulfilled its promise to you I
shall not let all distinction between courage and cowardice be lost. I shall
require the names to be brought to me of those who, conscious of their
skulking in battle, lately seceded from us, and when they have been
summoned before me I shall make each of them take an oath that he will
never as long as he is with the colours, unless prevented by illness, take his
meals other than standing. You will be quite reconciled to this small penalty
when you reflect that it would have been impossible to mark you with any
lighter stigma for your cowardice."
He then gave orders for the tents and other things to be packed up,
and the soldiers carrying their plunder or driving it in front of them with
mirth and jest returned to Beneventum in such happy laughing spirits that
they seemed to be coming back after a day of revelry rather than after a day
of battle. The whole population of Beneventum poured out in crowds to
meet them at the gates; they embraced and congratulated the soldiers and
invited them to partake of their hospitality. Tables had been spread for them
all in the forecourts of the houses; the citizens invited the men and begged
Gracchus to allow his troops to enjoy a feast. Gracchus consented on
condition that they all banqueted in public view, and each citizen brought out
his provision and placed his tables in front of his door. The volunteers, now
no longer slaves, wore white caps or fillets of white wool round their heads
at the feast; some were reclining, others remained standing, waiting on the
others and taking their food at the same time. Gracchus thought the scene
worth commemorating, and on his return to Rome he ordered a
representation of that celebrated day to be painted in the temple of Liberty;
the temple which his father had built and dedicated on the Aventine out of
the proceeds of the fines.
24.17
During
these proceedings at Beneventum, Hannibal, after ravaging the Neapolitan
territory, shifted his camp to Nola. As soon as the consul became aware of
his approach he sent for Pomponius, the propraetor, to join him with the
army which was in camp above Suessula, and prepared to meet the enemy
without delay. He sent C. Claudius Nero with the best of the cavalry out
through the camp gate which was furthest from the enemy, in the dead of
night, with instructions to ride round to the rear of the enemy without being
observed and follow him slowly, and when he saw the battle begin, throw
himself across his rear. Nero was unable to follow out his instructions,
whether because he lost his way or because he had not sufficient time is
uncertain. The battle commenced in his absence and the Romans
undoubtedly had the advantage, but owing to the cavalry not making their
appearance in time the general's plans were all upset. Marcellus did not
venture to pursue the retreating Carthaginians, and gave the signal for retreat
though his soldiers were actually conquering. It is asserted that more than
2000 of the enemy were killed that day, whilst the Romans lost less than
400. About sunset Nero returned with his horses and men tired out to no
purpose and without having even seen the enemy. He was severely censured
by the consul who even went so far as to say that it was entirely his fault that
they had not inflicted on the enemy in his turn a defeat as crushing as the one
at Cannae. The next day the Romans marched into the field, but the
Carthaginian remained in camp, thereby tacitly admitting that he was
vanquished. The following day he gave up all hope of gaining possession of
Nola, his attempts having been always foiled, and proceeded to Tarentum,
where he had better hopes of securing the place through treachery.
24.18
The
government showed quite as much energy at home as in the field. Owing to
the emptiness of the treasury the censors were released from the task of
letting out public works to contract, and they devoted their attention to the
regulation of public morals and the castigation of the vices which sprang up
during the war, just as constitutions enfeebled by long illness naturally
develop other evils. They began by summoning before them those who were
reported to have formed plans for abandoning Italy after the defeat of
Cannae; the principal person concerned, M. Caecilius Metellus, happened to
be praetor at the time. He and the rest who were involved in the charge were
put upon their trial, and as they were unable to clear themselves the censors
pronounced them guilty of having uttered treasonable language both
privately and publicly in order that a conspiracy might be formed for
abandoning Italy. Next to these were summoned those who had been too
clever in explaining how they were absolved from their oath, the prisoners
who imagined that when they had furtively gone back, after once starting, to
Hannibal's camp they were released from the oath which they had taken to
return. In their case and in that of those above mentioned, all who possessed
horses at the cost of the State were deprived of them, and they were all
removed from their tribes and disfranchised. Nor were the attentions of the
censors confined to the senate or the equestrian order, they took out from
the registers of the junior centuries the names of all those who had not
served for four years, unless formally exempted or incapacitated by sickness,
and the names of above 2000 men were removed from the tribes and the men
disfranchised. This drastic procedure of the censors was followed by severe
action on the part of the senate. They passed a resolution that all those
whom the censors had degraded were to serve as foot soldiers and be sent to
the remains of the army of Cannae in Sicily. This class of soldiers was only
to terminate its service when the enemy had been driven out of Italy.
As the censors were now abstaining, owing to the emptiness of the
treasury, from making any contracts for repairs to the sacred edifices or for
supplying chariot horses or similar objects, they were frequently approached
by those who had been in the habit of tendering for these contracts, and
urged to conduct all their business and let out the contracts just as if there
was money in the treasury. No one, they said, would ask for money from the
exchequer till the war was over. Then came the owners of the slaves whom
Tiberius Sempronius had manumitted at Beneventum. They stated that they
had had notice from the financial commissioners that they were to receive
the value of their slaves, but they would not accept it till the war was at an
end. While the plebeians were thus showing their readiness to meet the
difficulties of an empty exchequer, the moneys of minors and wards and then
of widows began to be deposited, those who brought the money believing
that their deposits would not be safer or more scrupulously protected
anywhere than when they were under the guarantee of the State. Whatever
was bought or provided for the minors and widows was paid for by a bill of
exchange on the quaestor. This generous spirit on the part of individual
citizens spread from the City to the camp, so that not a single horse soldier,
not a single centurion would accept pay; whoever did accept it received the
opprobrious epithet of "mercenary."
24.19
It has
been stated above that the consul, Q. Fabius, was encamped near Casilinum,
which was held by a garrison of 2000 Campanians and 700 of Hannibal's
troops. Statius Metius had been sent by Gnaevius Magius of Atella, who was
the "medixtuticus" for that year, to take command, and he had armed the
populace and the slaves indiscriminately in order to attack the Roman camp
while the consul was engaged in the assault on the town. Fabius was
perfectly aware of all that was going on, and he sent word to his colleague at
Nola that a second army would be needed to hold the Campanians while he
was delivering the assault, and either he should come himself and leave a
sufficient force at Nola, or, if there was still danger to be apprehended from
Hannibal and Nola required his presence, he should recall Tiberius Gracchus
from Beneventum. On receipt of this message Marcellus left 2000 men to
protect Nola and came with the rest of his army to Casilinum. His arrival put
an end to any movement on the part of the Campanians, and Casilinum was
now besieged by both consuls. Many of the Roman soldiers were wounded
by rashly venturing too near the walls, and the operations were by no means
successful. Fabius thought that the enterprise, which was of small
importance though quite as difficult as more important ones, ought to be
abandoned, and that they ought to go where more serious business awaited
them. Marcellus urged that while there were many things which a great
general ought not to undertake, still, when he had undertaken them, he ought
not to let them drop, as in either case it had great influence on public
opinion. He succeeded in preventing the siege from being abandoned. Now
the assault commenced in earnest, and when the vineae and siege works and
artillery of every kind were brought against the walls, the Campanians
begged Fabius to be allowed to depart under safe conduct to Capua. After a
few had got outside the town Marcellus occupied the gate through which
they were leaving, and an indiscriminate slaughter began, first amongst those
near the gate and then, after the troops burst in, in the city itself. About fifty
of the Campanians had already passed out and they fled to Fabius, under
whose protection they reached Capua. During these parleys, and the delay
occasioned by those who appealed for protection, the besiegers found their
opportunity and Casilinum was taken. The Campanians and those of
Hannibal's troops who were made prisoners were sent to Rome and shut up
in prison; the mass of the townsfolk were distributed amongst the
neighbouring communities to be kept in custody.
24.20
Just at
the time when the consuls were withdrawing from Casilinum after their
success, Gracchus sent some cohorts, which he had raised in Lucania under
an officer of the allies, on a plundering expedition in the enemy's territory.
Whilst they were scattered in all directions Hanno attacked them and
inflicted on them as great a loss as he had suffered at Beneventum, after
which he hurriedly retreated into Bruttium lest Gracchus should be on his
track. Marcellus went back to Nola, Fabius marched into Samnium to lay
waste the country and to recover by force of arms the cities which had
revolted. His hand fell most heavily on Caudium; the crops were burnt far
and wide, cattle and men were driven away as plunder, their towns were
taken by assault; Compulteria, Telesia, Compsa, and after these Fugifulae
and Orbitanium, amongst the Lucanians Blandae and the Apulian town of
Aecae, were all captured. In these places 25,000 of the enemy were either
killed or made prisoners and 370 deserters were taken, whom the consul sent
on to Rome; they were all scourged in the Comitium and then flung from the
rock. All these successes were gained by Q. Fabius within a few days.
Marcellus was compelled to remain quiet at Nola owing to illness. The
praetor, Q. Fabius, was also meeting with success; he was operating in the
country round Luceria and captured the town of Acuca, after which he
established a standing camp at Ardaneae.
While the Roman generals were thus engaged elsewhere Hannibal
had reached Tarentum, utterly ruining and destroying everything as he
advanced. It was not till he was in the territory of Tarentum that his army
began to advance peaceably; no injury was inflicted, no foragers or
plunderers left the line of march, and it was quite apparent that this
self-restraint on the part of the general and his men was solely with a view to
winning the sympathies of the Tarentines. When, however, he went up to the
walls and there was no such movement as he expected at the sight of his
army, he went into camp about a mile from the city. Three days before his
arrival M. Valerius, the propraetor, who was in command of the fleet at
Brundisium, had sent M. Livius to Tarentum. He speedily embodied a force
out of the young nobility, and posted detachments at the gates and on the
walls wherever it seemed necessary, and by being ever on the alert day and
night gave no chance to either the enemy or the untrustworthy allies of
making any attempt themselves or hoping for anything from Hannibal. After
spending some days there fruitlessly and finding that none of those who had
paid him a visit at Lake Avernus either came in person or sent any messenger
or letter, he recognised that he had been misled by empty promises and
withdrew his army. He still abstained from doing any injury to the Tarentine
territory, although this affectation of mildness had done him no good so far.
He still clung to the hope of undermining their loyalty to Rome. When he
came to Salapia the summer was now over, and as the place seemed suitable
for winter quarters he provisioned it with corn collected from the country
round Metapontum and Heraclea. From this centre the Numidians and
Moors were sent on marauding expeditions through the Sallentine district
and the pasture lands bordering on Apulia; they brought away mostly
quantities of horses, not much plunder of other kinds, and as many as 4000
of these were distributed amongst the troopers to be trained.
24.21
A war
was threatening in Sicily which could by no means be treated lightly, for the
death of the tyrant had rather furnished the Syracusans with able and
energetic leaders than produced any change in their political sentiments. The
senate accordingly placed the other consul, M. Marcellus, in charge of that
province. Immediately after the death of Hieronymus a disturbance broke out
among the soldiery at Leontini; they loudly demanded that the murder of the
king should be atoned for by the blood of the conspirators. When, however,
the words, so delightful to hear, "the restoration of liberty," were constantly
uttered, and they were led to hope that they would receive a largesse out of
the royal treasure and would henceforth serve under more able generals,
when, too, the foul crimes and still fouler lusts of the late tyrant were
recounted to them, their feelings were so completely changed that they
allowed the body of the king, whose loss they had regretted, to lie unburied.
The rest of the conspirators remained behind to secure the army, whilst
Theodotus and Sosis, mounting the king's horses, rode at full speed to
Syracuse to crush the royalists while still ignorant of all that had happened.
Rumour, however, which on such occasions travels more quickly than
anything else, reached the city before them, and also one of the royal
servants had brought the news. Thus forewarned, Andranodorus had
occupied with strong garrisons the Island, the citadel, and all the other
suitable positions. Theodotus and Sosis rode in through the Hexapylon after
sunset when it was growing dark and displayed the blood-stained robe of the
king and the diadem that had adorned his head. Then they rode on through
the Tycha, and summoning the people to liberty and to arms bade them
assemble in the Achradina. Some of the population ran out into the streets,
others stood in the doorways, others looked out from the windows and the
roofs inquiring what was the matter. Lights were visible everywhere and the
whole city was in an uproar. Those who had arms mustered in the open
spaces of the city; those who had none tore down the spoils of the Gauls and
Illyrians which the Roman people had given to Hiero and which he had hung
up in the temple of Olympian Jupiter, and as they did so prayed to the deity
that he would of his grace and mercy lend them those consecrated arms to
use in defence of the shrines of the gods and in defence of their liberty. The
citizens were joined by the troops who had been posted in the different parts
of the city. Amongst the other places in the Island Andranodorus had
strongly occupied the public granary. This place, enclosed by a wall of large
stone blocks and fortified like a citadel, was held by a body of young men
told off for its defence, and they sent messengers to the Achradina to say
that the granaries and the corn stored there were in the possession of the
senate.
24.22
As
soon as it was light the whole population, armed and unarmed, assembled at
the Senate-house in the Achradina. There, in front of the temple of Concord,
which was situated there, Polyaenus, one of the prominent citizens, made a
speech which breathed of freedom but at the same time counselled
moderation. "Men," he said, "who have experienced the fear and the
humiliation of slavery are stung to rage against an evil which they know well.
What disasters civil discord brings in its train, you, Syracusans, have heard
from your fathers rather than witnessed yourselves. I praise your action in so
promptly taking up arms, I shall praise you more if you do not use them
unless compelled to do so as a last resort. I should advise you to send
envoys at once to Andranodorus and warn him to submit to the authority of
the senate and people, to open the gates of the Island, and surrender the fort.
If he chooses to usurp the sovereignty of which he has been appointed
guardian, then I tell you you must show much more determination in
recovering your liberties from him than you did from Hieronymus."
Envoys were accordingly sent. A meeting of the senate was then
held. During the reign of Hiero this body had continued to act as the great
council of the nation, but after his death it had never up to that day been
summoned or consulted about any matter whatever. Andranodorus, on the
arrival of the envoys, was much impressed by the unanimity of the people
and also by the seizure of various points in the city, especially in the Island,
the most strongly fortified position in which had been betrayed to his
opponents. But his wife, Demarata, a daughter of Hiero, with all the spirit of
a princess and the ambition of a woman, called him aside from the envoys
and reminded him of an oft-quoted saying of Dionysius the tyrant that one
ought to relinquish sovereign power when dragged by the heels not when
mounted on a horse. It was easy for any one who wished to resign in a
moment a great position, but to create and secure it was a difficult and
arduous task. She advised him to ask the envoys for time for consultation,
and to employ that time in summoning the troops from Leontini; if he
promised to give them the royal treasure, he would have everything in his
own power. These feminine suggestions Andranodorus did not wholly reject,
nor did he at once adopt them. He thought the safest way of gaining power
was to yield for the time being, so he told the envoys to take back word that
he should submit to the authority of the senate and people. The next day as
soon as it was light he opened the gates of the Island and entered the forum
in the Achradina. He went up to the altar of Concord, from which the day
before Polyaenus had addressed the people; and began his speech by
apologising for his delay. "I have," he went on, "it is true, closed the gates,
but not because I regard my interests as separate from those of the State, but
because I felt misgivings, when once the sword was drawn, as to how far the
thirst for blood might carry you, whether you would be content with the
death of the tyrant, which amply secures your liberty, or whether every one
who had been connected with the palace by relationship or by official
position was to be put to death as being involved in another's guilt. As soon
as I saw that those who freed their country meant to keep it free and that all
were consulting the public good, I had no hesitation in giving back to my
country my person and all that had been entrusted to my protection now that
he who committed them to me has perished through his own madness." Then
turning to the king's assassins and addressing Theodotus and Sosis by name,
he said, "You have wrought a deed that will be remembered but, believe me,
your reputation has yet to be made, and unless you strive for peace and
concord there is a most serious danger ahead; the State will perish in its
freedom."
24.23
With
these words he laid the keys of the gates and of the royal treasury at their
feet. The assembly was then dismissed for the day and the joyful citizens
accompanied by their wives and children offered thanksgivings at all the
temples. The next day the election was held for the appointment of praetors.
Amongst the first to be elected was Andranodorus, the rest were mostly men
who had taken part in the tyrant's death; two were elected in their absence,
Sopater and Dinomenes. These two, on hearing what had happened at
Syracuse, brought that part of the royal treasure which was at Leontini and
delivered it into the charge of specially appointed quaestors, that portion
which was in the Island was also handed over to them in Achradina. That
part of the wall which shut off the Island from the city by a needlessly strong
barrier was with the unanimous approval of the citizens thrown down, and
all the other measures taken were in harmony with the general desire for
liberty. As soon as Hippocrates and Epicydes heard of the tyrant's death,
which Hippocrates had tried to conceal by putting the messenger to death,
finding themselves deserted by their soldiers they returned to Syracuse, as
this seemed the safest course under the circumstances. To avoid attracting
observation or being suspected of plotting a counter-revolution, they
approached the praetors, and through them were admitted to an audience of
the senate. They declared publicly that they had been sent by Hannibal to
Hieronymus as to a friend and ally; they had obeyed the commands of the
men whom their general Hannibal had wished them to obey, and now they
were anxious to return to Hannibal. The journey, however, was not a safe
one, for the Romans were to be found in every part of Sicily; they requested
therefore that they might have an escort to conduct them to Socri in Italy, in
this way the Syracusans would confer a great obligation on Hannibal with
very little trouble to themselves. The request was very readily granted, for
they were anxious to see the last of the king's generals who were not only
able commanders but also needy and daring adventurers. But Hippocrates
and Epicydes did not execute their purpose with the promptness which
seemed necessary. These young men, thorough soldiers themselves and
living in familiar intercourse with soldiers, went about amongst the troops,
amongst the deserters, consisting to a large extent of Roman seamen, and
even amongst the dregs of the populace, spreading libellous charges against
the senate and the aristocracy, whom they accused of secretly plotting and
contriving to bring Syracuse under the suzerainty of Rome under the
presence of renewing the alliance. Then, they hinted, the small faction which
had been the prime agents in renewing the treaty would be the masters of the
city.
24.24
These
slanders were listened to and believed in by the crowds which flocked to
Syracuse in greater numbers every day, and not only Epicydes but even
Andranodorus began to entertain hopes of a successful revolution. The latter
was constantly being warned by his wife that now was the time to seize the
reins of power whilst a new and unorganised liberty had thrown everything
into confusion, while a soldiery, battening on the royal donative, was ready
to his hand, and while Hannibal's emissaries, generals who could handle
troops, were able to aid his enterprise. Wearied out at last by her importunity
he communicated his design to Themistus, the husband of Gelo's daughter,
and a few days later he incautiously disclosed it to a certain Aristo, a tragic
actor to whom he had been in the habit of confiding other secrets. Aristo
was a man of respectable family and position, nor did his profession in any
way disgrace him, for among the Greeks nothing of that kind is a thing to be
ashamed of. This being his character, he thought that his country had the
first and strongest claim on his loyalty, and he laid an information before the
praetors. As soon as they ascertained by decisive evidence that it was no
merely trumped up affair they consulted the elder senators and on their
authority placed a guard at the door and slew Themistus and Andranodorus
as they entered the Senate-house. A disturbance was raised at what appeared
an atrocious crime by those who were ignorant of the reason, and the
praetors, having at last obtained silence, introduced the informer into the
senate. The man gave all the details of the story in regular order. The
conspiracy was first started at the time of the marriage of Gelo's daughter
Harmonia to Themistus; some of the African and Spanish auxiliary troops
had been told off to murder the praetor and the rest of the principal citizens
and had been promised their property by way of reward; further, a band of
mercenaries, in the pay of Andranodorus, were in readiness to seize the
Island a second time. Then he put before their eyes the several parts which
each were to play and the whole organisation of the conspiracy with the men
and the arms that were to be employed. The senate were quite convinced
that the death of these men was as justly deserved as that of Hieronymus, but
clamours arose from the crowd in front of the Senate-house, who were
divided in their sympathies and doubtful as to what was going on. As they
pressed forward with threatening shouts into the vestibule, the sight of the
conspirators' bodies so appalled them that they became silent and followed
the rest of the population who were proceeding calmly to hold an assembly.
Sopater was commissioned by the senate and by his colleagues to explain the
position of affairs.
24.25
He
began by reviewing the past life of the dead conspirators, as though he were
putting them on their trial, and showed how all the scandalous and impious
crimes that had been committed since Hiero's death were the work of
Andranodorus and Themistus. "For what," he asked, "could a boy like
Hieronymus, who was hardly in his teens, have done on his own initiative?
His guardians and masters reigned unmolested because the odium fell on
another; they ought to have perished before Hieronymus or at all events
when he did. Yet these, men, deservedly marked out for death, committed
fresh crimes after the tyrant's decease; at first openly, when Andranodorus
closed the gates of the Island and, by declaring himself heir to the crown,
seized, as though he were the rightful owner, what he had held simply as
trustee. Then, when he was abandoned by all in the Island and kept at bay by
the whole body of the citizens who held the Achradina, he tried by secret
craft to attain the sovereignty which he had failed to secure by open
violence. He could not be turned from his purpose even by the favour shown
him and the honour conferred, when he who was plotting against liberty was
elected praetor with those who had won their country's freedom. But it was
really the wives who were responsible and who, being of royal blood, had
filled their husbands with a passion for royalty, for one of the men had
married Hiero's daughter, the other a daughter of Gelo." At these words
shouts rose from the whole assembly declaring that neither of these women
ought to live, and that no single member of the royal family ought to survive.
Such is the character of the mob; either they are cringing slaves or ruthless
tyrants. As for the liberty which lies between these extremes, they are
incapable of losing it without losing their self-respect, or possessing it
without falling into licentious excesses. Nor are there, as a rule, wanting
men, willing tools, to pander to their passions and excite their bitter and
vindictive feelings to bloodshed and murder. It was just in this spirit that the
praetors at once brought forward a motion which was adopted almost before
it was proposed, that all the blood royal should be exterminated. Emissaries
from the praetors put to death Demarata and Harmonia, the daughters of
Hiero and Gelo and the wives of Andranodorus and Themistus.
24.26
There
was another daughter of Hiero's, Heraclia, the wife of Zoippus, a man whom
Hieronymus had sent on an embassy to Ptolemy, and who had chosen to
remain in voluntary exile. As soon as she learned that the executioners were
coming to her she fled for sanctuary into the private chapel where the
household gods were, accompanied by her unmarried daughters with their
hair dishevelled and everything in their appearance which could appeal to
pity. This silent appeal she strengthened by remonstrances and prayers. She
implored the executioners by the memory of her father Hiero and her brother
Gelo not to allow an innocent woman like her to fall a victim to the hatred
felt for Hieronymus. "All that I have gained by his reign is my husband's
exile; in his lifetime my sisters' fortunes were very different from mine and
now that he has been killed our interests are not the same. Why! had
Andranodorus' designs succeeded, her sister would have shared her
husband's throne and the rest would have been her slaves. Is there one of you
who doubts that if any one were to announce to Zoippus the assassination of
Hieronymus and the recovery of liberty for Syracuse, he would not at once
take ship and return to his native land? How are all human hopes falsified!
Now his country is free and his wife and children are battling for their lives,
and in what are they opposing freedom and law? What danger is there for
any man in a lonely, all but widowed woman and daughters who are living in
orphanhood? Ah, but even if there is no danger to be feared from us, we are
of the hated royal birth. Then banish us far from Syracuse and Sicily, order
us to be transported to Alexandria, send the wife to her husband, the
daughters to their father."
She saw that ears and hearts were deaf to her appeals and that
some were getting their swords ready without further loss of time. Then, no
longer praying for herself, she implored them, to spare her daughters; their
tender age even an exasperated enemy would respect. "Do not," she cried,
"in wreaking vengeance on tyrants, imitate the crimes which have made them
so hated." In the midst of her cries they dragged her out of the chapel and
killed her. Then they attacked the daughters who were bespattered with their
mother's blood. Distracted by grief and terror they dashed like mad things
out of the chapel, and, could they have escaped into the street, they would
have created a tumult all through the city. Even as it was, in the confined
space of the house they for some time eluded all those armed men without
being hurt, and freed themselves from those who got hold of them, though
they had to struggle out of so many strong hands. At last, exhausted by
wounds, while the whole place was covered by their blood, they fell lifeless
to the ground. Their fate, pitiable in any case, was made still more so by an
evil chance, for very soon after all was over a messenger came to forbid their
being killed. The popular sentiment had changed to the side of mercy, and
mercy soon passed into self-accusing anger for they had been so hasty to
punish that they had left no time for repentance or for their passions to cool
down. Angry remonstrances were heard everywhere against the praetors,
and the people insisted upon an election to fill the places of Andranodorus
and Themistus, a proceeding by no means to the liking of the other praetors.
24.27
When
the day fixed for the election arrived, to the surprise of all, a man from the
back of the crowd proposed Epicydes, then another nominated Hippocrates.
The voices of their supporters become more and more numerous and
evidently carried with them the assent of the people. As a matter of fact the
gathering was a very mixed one; there were not only citizens, but a crowd of
soldiers present, and a large proportion of deserters, ripe for a complete
revolution, were mingled with them. The praetors pretended at first not to
hear and tried hard to delay the proceedings; at last, powerless before a
unanimous assembly, and dreading a seditious outbreak, they declared them
to be duly elected praetors. They did not reveal their designs immediately
they were appointed, though they were extremely annoyed at envoys having
gone to Appius Claudius to arrange a ten days' truce, and at others having
been sent, after it was arranged, to discuss the renewal of the ancient treaty.
The Romans had at the time a fleet of a hundred vessels at Murgantia
awaiting the issue of the disturbances which the massacre of the royal family
had created in Syracuse and the effect upon the people of their new and
untried freedom. During that time the Syracusan envoys had been sent by
Appius to Marcellus on his arrival in Sicily, and Marcellus, after hearing the
proposed terms of peace, thought that the matter could be arranged and
accordingly sent envoys to Syracuse to discuss publicly with the praetors the
question of renewing the treaty. But now there was nothing like the same
state of quiet and tranquillity in the city. As soon as news came that a
Carthaginian fleet was off Pachynum, Hippocrates and Epicydes, throwing
off all fear, went about amongst the mercenaries and then amongst the
deserters declaring that Syracuse was being betrayed to the Romans. When
Appius brought his ships to anchor at the mouth of the harbour in the hope
of increasing the confidence of those who belonged to the other party, these
groundless insinuations received to all appearance strong confirmation, and
at the first sight of the fleet the people ran down to the harbour in a state of
great excitement to prevent them from making any attempt to land.
24.28
As
affairs were in such a disturbed condition it was decided to hold an assembly.
Here the most divergent views were expressed and things seemed to be
approaching an outbreak of civil war when one of their foremost citizens,
Apollonides, rose and made what was under the circumstances a wise and
patriotic speech. "No city," he said, "has ever had a brighter prospect of
permanent security or a stronger chance of being utterly ruined than we have
at the present moment. If we are all agreed in our policy, whether it take the
side of Rome or the side of Carthage, no state will be in a more prosperous
and happy condition; if we all pull different ways, the war between the
Carthaginians and the Romans will not be a more bitter one than between the
Syracusans themselves, shut up as they are within the same walls, each side
with its own army, its own munitions of war, its own general. We must then
do our very utmost to secure unanimity. Which alliance will be the more
advantageous to us is a much less important question, and much less
depends upon it, but still I think that we ought to be guided by the authority
of Hiero in choosing our allies rather than by that of Hieronymus; in any case
we ought to prefer a tried friendship of fifty years' standing to one of which
we now know nothing and once found untrustworthy. There is also another
serious consideration -we can decline to come to terms with the
Carthaginians without having to fear immediate hostilities with them, but
with the Romans it is a question of either peace or an immediate declaration
of war." The absence of personal ambition and party spirit from this speech
gave it all the greater weight, and a council of war was at once summoned,
in which the praetors and a select number of senators were joined by the
officers and commanders of the auxiliaries. There were frequent heated
discussions, but finally, as there appeared to be no possible means of
carrying on a war with Rome, it was decided to conclude a peace and to
send an embassy along with the envoys who had come from Marcellus to
obtain its ratification.
24.29
Not
many days elapsed before a deputation came from Leontini begging for a
force to protect their territory. This request seemed to afford a most
favourable opportunity for relieving the city of a number of insubordinate
and disorderly characters and getting rid of their leaders. Hippocrates
received orders to march the deserters to Leontini, with these and a large
body of mercenaries he made up a force of 4000 men. The expedition was
welcomed both by those who were despatched and those who were
despatching them: the former saw the opportunity, long hoped for, of
effecting a revolution; the latter were thankful that the dregs of the city were
being cleared out. It was, however, only a temporary alleviation of the
disease, which afterwards became all the more aggravated. For Hippocrates
began to devastate the country adjacent to the Roman province; at first
making stealthy raids, then, when Appius had sent a detachment to protect
the fields of the allies of Rome, he made an attack with his entire force upon
one of the outposts and inflicted heavy loss. When Marcellus was informed
of this he promptly sent envoys to Syracuse to say that the peace they had
guaranteed was broken, and that an occasion of war would never be wanting
until Hippocrates and Epicydes had been banished far away, not only from
Syracuse, but from Sicily. Epicydes feared that if he remained he should be
held responsible for the misdeeds of his absent brother, and also should be
unable to do his share in stirring up war, so he left for Leontini, and finding
the people there sufficiently exasperated against Rome, he tried to detach
them from Syracuse as well. "The Syracusans," he said, "have concluded a
peace with Rome on condition that all the communities which were under
their kings should remain under their rule; they are no longer content to be
free themselves unless they can rule and tyrannise over others. You must
make them understand that the Leontines also think it right that they should
be free, and that for two reasons; it was on Leontine soil that the tyrant fell,
and it was at Leontini that the cry of liberty was first raised, and from
Leontini the people flocked to Syracuse, after deserting the royal leaders.
Either that provision of the treaty must be struck out, or if it is insisted upon,
the treaty must not be accepted." They had no difficulty in persuading the
people, and when the Syracusan envoys made their protest against the
massacre of the Roman outpost and demanded that Hippocrates and
Epicydes should go to Locri or any other place which they preferred so long
as they left Sicily, they received the defiant reply that the Leontines had
given no mandate to the Syracusans to conclude a treaty with Rome, nor
were they bound by any compacts which other people made. The Syracusans
reported this to the Romans, and said that the Leontines were not under their
control, "in which case," they added, "the Romans may carry on war with
them without any infringement of their treaty with us, nor shall we stand
aloof in such a war, if it is clearly understood that when they have been
subjugated they will again form part of our dominions in accordance with the
terms of the treaty."
24.30
Marcellus advanced with his whole force
against Leontini and summoned Appius to attack it on the opposite side. The
men were so furious at the butchery of the outpost while negotiations were
actually going on that they carried the place at the first assault. When
Hippocrates and Epicydes saw that the enemy were getting possession of the
walls and bursting in the gates, they retreated with a small following to the
citadel, and during the night made their escape secretly to Herbesus. The
Syracusans had already started with an army of 8000 men, and were met at
the river Myla with the news that the city was captured. The rest of the
message was mostly false: their informant told them that there had been an
indiscriminate massacre of soldiers and civilians, and he thought that not a
single adult was left alive; the city had been looted and the property of the
wealthy citizens given to the troops. On receiving this shocking intelligence
the army halted; there was great excitement in all ranks, and the generals,
Sosis and Dinomenes, consulted as to what was to be done. What lent a
certain plausibility to the story and afforded apparent grounds for alarm was
the scourging and beheading of as many as two thousand deserters, but
otherwise not one of the Leontines or the regular troops had been injured
after the city was taken and every man's property was restored to him
beyond what had been destroyed in the first confusion of the assault. The
men could not be induced to continue their march to Leontini, though they
loudly protested that their comrades had been given up to massacre, nor
would they consent to remain where they were and wait for more definite
intelligence. The praetors saw that they were inclined to mutiny, but they did
not believe that the excitement would last long if those who were leading
them in their folly were put out of the way. They conducted the army to
Megara and rode on with a small body of cavalry to Herbesus, hoping in the
general panic to secure the betrayal of the place. As this attempt failed, they
resolved to resort to force, and the following day marched from Megara with
the intention of attacking Herbesus with their full strength. Now that all hope
was cut off, Hippocrates and Epicydes thought that their only course, and
that not at first sight a very safe one, was to give themselves up to the
soldiers, who knew them well, and were highly incensed at the story of the
massacre. So they went to meet the army. It so happened that the front ranks
consisted of a body of 600 Cretans who had served under these very men in
Hieronymus's army and had had experience of Hannibal's kindness, having
been taken prisoners with other auxiliary troops at Trasumennus and
afterwards released. When Hippocrates and Epicydes recognised them by
their standards and the fashion of their arms they held out olive branches and
other suppliant emblems and begged them to receive and protect them and
not give them up to the Syracusans, who would surrender them to the
Romans to be butchered.
24.31
"Be of
good heart," came back the answering shout, "we will share all your
fortunes." During this colloquy the standards had halted and the whole army
was stopped, but the generals had not yet learnt the cause of the delay. As
soon as the rumour spread that Hippocrates and Epicydes were there, and
cries of joy from the whole army showed unmistakably how glad they were
that they had come, the praetors rode up to the front and sternly demanded:
"What is the meaning of this conduct? What audacity is this on the part of
the Cretans, that they should dare to hold interviews with an enemy and
admit him against orders into their ranks? "They ordered Hippocrates to be
arrested and thrown into chains. At this order such angry protests were made
by the Cretans, and then by others, that the praetors saw that if they went
any further their lives would be in danger. Perplexed and anxious they issued
orders to return to Megara, and sent messengers to Syracuse to report as to
the situation they were in. Upon men who were ready to suspect everybody
Hippocrates practiced a fresh deceit. He sent some of the Cretans to lurk
near the roads, and read a despatch which he had put together himself,
giving out that it had been intercepted. It bore the address, "The praetors of
Syracuse to the consul Marcellus," and after the usual salutation went on to
say, "You have acted rightly and properly in not sparing a single Leontine,
but all the mercenaries are making common cause and Syracuse will never be
at peace as long as there are any foreign auxiliaries either in the city or in our
army. Do your best, therefore, to get into your power those who are with
our praetors in camp at Megara and by their punishment secure liberty at last
for Syracuse." After the reading of this letter there was a general rush to
arms and such angry shouts were raised that the praetors, appalled by the
tumult, rode off to Syracuse. Not even their flight quieted the disturbance,
and the Syracusan soldiers were being attacked by the mercenaries, nor
would a single man have escaped their violence had not Epicydes and
Hippocrates withstood their rage, not from any feeling of pity or humanity,
but the fear of cutting off all hopes of their return. Besides, by thus
protecting the soldiers they would have them as faithful adherents as well as
hostages, and they would at the same time win over their friends and
relations in the first place by doing so great a service and afterwards by
keeping them as guarantees of loyalty. Having learnt by experience how easy
it is to excite the senseless mob, they got hold of one of the men who had
been in Leontini when it was captured, and bribed him to carry intelligence
to Syracuse similar to what they had been told at Myla, and to rouse the
passions of the populace by personally vouching for the truth of his story and
silencing all doubts by declaring that he had been an eyewitness of what he
narrated.
24.32
This
man not only obtained credence with the mob, but after being introduced
into the senate actually produced an impression on that body. Some of those
present who were by no means lacking in sense openly averred that it was a
very good thing that the Romans had displayed their rapacity and cruelty at
Leontini for, had they entered Syracuse, they would have behaved in the
same way or even worse, since there was more to feed their rapacity. It was
the unanimous opinion that the gates should be shut and the city put in a
state of defence, but they were not unanimous in their fears and hates. To the
whole of the soldiery and to a large proportion of the population the Romans
were the objects of detestation; the praetor and a few of the aristocracy were
anxious to guard against a nearer and more pressing danger, though they too
were excited by the false intelligence. For as a matter of fact, Hippocrates
and Epicydes were already at the Hexapylon, and conversations were going
on amongst the relations of the Syracusan soldiers about opening the gates
and letting their common country be defended from any attack by the
Romans. One of the gates of the Hexapylon had already been thrown open
and the troops were beginning to be admitted when the praetors appeared on
the scene. At first they used commands and threats, then they brought their
personal authority to bear, and at last, finding all their efforts useless, they
resorted to entreaties, regardless of their dignity, and implored the citizens
not to betray their country to men who had once danced attendance on a
tyrant and were now corrupting the army. But the ears of the maddened
people were deaf to their appeals and the gates were battered as much from
within as from without. After they had all been burst open the army was
admitted through the whole length of the Hexapylon. The praetors and the
younger citizens took refuge in the Achradina. The enemies' numbers were
swelled by the mercenaries, the deserters, and all the late king's guards who
had been left in Syracuse, with the result that the Achradina was captured at
the first attempt, and all the praetors who had failed to make their escape in
the confusion were put to death. Night put an end to the massacre. The
following day the slaves were called up to receive the cap of freedom and all
who were in gaol were released. This motley crowd elected Hippocrates and
Epicydes praetors, and Syracuse, after its short-lived gleam of liberty, fell
back into its old bondage.
24.33
When
the Romans received information of what was going on they at once broke
their camp at Leontini and marched to Syracuse. Some envoys had been sent
by Appius to pass through the harbour on board a quinquereme, and a
quadrireme which had sailed in advance of them was captured, the envoys
themselves making their escape with great difficulty. It soon became
apparent that not only the laws of peace but even the laws of war were no
longer respected. The Roman army had encamped at the Olympium -a
temple of Jupiter -about a mile and a half from the city. It was decided to
send envoys again from there; and Hippocrates and Epicydes met them with
their attendants outside the gate, to prevent them from entering the city. The
spokesman of the Romans said they were not bringing war to the Syracusans
but help and succour, both for those who had been cowed by terror and for
those who were enduring a servitude worse than exile, worse even than
death itself. "The Romans," he said, "will not allow the infamous massacre of
their allies to go unavenged. If, therefore, those who have taken refuge with
us are at liberty to return home unmolested, if the ringleaders of the
massacre are given up and if Syracuse is allowed once more to enjoy her
liberty and her laws, there is no need of arms; but if these things are not done
we shall visit with all the horrors of war those, whoever they are, who stand
in the way of our demands being fulfilled." To this Epicydes replied: "If we
had been the persons to whom your demands are addressed we should have
replied to them; when the government of Syracuse is in the hands of those to
whom you were sent, then you can return again. If you provoke us to war
you will learn by experience that to attack Syracuse is not quite the same
thing as attacking Leontini." With these words he left the envoys and closed
the gates. Then a simultaneous attack by sea and land was commenced on
Syracuse. The land attack was directed against the Hexapylon; that by sea
against Achradina, the walls of which are washed by the waves. As they had
carried Leontini at the first assault owing to the panic they created, so the
Romans felt confident that they would find some point where they could
penetrate into the wide and scattered city, and they brought up the whole of
their siege artillery against the walls.
24.34
An
assault begun so vigorously would have undoubtedly succeeded had it not
been for one man living at the time in Syracuse. That man was Archimedes.
Unrivalled as he was as an observer of the heavens and the stars, he was still
more wonderful as the inventor and creator of military works and engines by
which with very little trouble he was able to baffle the most laborious efforts
of the enemy. The city wall ran over hills of varying altitude, for the most
part lofty and difficult of access, but in some places low and admitting of
approach from the level of the valleys. This wall he furnished with artillery of
every kind, according to the requirements of the different positions.
Marcellus with sixty quinqueremes attacked the wall of Achradina, which as
above stated is washed by the sea. In the other ships were archers, slingers,
and even light infantry, whose missile is an awkward one to return for those
who are not expert at it, so they hardly allowed any one to remain on the
walls without being wounded. As they needed space to hurl their missiles,
they kept their ships some distance from the walls. The other quinqueremes
were fastened together in pairs, the oars on the inside being shipped so as to
allow of the sides being brought together; they were propelled like one ship
by the outside set of oars, and when thus fastened together they carried
towers built up in stories and other machinery for battering the wall.
To meet this naval attack Archimedes placed on the ramparts
engines of various sizes. The ships at a distance he bombarded with immense
stones, the nearer ones he raked with lighter and therefore more numerous
missiles; lastly he pierced the entire height of the walls with loopholes about
eighteen inches wide so that his men might discharge their missiles without
exposing themselves. Through these openings they aimed arrows and small
so-called "scorpions" at the enemy. Some of the ships which came in still
more closely in order to be beneath the range of the artillery were attacked in
the following way. A huge beam swinging on a pivot projected from the wall
and a strong chain hanging from the end had an iron grappling hook fastened
to it. This was lowered on to the prow of a ship and a heavy lead weight
brought the other end of the beam to the ground, raising the prow into the
air and making the vessel rest on its stern. Then the weight being removed,
the prow was suddenly dashed on to the water as though it had fallen from
the wall, to the great consternation of the sailors; the shock was so great that
if it fell straight it shipped a considerable amount of water. In this way the
naval assault was foiled, and all the hopes of the besiegers now rested upon
an attack from the side of the land, delivered with their entire strength. But
here too Hiero had for many years devoted money and pains to fitting up
military engines of every kind, guided and directed by the unapproachable
skill of Archimedes. The nature of the ground also helped the defence. The
rock on which the foundations of the wall mostly rested was for the greater
part of its length so steep that not only when stones were hurled from the
engines but even when rolled down with their own weight they fell with
terrible effect on the enemy. The same cause made any approach to the foot
of the walls difficult and the foothold precarious. A council of war was
accordingly held and it was decided, since all their attempts were frustrated,
to desist from active operations and confine themselves simply to a blockade,
and cut off all supplies from the enemy both by land and sea.
24.35
Marcellus in the meanwhile proceeded
with about one-third of his army to recover the cities which in the general
disturbance had seceded to the Carthaginans. Helorum and Herbesus at once
made their submission, Megara was taken by assault and sacked and then
completely destroyed in order to strike terror into the rest, especially
Syracuse. Himilco, who had been for a considerable time cruising with his
fleet off the promontory of Pachynus, returned to Carthage as soon as he
heard that Syracuse had been seized by Hippocrates. Supported by the
envoys from Hippocrates and by a despatch from Hannibal in which he said
that the time had arrived for winning back Sicily in the most glorious way,
and by the weight of his own personal presence, he had no difficulty in
persuading the government to send to Sicily as large a force as they could of
both infantry and cavalry. Sailing back to the island he landed at Heraclea an
army of 20,000 infantry, 3000 cavalry, and twelve elephants, a very much
stronger force than he had with him at Pachynus. Immediately on his arrival
he took Heraclea and a few days later Agrigentum. Other cities which had
taken the side of Carthage were now so hopeful of expelling the Romans
from Sicily that even the spirits of the blockaded Syracusans began to rise.
Their generals considered that a portion of their army would be adequate for
the defence of the city, and accordingly divided their force; Epicydes was to
superintend the defence of the city, whilst Hippocrates was to conduct the
campaign against the Roman consul in conjunction with Himilco.
Hippocrates marched out of the city in the night through an unguarded part
of the Roman lines and selected a site for his camp near the city of Acrillae.
Marcellus came upon them while they were entrenching themselves. He had
marched hastily to Agrigentum in the hope of reaching it before the enemy,
but, finding it already occupied, was returning to his position before
Syracuse and expected least of all to find a Syracusan force at that time and
in that place. Knowing that he was no match with the troops he had for
Himilco and his Carthaginians, he had advanced with the utmost caution,
keeping a sharp look-out and guarding against any possible surprise.
24.36
Whilst
thus on the alert he fell in with Hippocrates, and the preparations he had
made to meet the Carthaginians served him in good stead against the
Syracusans. He caught them whilst forming their camp, dispersed and in
disorder, and for the most part unarmed. The whole of their infantry were
cut off, the cavalry offered but slight resistance and escaped with
Hippocrates to Acrae. That battle checked the Sicilians in their revolt from
Rome and Marcellus returned to Syracuse. A few days later Himilco, who
had been joined by Hippocrates, fixed his camp by the river Anapus, about
eight miles from Syracuse. A Carthaginian fleet of fifty-five vessels of war
sailed about the same time into the great harbour of Syracuse from the high
seas; and a Roman fleet, also, of thirty quinqueremes, landed the first legion
at Panormus. It looked as if the war had been wholly diverted from Italy, so
completely were both peoples devoting their attention to Sicily. Himilco fully
expected that the legion which had been landed at Panormus would fall into
his hands on its march to Syracuse, but he was disappointed as it did not
take the route he expected. Whilst he marched inland, the legion proceeded
along the coast, accompanied by the fleet, and joined Appius Claudius who
had come to meet it with a portion of his force. Now the Carthaginians
despaired of relieving Syracuse and left it to its fate. Bomilcar did not feel
sufficient confidence in his fleet as the Romans had one of double the
number, and he saw that by remaining there inactive he was only aggravating
the scarcity which prevailed amongst his allies, so he put out to sea and
sailed across to Africa. Himilco had followed upon Marcellus' track to
Syracuse, hoping for a chance of fighting before he was joined by superior
forces; and as no opportunity of doing so occurred and he saw that the
enemy were in great strength and safe within their lines round Syracuse he
marched away, not caring to waste time by looking on in idleness at the
investment of his allies. He also wished to be free to march wherever any
hope of defection from Rome summoned him that he might by his presence
encourage those whose sympathies were with Carthage. He began with the
capture of Murgantia, where the populace betrayed the Roman garrison, and
where a large quantity of corn and provisions of all kinds had been stored for
the use of the Romans.
24.37
Other
cities took courage from this example of defection, and the Roman garrisons
were either expelled from their strongholds or treacherously overpowered.
Henna, situated on a lofty position precipitous on all sides was naturally
impregnable, and it had also a strong Roman garrison and a commandant
who was not at all a suitable man for traitors to approach. L. Pinarius was a
keen soldier and trusted more to his own vigilance and alertness than to the
fidelity of the Sicilians. The numerous betrayals and defections which
reached his ears and the massacre of Roman garrisons made him more than
ever careful to take every possible precaution. So by day and night alike,
everything was in readiness, every position occupied by guards and sentinels,
and the soldiers never laid aside their arms or left their posts. The chief
citizens of Henna had already come to an understanding: with Himilco about
betraying the garrison, and when they observed all this vigilance and
recognised that the Romans were not open to any treacherous surprise, they
saw that they would have to use forcible measures. "The city and its
stronghold," they said, "are under our authority; if as free men we accepted
the Roman alliance we did not hand ourselves over to be kept in custody as
slaves. We think it right, therefore, that the keys of the gates should be given
up to us; the strongest bond between good allies is to trust one another's
loyalty; it is only if we remain friends with Rome voluntarily and not by
constraint that your people can feel grateful to us." To this the Roman
commandant replied: "I have been placed in charge here by my commanding
officer, it is from him that I have received the keys of the gates and the
custody of the citadel; I do not hold these things at my own disposal or at
the disposal of the citizens of Henna, but at the disposal of the man who
committed them to my charge. To quit one's post is with the Romans a
capital offence, and fathers have even punished it as such in the case of their
own children. The consul Marcellus is not far away, send to him, he has the
right and authority to act in the matter." They said that they should not send,
and if argument failed they would seek some other method of vindicating
their liberty. To this Pinarius answered: "Well if you think it too much
trouble to send to the consul, you can, at all events, give me an opportunity
of consulting the people, that it may be made clear whether this demand
proceeds from a few or from the whole body of the citizens." They agreed to
convene a meeting of the assembly the following day.
24.38
After
he had returned from the interview to the citadel, he called his men together
and addressed them as follows: "I think, soldiers, you have heard what has
happened lately and how the Roman garrisons have been surprised and
overwhelmed by the Sicilians. That treachery you have escaped, in the first
place by the good providence of the gods and next by your own steady
courage and by your persistent watchfulness and remaining under arms night
and day. I only hope the rest of our time may be spent without suffering or
inflicting things too horrible to speak about. The precautions we have so far
taken have been against secret treachery; as that has proved unsuccessful
they are now openly demanding the keys of the gates; and no sooner will
they be delivered than Henna will be in the power of the Carthaginians, and
we here shall be butchered with greater cruelty than the garrison of
Murgantia. I have succeeded with difficulty in getting one night allowed for
deliberation so that I could inform you of the impending peril. At daybreak
they are going to hold an assembly of the people at which they will fling
charges against me and stir up the populace against you. So tomorrow
Henna will run with blood, either yours or that of its own citizens. If you are
not beforehand with them, there is no hope for you; if you are, there is no
danger. Victory will fall to him who first draws the sword. So all be on the
alert and wait attentively for the signal. I shall be in the assembly and will
spin out the time by speaking and arguing till everything is perfectly ready,
and when I give the signal with my toga, raise a loud shout and make an
attack on the crowd from all sides and cut everything down with the sword,
and take care that nothing survives from which either open violence or
treachery is to be feared." Then he continued, "You, Mother Ceres and
Proserpina, and all ye deities, celestial and infernal, who have your dwelling
in this city and these sacred lakes and groves -I pray and beseech you to be
gracious and merciful to us if we are indeed purposing to do this deed not
that we may inflict but that we may escape treachery and murder. I should
say more to you, soldiers, if you were going to fight with an armed foe; it is
those who are unarmed and unsuspecting whom you will slay till you are
weary of slaughter. The consul's camp, too, is in the neighbourhood, so
nothing need be feared from Himilco and the Carthaginians."
24.39
After
this speech he dismissed them to seek refreshment and rest. The next
morning some of them were posted in various places to block the streets and
close the exits from the theatre, the majority took their stand round the
theatre and on the ground above it; they had frequently watched the
proceedings of the assembly from there, and so their appearance aroused no
suspicion. The Roman commandant was introduced to the assembly by the
magistrates. He said that it was the consul and not he who had the right and
the power to decide the matter, and went pretty much over the same ground
as on the day before. At first one or two voices were heard and then several,
demanding the surrender of the keys, till the whole assembly broke out into
loud and threatening shouts, and seemed on the point of making a murderous
attack upon him as he still hesitated and delayed. Then, at last, he gave the
agreed signal with his toga, and the soldiers, who had long been ready and
waiting, raised a shout and rushed down upon the crowd, while others
blocked the exits from the densely packed theatre. Hemmed in and caged,
the men of Henna were ruthlessly cut down and lay about in heaps; not only
where the dead were piled up, but where in trying to escape they scrambled
over each other's heads and fell one upon another, the wounded stumbling
over the unwounded, the living over the dead. Then the soldiers dispersed in
all directions and the city was filled with dead bodies and people fleeing for
their lives, for the soldiers slew the defenceless crowd with as much fury as
though they were fighting against an equal foe, and glowing with all the
ardour of battle.
So Henna was saved for Rome by a deed which was criminal if it
was not unavoidable. Marcellus not only passed no censure on the
transaction, but even bestowed the plundered property of the citizens upon
his troops, thinking that by the terror thus inspired the Sicilians would be
deferred from any longer betraying their garrisons. The news of this
occurrence spread through Sicily almost in a day, for the city, lying in the
middle of the island, was no less famous for the natural strength of its
position than it was for the sacred associations which connected every part
of it with the old story of the Rape of Proserpine. It was universally felt that
a foul and murderous outrage had been offered to the abode of gods as well
as to the dwellings of men, and many who had before been wavering now
went over to the Carthaginians. Hippocrates and Himilco, who had brought
up their forces to Henna on the invitation of the would-be betrayers, finding
themselves unable to effect anything retired, the former to Murgantia, the
latter to Agrigentum. Marcellus marched back to Leontini, and after
collecting supplies of corn and other provisions for the camp he left a small
detachment to hold the city and returned to the blockade of Syracuse. He
gave Appius Claudius leave to go to Rome to carry on his candidature for
the consulship, and placed T. Quinctius Crispinus in his stead in command of
the fleet and the old camp, whilst he himself constructed and fortified winter
quarters in a place called Leon about five miles from Hexapylon. These were
the main incidents in the Sicilian campaign up to the beginning of the winter.
24.40
The
war with Philip which had been for some time apprehended actually broke
out this summer. The praetor, M. Valerius, who had his base at Brundisium
and was cruising off the Calabrian coast, received information from Oricum
that Philip had made an attempt on Apollonia by sending a fleet of 120 light
vessels up the river Aous, and then finding that matters were moving too
slowly, he had brought up his army by night to Oricum, and as the place lay
in a plain and was not strong enough to defend itself either by its
fortifications or its garrison, it was taken at the first assault. His informants
begged him to send help and to keep off one who was unmistakably an
enemy to Rome from injuring the cities on the coast which were in danger
solely because they lay opposite to Italy. M. Valerius complied with their
request, and leaving a small garrison of 2000 men under P. Valerius, set sail
with his fleet ready for action, and such soldiers as the warships had not
room for he placed on the cargo boats. On the second day he reached
Oricum, and as the king on his departure had only left a weak force to hold
it, it was taken with very little fighting. Whilst he was there envoys came to
him from Apollonia with the announcement that they were undergoing a
siege because they refused to break with Rome, and unless the Romans
protected them, they should be unable to withstand the Macedonian any
longer. Valerius promised to do what they wanted and he sent a picked force
of 2000 men on warships to the mouth of the river under the command of Q.
Naevius Crista, an active and experienced soldier. He disembarked his men
and sent the ships back to rejoin the fleet at Oricum, whilst he marched a
some distance from the river, where he would be least likely to meet any of
the king's troops, and entered the city by night, without being observed by
any of the enemy. The following day they rested to give him an opportunity
of making a thorough inspection of the armed force of Apollonia and the
strength of the city. He was much encouraged by the result of his inspection
and also by the account which his scouts gave of the indolence and
negligence which prevailed amongst the enemy. Marching out of the city in
the dead of the night, without the slightest noise or confusion, he got within
the enemy's camp, which was so unguarded and open that it is credibly
stated that more than a thousand men were inside the lines before they were
detected, and if they had only refrained from using their swords they could
actually have reached the king's tent. The slaughter of those nearest the
camp gates aroused the enemy, and such universal panic and terror ensued
that no one seized his weapons or made any attempt to drive out the
invaders. Even the king himself, suddenly wakened from sleep, fled
half-dressed, in a state not decent for a common soldier, to say nothing of a
king, and escaped to his ships in the river. The rest fled wildly in the same
direction. The losses in killed and prisoners were under three thousand, the
prisoners being much the most numerous. After the camp had been
plundered the Apollonians removed the catapults, the ballistae, and the other
siege artillery, which had been put in readiness for the assault, into the city
for the defence of their own walls if such an emergency should ever occur
again; all the other booty was given to the Romans. As soon as the news of
this action reached Oricum, Valerius sent the fleet to the mouth of the river
to prevent any attempt on the part of Philip to escape by sea. The king did
not feel sufficient confidence in risking a contest either by sea or land, and
hauled his ships ashore or burnt them and made his way to Macedonia by
land, the greater part of his army having lost their arms and all their
belongings. M. Valerius wintered with his fleet at Oricum.
24.41
The
fighting went on in Spain this year with varying success. Before the Romans
crossed the Ebro Mago and Hasdrubal defeated enormous forces of
Spaniards. All Spain west of the Ebro would have abandoned the side of
Rome had not P. Cornelius Scipio hurriedly crossed the Ebro and by his
timely appearance confirmed the wavering allies. The Romans first fixed
their camp at Castrum Album, a place made famous by the death of the great
Hamilcar, and had accumulated supplies of corn there. The country round,
however, was infested by the enemy, and his cavalry had attacked the
Romans while on the march with impunity; they lost as many as 2000 men
who had fallen behind or were straying from the line of march. They decided
to withdraw to a less hostile part and entrenched themselves at the Mount of
Victory. Cn. Scipio joined them here with his entire force, and Hasdrubal,
the son of Gisgo, came up also with a complete army. There were now three
Carthaginian generals and they all encamped on the other side of the river
opposite the Roman camp. Publius Scipio went out with some light cavalry
to reconnoitre, but in spite of all his precautions he did not remain
unobserved, and would have been overpowered in the open plain had he not
seized some rising ground that was near. Here he was surrounded and it was
only his brother's timely arrival that rescued him. Castulo, a powerful and
famous city of Spain, and in such close alliance with Carthage that Hannibal
took a wife from there, seceded to Rome. The Carthaginians commenced an
attack upon Illiturgis, owing to the presence of a Roman garrison there, and
it looked as if they would certainly reduce it by famine. Cn. Scipio went to
the assistance of the besieged with a legion in light marching order, and
fighting his way between the two Carthaginian camps, entered the town after
inflicting heavy losses upon the besiegers. The following day he made a
sortie and was equally successful. Above 12,000 men were killed in the two
battles and more than a thousand were made prisoners; thirty-six standards
were also captured. In this way the siege of Illiturgis was raised. Their next
move was to Bigerra -also in alliance with Rome -which they proceeded to
attack, but on Cn. Scipio's appearance they retired without striking a blow.
24.42
The
Carthaginian camp was next shifted to Munda, and the Romans instantly
followed them. Here a pitched battle was fought for four hours and the
Romans were winning a splendid victory when the signal was given to retire.
Cn. Scipio was wounded in the thigh with a javelin and the soldiers round
him were in great fear lest the wound should prove fatal. There was not the
smallest doubt that if that delay had not occurred the Carthaginian camp
could have been captured that same day, for the men and the elephants, too,
had been driven back to their lines, and thirty-nine of the latter had been
transfixed by the heavy Roman javelins. It is stated that 12,000 men were
killed in this battle and about 3000 made prisoners, whilst fifty-seven
standards were taken. From there the Carthaginians retreated to Auringis,
the Romans following them up slowly and allowing them no time to recover
from their defeats. There another battle was fought, and Scipio was carried
into the field on a litter. The victory was decisive, though not half as many of
the enemy were killed as on the previous occasion, for there were fewer left
to fight. But the Spaniards have a natural instinct for repairing the losses in
war, and when Mago was sent by his brother to raise troops, they very soon
filled up the gaps in the army and encouraged their generals to try another
battle. Though they were mostly fresh soldiers, yet as they had to defend a
cause which had been repeatedly worsted in so short a time, they fought with
the same spirit and the same result as those before them had done. More
than 8000 men were killed, not less than 1000 made prisoners, and fifty-eight
standards were captured. Most of the spoil had belonged to Gauls, there
were a large number of golden armlets and chains, and two distinguished
Gaulish chieftains, Moeniacoepto and Vismaro, fell in the battle. Eight
elephants were captured and three killed. As things were going so
prosperously in Spain, the Romans at last began to feel ashamed of having
left Saguntum, the primary cause of the war, in the possession of the enemy
for almost eight years. So after expelling the Carthaginian garrison they
recovered the town and restored it to all the former inhabitants whom the
ravages of war had spared. The Turdetani, who had brought about the war
between Saguntum and Carthage, were reduced to subjection and sold as
slaves; their city was utterly destroyed.
24.43
Such
was the course of events in Spain in the year when Q. Fabius and M.
Claudius were consuls. Immediately the new tribunes of the plebs entered
office, M. Metellus, one of their number, indicted the censors, P. Furius and
M. Atilius, and demanded that they should be put on their trial before the
people. His reason for taking this course was that the year before they had
deprived him of his horse, degraded him from his tribe, and disfranchised him
on the ground that he was involved in the plot which had been formed after
the battle of Cannae for abandoning Italy. The other nine tribunes, however,
interposed their veto against their being tried whilst holding office, and the
matter fell through. The death of P. Furius prevented them from completing
the lustrum and M. Atilius resigned office. The consular elections were held
under the presidency of Q. Fabius Maximus, the consul. Both consuls were
elected in their absence -Q. Fabius Maximus, the son of the consul, and
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, for the second time. The praetors elected
were M. Atilius and three who were at the time curule aediles, namely, P.
Sempronius Tuditanus, Cnaeus Fulvius Centimalus, and M. Aemilius
Lepidus. It is recorded that the scenic games were celebrated for the first
time this year by the curule aediles and that the celebration lasted four days.
The aedile Tuditanus was the officer who led his men through the midst of
the enemy after the defeat at Cannae when all the others were paralysed with
terror. As soon as the elections were over, the consuls elect were, on the
advice of Q. Fabius, recalled to Rome to enter upon their duties. After they
had returned they consulted the senate on the conduct of the war, the
allocation of provinces to themselves and the praetors, the armies to be
raised, and the men who were to command them.
24.44
The
following was the distribution of the provinces and the armies. The
operations against Hannibal were entrusted to the two consuls, and
Sempronius was to retain the army he had been commanding. Fabius was to
take over his father's army. Each consisted of two legions. M. Aemilius, the
praetor, who had the jurisdiction over aliens, was to have Luceria for his
province and the two legions which Q. Fabius, the newly elected consul, had
been commanding as praetor; P. Sempronius Tuditanus received Ariminum
as his province and Cn. Fulvius, Suessula, each likewise with two legions,
Fulvius being in command of the City legions and Tuditanus taking over
those from Manius Pomponius. The commands were extended in the
following cases: M. Claudius was to retain that part of Sicily which had
constituted Hiero's kingdom, Lentulus as propraetor was to administer the
old province; Titus Otacilius was to continue in command of the fleet, no
fresh troops being supplied him, and M. Valerius was to operate in Greece
and Macedonia with the legion and ships which he had; Q. Mucius was to
continue in command of his old army of two legions in Sardinia, and C.
Terentius was to keep his one legion at Picenum. Orders were given for two
legions to be raised in the City and 20,000 men to be furnished by the allies.
These were the generals and the troops that were to be the bulwark
of Rome against the many wars, some actually going on, some anticipated,
that were threatening the existence of her dominion. After raising the City
contingent, and recruiting fresh drafts for other legions, the two consuls
before they left the City set about the expiation of certain portents which had
been announced. Part of the City wall and some of the gates had been struck
by lightning, as had also the temple of Jupiter at Aricia. Other things which
people imagined they had seen or heard were believed to be true; warships
were supposed to have been seen in the river at Tarracina, whilst there were
none there; a clashing of arms was heard in the temple of Jupiter Vicilinus in
the neighbourhood of Compsa, and the river at Amiternum was said to have
run with blood. When these portents had been expiated in accordance with
the directions of the pontiffs, the consuls left for the front; Sempronius for
Lucania, Fabius for Apulia. Old Fabius came into his son's camp at Suessula
as his lieutenant. The son went out to meet him with the twelve lictors
preceding him in single file. The old man rode past eleven of them, all of
whom out of respect for him remained silent, whereupon the consul ordered
the remaining lictor who was immediately in front of him to do his duty. The
man thereupon called to Fabius to dismount, and he springing from his horse
said to his son, "I wanted to find out, my son, whether you sufficiently
realised that you are consul."
24.45
One
night, Dasius Altinius of Arpi paid a stealthy visit to this camp, accompanied
by three slaves, and offered for a fitting reward to betray Arpi. Fabius
referred the matter to the council of war, and some thought he ought to be
treated as a deserter, scourged and beheaded. They said he was a trimmer,
an enemy to both sides, for, after the defeat of Cannae, as though loyalty
depended on success, he had gone over to Hannibal and had drawn Arpi
over with him, and now that the cause of Rome was, in the teeth of all his
hopes and wishes, springing up, as it were, again from its roots, he was
promising a fresh treason by way of indemnifying those whom he betrayed
before. He openly espoused one side while all his sympathies were with the
other, faithless as an ally, contemptible as an enemy; like the man who would
have betrayed Falerii, or the man who offered to poison Pyrrhus, let him be
made a third warning to all renegades. The consul's father took a different
view. "Some men," he said, "oblivious of times and seasons, pass judgment
upon everything as calmly and impartially in the excitement of war as though
they were at peace. The more important matter for us to discuss and decide
is how we can possibly prevent our allies from deserting us, but this is the
last thing we are thinking about; we are talking about the duty of making an
example of any one who sees his error and looks back with regret to the old
alliance. But if a man is at liberty to forsake Rome, but not at liberty to
return to her, who can fail to see that in a short time the Roman empire,
bereft of its allies, will find every part of Italy bound by treaty to Carthage?
Still I am not going to advise that any confidence be placed in Altinius; I
shall suggest a middle course in dealing with him. I should recommend that
he be treated neither as an enemy nor as a friend, but be interned in some city
we can trust not far from our camp and kept there during the war. When that
is over, then we should discuss whether he deserves punishment for his
former disloyalty more than he merits pardon for his coming back to us now.
Fabius' suggestions met with general approval, and Altinius was handed over
to some officials from Cales together with those who accompanied him. He
had brought with him a considerable amount of gold, and this was ordered to
be taken care of for him. At Cales he was free to move about in the daytime,
but was always followed by a guard, who kept him in confinement at night.
At Arpi he was missed from home and a search was commenced, rumours
soon ran through the city and naturally caused intense excitement, seeing
they had lost their leader. Fears were entertained of a revolution, and
messengers were at once despatched to Hannibal. The Carthaginian was not
at all concerned at what had happened; he had long suspected the man and
doubted his loyalty, and he had now a plausible reason for seizing and selling
the property of a very rich man. But, in order to create a belief that he was
swayed more by anger than by avarice, he aggravated his rapacity by an act
of atrocious cruelty. He sent for the wife and children, and after questioning
them first about the circumstances under which Altinius had disappeared,
and then about the amount of gold and silver which he had left at home, and
so finding out all he wanted to know, he had them burnt alive.
24.46
Fabius
broke up his camp at Suessula and decided to begin by an attack on Arpi. He
encamped about half a mile from it, and on examining from a near position
the situation of the city and its fortifications, he saw one part where it was
most strongly fortified and, therefore, less carefully guarded, and at this
point he determined to deliver his assault. After seeing that everything
required for the storm was in readiness, he selected out of the whole army
the pick of the centurions and placed them under the command of tribunes
who were distinguished for courage. He then furnished them with six
hundred of the rank and file, a number which he deemed quite sufficient for
his purpose, and gave them orders to carry scaling ladders to that point when
they heard the bugles sound the fourth watch. There was a low narrow gate
which led into an unfrequented street running through a lonely part of the
city. His orders were that they were first to scale the wall with their ladders,
and then open the gate or break the bolts and bars from the inside and when
they were in possession of that quarter of the city they were to give a signal
on the bugle, so that the rest of the troops might be brought up, and he
would have everything in order and ready. His instructions were carried out
to the letter, and what seemed likely to prove a hindrance turned out to be of
the greatest help in concealing their movements. A rain storm which began at
midnight drove all the sentries and outposts to seek shelter in the houses,
and the roar of the rain which at first came down like a deluge prevented the
noise of those who were at work on the gate from being heard. Then when
the sound of the rain fell upon the ear more gently and regularly, it soothed
most of the defenders to sleep. As soon. as they were in possession of the
gate, they placed the buglers at equal distances along the street and ordered
them to sound the signal to give notice to the consul. This having been done
as previously arranged, the consul ordered a general advance, and shortly
before daylight he entered the city through the broken down gate.
24.47
Now
at last the enemy was roused; there was a lull in the storm and daylight was
approaching. Hannibal's garrison in the city amounted to about 5000 men,
and the citizens themselves had raised a force of 3000. These the
Carthaginians put in front to meet the enemy, that there might be no attempt
at treachery in their rear. The fighting began in the dark in the narrow
streets, the Romans having occupied not only the streets near the gate but
the houses also, that they might not be assailed from the roofs. Gradually as
it grew light some of the citizen troops and some of the Romans recognised
one another, and entered into conversation. The Roman soldiers asked what
it was that the Arpinians wanted, what wrong had Rome done them, what
good service had Carthage rendered them that they, Italians-bred and born,
should fight against their old friends the Romans on behalf of foreigners and
barbarians, and wish to make Italy a tributary province of Africa. The people
of Arpi urged in their excuse that they knew nothing of what was going on,
they had in fact been sold by their leaders to the Carthaginians, they had been
victimised and enslaved by a small oligarchy. When a beginning had been
once made the conversations became more and more general; at last the
praetor of Arpi was conducted by his friends to the consul, and after they
had given each other mutual assurances, surrounded by the troops under
their standards, the citizens suddenly turned against the Carthaginians and
fought for the Romans. A body of Spaniards also, numbering something less
than a thousand, transferred their services to the consul upon the sole
condition that the Carthaginian garrison should be allowed to depart
uninjured. The gates were opened for them and they were dismissed,
according to the stipulation, in perfect safety, and went to Hannibal at
Salapia. Thus Arpi was restored to the Romans without the loss of a single
life, except in the case of one man who had long ago been a traitor and had
recently deserted. The Spaniards were ordered to receive double rations, and
the republic availed itself on very many occasions of their courage and
fidelity.
While one of the consuls was in Apulia and the other in Lucania
some hundred and twelve Campanian nobles left Capua by permission of the
magistrates for the purpose, as they alleged, of carrying away plunder from
the enemy's territory. They really, however, rode off to the Roman camp
above Suessula, and when they came up to the outposts they told them that
they wished for an interview with the commander, Cn. Fulvius. On being
informed of their request he gave orders for ten of their number to be
conducted to him, after they had laid aside their arms. When he heard what
they wanted, which was simply that, after the recapture of Capua, their
property might be restored to them, he received them all under his
protection. The other praetor took the town of Atrinum by storm. More than
7000 were taken prisoners and a considerable quantity of bronze and silver
coinage seized. At Rome there was a dreadful fire which lasted for two
nights and a day. All the buildings between the Salinae and the Porta
Carmentalis, including the Aequimaelium, the Vicus Jugarius, and the
temples of Fortune and Mater Matuta were burnt to the ground. The fire
travelled for a considerable distance outside the gate and destroyed much
property and many sacred objects.
24.48
The
two Scipios, Publius and Cnaeus, after their successful operations in Spain,
in the course of which they won back many old allies and gained new ones,
during the year began to hope for similar results in Africa. Syphax, king of
the Numidians, had suddenly taken up a hostile attitude towards Carthage.
The Scipios sent three centurions on a mission to him, with instructions to
conclude a friendly alliance with him and to assure him that if he would go
on persistently harassing the Carthaginians he would confer an obligation on
the senate and people of Rome, and it would be their endeavour to repay the
debt of gratitude at a fitting time end with large interest. The barbarian was
delighted at the mission and held frequent conversations with the centurions
upon the methods of warfare. As he listened to the seasoned soldiers he
found out how many things he was ignorant of, and how great the contrast
was between his own practice and their discipline and organisation. He asked
that whilst two of them carried back the report of their mission to their
commanders, the third might remain with him as a military instructor. He
explained that the Numidians made very poor infantry soldiers, they were
only useful as mounted troops; he explained that this was the style of warfare
which his ancestors had adopted from the very earliest times, it was the style
to which he had been trained from his boyhood. They had an enemy who
depended mainly upon his infantry, and if he wished to meet him with equal
strength he must provide himself also with infantry. His kingdom contained
an abundant population fit for the purpose, but he did not know the proper
method of arming and equipping and drilling them. All was disorderly and
haphazard, just like a crowd collected together by chance.
The envoys replied that for the time being they would do what he
wished, on the distinct understanding that if their commanders did not
approve of the arrangement he would at once send back the one who
remained. This man's name was Statorius. The king sent some Numidians to
accompany the two Romans to Spain and obtain sanction for the
arrangement from the commanders. He also charged them to take immediate
steps to persuade the Numidians who were acting as auxiliaries with the
Carthaginian troops to come over to the Romans. Out of the large number of
young men which the country contained Statorius enrolled a force of infantry
for the king. These he formed into companies pretty much on the Roman
model, and by drilling and exercising them he taught them to follow their
standards and keep their ranks. He also made them so familiar with the work
of entrenchment and other regular military tasks that the king placed quite as
much confidence in his infantry as in his cavalry, and in a pitched battle
fought on a level plain he proved superior to the Carthaginians. The presence
of the king's envoys in Spain proved very serviceable to the Romans, for on
the news of their arrival numerous desertions took place amongst the
Numidians. So between Syphax and the Romans friendly relations were
established. As soon as the Carthaginians heard what was going on, they sent
envoys to Gala, who reigned in the other part of Numidia over a tribe called
Maesuli.
24.49
Gala
had a son called Masinissa, seventeen years old, but a youth of such a strong
character that even then it was evident that he would make the kingdom
greater and wealthier than he received it. The envoys pointed out to Gala
that since Syphax had joined the Romans in order to strengthen his hands, by
their alliance, against the kings and peoples of Africa, the best thing for him
to do would be to unite with the Carthaginians as soon as possible, before
Syphax crossed into Spain or the Romans into Africa. Syphax, they said,
could easily be crushed, for he had got nothing out of the Roman alliance
except the name. Gala's son asked to be entrusted with the management of
the war and easily persuaded his father to send an army, which in
conjunction with the Carthaginians conquered Syphax in a great battle, in
which it is stated that 30,000 men were killed. Syphax with a few of his
horse fled from the field to the Maurusii, a tribe of Numidians who dwell at
almost the furthest point of Africa near the ocean, opposite Gades. At the
news of his arrival the barbarians flocked to him from all sides and in a short
time he armed an immense force. Whilst he was preparing to cross over with
them into Spain, which was only separated by a narrow strait, Masinissa
arrived with his victorious army, and won a great reputation by the way in
which he concluded the war against Syphax without any help from the
Carthaginians. In Spain nothing of any importance took place except that the
Romans secured for themselves the services of the Celtiberians by offering
them the same pay which the Carthaginians had agreed to pay. They also
sent to Italy three hundred of the leading Spanish nobility to win over their
countrymen who were serving with Hannibal. That is the solitary incident in
Spain worth recording for the year, and its interest lies in the fact that the
Romans had never had a mercenary soldier in their camp until they employed
the Celtiberians.
End of Book 24