University of Virginia Library

It has been already proved, that this book is the genuine work of Homer; but perhaps the Reader may not be displeas'd to see the reasons why it was rejected by so great a Critic as Aristarchus: I shall therefore lay them before him from Didymus and Spondanus.

Aristarchus affirms, that this is the only place in Homer, where Mercury performs the office of conducting the souls of the dead; and that there is no proof he was known so early by the title of ψυχοπομπος; that this is the only passage where he is called Cyllenius; that the ceremony of his guiding the souls is contrary to other descriptions of Homer, where they all descend without a guide into the mansions of the dead, even before the funeral rites. That it is absurd to imagine a white rock in these kingdoms of darkness, &c. To these Didymus thus replies. If a single mention of any incident in Homer were a reason for its objection, abundance of passages must be rejected. He thinks it a sufficient argument, that Mercury was called ψυχοπομπος, and Cyllenius in the days of Homer, that he is here mentioned under these titles; but this is begging the question. He adds, that altho' the souls of the dead descend without a guide in other places, this hinders not but they may descend with one; for they are in other places only said in general to descend, whereas here the manner of their descent is particularized. Neither is it any objection against this book, to say that it is contrary to the manner of Homer to describe the shades of the dead received immediately into the state of Achilles, Agamemnon, &c. before the performance of their funeral ceremonies; this (says he) is a favour granted by Mercury to Ulysses, who was descended from that Deity, he being the father of Arcisius, and consequently great grandfather to Ulysses. It was the opinion of the antients, that the shades of the deceased could visit the earth before the obsequies were finished, but not afterwards; this is evident from the words of Patroclus, Iliad 23.

It is therefore out of favour to Ulysses, that Mercury introduces these shades into the region where Agamemnon resided, before the funeral ceremonies, that they might not return to earth and disquiet Ulysses. But there may be a stronger objection made against the former part of this book; namely, that this is an Episode which has no relation to the principal subject, and that we may retrench it without destroying any part of the Action essential to the Odyssey: But it may be answered, that tho' it makes no part of the principal Action, yet it has a sufficient connection with it: it is the sequel of the death of the Suitors, and consequently the principal Action is the cause of it; it is drawn and deduc'd from it, and Homer makes a very happy use of it to adorn and diversify his Poem, with the history of what happen'd before Troy, after the conclusion of the Iliad; and in particular, with the death of Achilles, and a description of his funeral ceremonies. Didymus, Dacier.

Plato in the beginning of his third Dialogue, de Repub brings an heavy charge against Homer, for the disadvantageous character he gives of a future state. He quotes the similitude of the Bats, and affirms that the dreadful description of the condition of the dead, must deter mankind from hazarding their lives, even in the cause of their country. “Let us then (says that Author) with the permission of Homer and other Poets, reject such relations, not because they are unpoetical, not because they are unpleasant to read, but because by how much they are more pleasant and poetical, by so much they are more dangerous, and to be kept from our youth, and men, who are born to assert their liberty with the hazard of their lives, and prefer death to slavery.” It must be allowed that this is strong reasoning, and 'tis not easy to guard the Doctrine of Homer from such unhappy consequences; for why should men chuse to die, rather than be slaves, when by death they fall into a worse condition? It will not be an answer to say that Homer asserts a threefold state in futurity, viz. of the soul, the ειδωλον, or vehicle, and the body: and that while the vehicle is in this condition of horrors, the soul may be happy; for still the state of the dead is represented as a state of horror, and man is in part (namely, in his ειδωλον) miserable after death: Nay, so miserable, that even Hercules, who was a God and received amongst the Deities, is yet tormented in Hell; lib. XI.

It will indeed be a vindication of Homer as a Poet, to say, that he wrote according to the opinion of his age; and that such as was the notion of the Antients of a future state, such is his description of it. I will only add, that we may collect from Plato, that he judg'd this book genuine, for he quotes this passage as Homer's.

This description of the descent into hell is more particular than that in the XIth Odyssey; and each particular is well suited to the subject; the descent is fabled to be by the Ocean, because the sun seems to descend thro' it into Night or the region of darkness, in the western parts of Heaven. Milton fables the Sun to rise through the gates of light, after the manner of the Antients.

The circumstance likewise of going through the region of dreams is well chosen; Dreams are the attendants of sleep, the brother of death; they come by night, and are therefore well imagined to have relation to the kingdom of death, and to be introductory to it; Virgil in the descent of Æneas into hell, has borrow'd this image,

The only circumstance liable to objection is, the Leucadian, or white rock, which Aristarchus thought improperly placed in the road to the realms of darkness; but (replies Eustathius) this is only meant of a rock standing on the extremities of the earth, or a rock on which the last rays of the Sun fall. Dacier imagines, that there is a further meaning in the expression: “There is an Island over-against Acarnania, on the west of Ithaca, called Leucas, from a white rock standing in it; this rock was famous in antiquity, because lovers in despair threw themselves from the top of it into the ocean; it was called the Lover's leap, and being thus remarkable for the deaths of numbers of people, Homer places it here.” This is no ill explication; for a rock may well be feign'd to stand at the entrance of the region of death, by which so many persons had enter'd into it.

Ovid in his Epistles mentions this Leucadian rock.

This appears to be introduced somewhat unnaturally: Achilles had now been dead about ten years, and Agamemnon almost as long; it can therefore scarce be reconciled to probability, to imagine that they should not have met before this time, and mutually have satisfyed their curiosities, by relating their several stories at some former interview: Dacier indeed remarks, that we are not to imagine this conference was held at the time when the Suitors descended, but upon some preceding occasion, immediately after the death of Agamemnon. If this be allowed, yet the objection remains, that the introduction is forced and unnatural, for then the descent of Mercury and the shades of the Suitors will be no reason why this conference should be here repeated: for so, neither Mercury nor the Suitors hear it. But Dacier is undoubtedly in an error; for υρον in the original is the third person plural, and absolutely refers to Mercury and the shades of the Suitors; and therefore it follows that this conference happen'd at the time of their entrance.

The shades of the Suitors (observes Dacier) when they are summoned by Mercury out of the Palace of Ulysses, emit a feeble plaintive, inarticulate sound, τριζουσι strident: Whereas Agamemnon and the shades that have long been in the state of the dead speak articulately. I doubt not but Homer intended to shew by the former description, that when the soul is separated from the organs of the body, it ceases to act after the same manner, as while it was join'd to it; but how the dead recover their voices afterwards is not easy to understand. In other respects Virgil paints after Homer.

But why should we suppose with Dacier, that these shades of the Suitors have lost the faculty of speaking? I rather imagine, that the sounds they uttered were signs of complaint and discontent, and proceeded not from an inability to speak: After Patroclus was slain, he appears to Achilles, and speaks very articulately to him; yet to express his sorrow at his departure he acts like these Suitors: for Achilles

Dacier conjectures, that the power of speech ceases in the dead, till they are admitted into a state of rest; but Patroclus is an instance to the contrary in the Iliad, and Elpenor in the Odyssey, for they both speak before their funeral rites are performed, and consequently before they enter into a state of repose amongst the shades of the happy.

There is a very peculiar beauty in the versification of Homer in this place:

The words μεγας μεγαλωστι set the largeness of the body of Achilles stretched out upon the ground full before our eyes; we see him in the description; the repetition forces it upon our observation, so that the mind has time to dwell upon it, and admire the extent of the limbs of that Heroe.

This description furnish'd Aristarchus with another objection to this book: He thought it improbable that the appearance of Thetis and her Sea-nymphs should terrify the whole Grecian army; they say in answer, that all the ocean was in a great commotion as Thetis ascended, or as Homer expresses it,

This uproar occasion'd their fear; the Greeks were ignorant of the cause of it, and consequently apprehended some dreadful event; this is evident, for Nestor appeases their consternation by unfolding the reason of the tumult, and shewing them that it was occasion'd by the ascent of Thetis.

The Reader has undoubtedly observed how excellently Homer sustains his characters; Nestor is the wisest man, both in the Iliad and Odyssey: he has the experience of a very great age, and may therefore be supposed to be acquainted with all the most uncommon appearances in nature: The Poet accordingly describes him as the only person not afraid in the Grecian army; there were others undoubtedly as brave as Nestor, but no one so wise; his intrepidity is therefore to be imputed to his wisdom, not bravery, and this furnishes us with an excellent moral; That ignorance is usually the source of fear.

The character of Achilles is no less happily supported; the same love of glory is visible in all he speaks, that distinguished his character thro' the Iliad: he still prefers a short life with fame, before old age without it.

The sentiment is truly heroic; dishonour is worse than death, the happiness or misery of which is not to be measured by time, but glory; long life is but lengthen'd mortality, and they who live the longest have but the small privilege of creeping more leisurely than others to their graves.

It is impossible (observes Dacier) not to be struck with the noble fictions of Homer in honour of Achilles; every circumstance is great. A whole army is in tears; the Muses celebrate his glory; a Goddess and her Nymphs ennoble it with their presence and lamentations. At the funerals of other Heroes, women and captives are the mourners; here the Muses personally appear. Heaven and Earth, Men and Gods interest themselves in the obsequies of so great an Heroe! Yet from this place Aristarchus draws an argument for rejecting this book: Homer (says he) no where else gives the number of the nine Muses, insinuating that their number was not fix'd in his age; but Homer frequently invokes the Muses, why then should he be ignorant of the number? and if not ignorant of it, why might he not mention it? Aristarchus further adds, that it is absurd to imagine the body of Achilles could be preserv'd seventeen days without burial; but this may be ascribed to the power of Thetis, who may easily be supposed to preserve it. Besides, why might not the body be embalm'd? and then there will be no occasion for a miracle, and the interposition of a Goddess: We must remember what she did to the body of Patroclus in the Iliad.

This is agreeable to the request made to Achilles by the ghost of Patroclus, in the Iliad,

It is likewise asserted by Homer, that the bones of Antilochus were reposited in the same urn with those of Patroclus and Achilles; where then is the peculiar honour paid to Patroclus, if Antilochus was partaker of it? The difference is, the bones of Achilles and Patroclus were mix'd in the urn, those of Antilochus lay separately.

Homer adds, that the whole army rais'd a monument to Achilles; this is done according to his own injunctions in the Iliad, for speaking of the tomb of Patroclus, he thus proceeds;

Achilles means, that when he is dead the Greeks should raise one common monument to himself and Patroclus, which we see here effected.

An objection has been rais'd against this passage, and it has been thought an absurdity that Agamemnon should be the guest of Amphimedon, and not of Ulysses, when he came to make an address to him, and was within his territories. Didymus answers, that this conduct in Agamemnon was occasion'd by the refusal of Ulysses to assist in the war of Troy: Agamemnon resented his denial, and went to the house of Amphimedon.

It is not obvious why Ulysses, who was a person of the greatest bravery, should be unwilling to engage in such an action of glory, as the war of Troy: Was it because he foresaw that it would be a work of danger, (as Eustathius imagines) or was he dissatisfy'd in the ground of it, which was only to revenge the rape of Helen, and nothing but a private injury? the former is a reason unworthy of his heroic character, the latter is no more than a conjecture. It may possibly be a truer reason that he was unwilling to forsake his wife, of whom he was very fond, and whom he newly had married; but then it must be allow'd, that he prefers his love to his glory. Eustathius recites the manner how he was drawn to engage in the war of Troy: Ulysses, to deliver himself from the importunities of his friends to assist Agamemnon, pretended madness, and yok'd two animals of a different kind to a plough, and began to work with them; Palamedes, who suspected the imposture, took his son Telemachus, an infant, and laid him in the furrow before the plough; Ulysses turn'd aside not to hurt his child, and this discovered the imposition. Aristotle takes notice of the great judgment of Homer in suppressing this incident concerning Ulysses, it being unworthy of the bravery of an Heroe: He is proving, Chap. 8. of his Poetics, that all the actions of an Heroe's life are not to be inserted in an Epic Poem, for the actions of the same man are so many and different, that we can never reduce them to unity: For this reason Homer mentions not all the adventures of Ulysses, but only such as have relation to the subject of the Odyssey; he knew that this counterfeit madness had no connexion either in truth or probability with the subject of his Poem, and therefore he forbears the mention of it. The Reader will understand the meaning of Aristotle, if he considers that the subject of the Odyssey is the story of a person who suffers great calamities in the return to his country, before he establishes himself in his dominions: Now the counterfeited madness of Ulysses has no connection with these sufferings, and consequently is judiciously omitted by Homer as foreign to the design of the Poem, and contrary to the unity of the action. A detail of all the adventures of an Heroe's life is the province of History; the relation of one single, great, and surprizing action is the subject of Epic Poetry.

We have already seen, that it was the contrivance of Penelope to propose the Bow, to gain time to defer the marriage hour; how then comes Amphimedon to ascribe it to the art of Ulysses? Eustathius answers that Amphimedon is in an error, and that tho' the contrivance was from Penelope, yet Amphimedon could not come to the knowledge of it; and such stratagems being agreeable to the character of Ulysses, he imputes this action to him rather than Penelope.

It is impossible not to take notice that Homer makes repetition after repetition: Agamemnon speaks the same words as in the eleventh Odyssey: Amphimedon the same as in the second; and the whole account of the Suitors' destruction is no more than a recital of what the Reader already knows. Was Homer tir'd at the end of his work, and would not give himself the labour of invention? I confess we may lose our appetite to see the same entertainment thus continually serv'd up in the very same manner, without so much as a new garnishment. I fear the words of Ulysses may sometimes be applicable to Homer.

Besides, this whole infernal interview is merely ornamental, which the Poet was at liberty to insert or omit according to his judgment, without breaking the thread of the principal action; it might therefore be wish'd that he had substituted some other incident in the room of it, and given a greater diversity to the story: If by laying the scene in Hell, he design'd to raise the wonder and curiosity of the Reader, (who cannot fail of having his attention awaken'd to see a prospect open'd beyond the bounds of nature, and to look into the state of departed Heroes) yet it must be confess'd that this design has already been fully executed in the eleventh of the Odyssey. But the Poet seems to introduce the descent for the information of the dead rather than the living; Agamemnon is told how the Suitors were destroyed by Ulysses; and Achilles how nobly the Greeks perform'd his funeral obsequies; incidents that very little contribute to the story of the Odyssey. In short, the main action stands still during this whole Episode, which takes up almost half the book, and the latter part of the Episode presents no new object to amuse and entertain us. But,

I betray my own want of judgment, rather than discover Homer's errors. I will only add, that the Reader will be fully convinc'd that this whole Episode may be omitted, by observing how well the story will be carried on with a regular connection by beginning the book with these words,

So that if I could in any part subscribe to the opinion of Aristarchus for the rejection of this book, it should be only for the former part of it, but I am persuaded from the nobleness of the verses, that the whole is genuine.

I think it will not be improper here to particularize from whence Antiquity rais'd the fictions concerning Hell, and the nature of it, as we have it in Diodorus Siculus.

Pluto (observes that Author) was the first that introduced the rites of sepulture, and other ceremonies bestow'd on the dead: This is the reason why the Antients imagin'd him to be the King of the dead.

Rhadamanthus is said to have been the most just man in the world, he severely punish'd robbers and other notorious offenders, and from his singular reputation for integrity was feign'd to be the judge of the good and bad after death; and for the same reason Minos was joyn'd with him in the same dignity.

Homer borrow'd his fictions from Orpheus, Orpheus from the Ægyptians: it was Orpheus who introduc'd the opinion of the pains of the damn'd, and of the Elysian fields, and taught that the souls of the dead were conducted by Mercury into the infernal mansions: (a proof that he was call'd ψυχοπομπος before the days of Homer.) Diodorus proceeds and mentions the beginning of this book, how Homer feigns that Mercury leads the shades of the dead by the Ocean, the Leucadian rock, and the gates of the sun: A plain instance that he look'd upon this book as the genuine work of Homer. All these fables (continues Diodorus) are of Ægyptian extract; by the Ocean, Homer means Nilus; by the gates of the sun, he means Heliopolis, a city sacred to the Sun; the meadow into which the shades are conducted, denotes the pleasant meadows full of canes adjoining to Memphis; and the dead are feign'd to reside there, because it was the general burial place amongst the Ægyptians. Concerning Cocytus, Acheron, &c. the Reader may consult the first Note upon the eleventh Odyssey.

Plutarch in his treatise of Isis and Osyris agrees with Diodorus concerning the extraction of these fables from Ægypt, and mentions at Memphis the gates of lamentation and oblivion; that is, of Lethe, and Cocytus; which being open'd at the burial of the dead, give a doleful and groaning sound. From hence they are thus describ'd by Homer in the tenth Odyssey.

These observations give light to most of Homer's fictions concerning hell, and shew that his Poetry is built upon the customs of Antiquity.

Macrobius explains all these particulars after a different manner: This solution supposes a state of pre-existence of the soul: If (says that Author) “To die, be the same as to go to the infernal regions; to enjoy the supernal, is then to live; and therefore before Philosophy prevail'd, the body it self was suppos'd to be the infernal receptacle of the Soul, into which she descended as into a prison, from above; this was thought the sepulchre of the Soul, and the cave of Pluto. The river of Oblivion denotes the error of the soul, which forgets the majesty of the former state she enjoy'd before she enter'd the body: Phlegethon, the ardor of our desires, and flames of anger; Acheron all our words and actions that bring us into sorrows; so likewise, Styx implies our hatred, Cocytus our grief and lamentation. Thus also the punishments in hell are verify'd upon earth: the Vultur which preys upon the liver of Tityus, is the sting of a guilty conscience; the ambitious man is the Sisyphus, who is eternally aspiring, and yet always disappointed; the avaritious man is the Tantalus who starves amidst his plenty, &c.

By joining these two interpretations together, we have at once the double pleasure of a beautiful fable and instructive moral; from the whole we may collect, that altho' the antients were ignorant of the true nature of a future state, yet that they believed it, and expected there would be punishments and rewards in it. This note is of use to explain several passages in the eleventh Odyssey.

Eustathius very well explains these words, in which the Greek may be construed to signify that Laertes had purchased this place of his retirement by his labour and industry: But probably Homer intends to express an allotment or portion of ground which was assign'd Laertes by the public, as a reward for his heroic labours in war, and bravery in conquering his enemies, like that mentioned in the Iliad.

It may either be so, or Homer intending solely to paint the laborious life of Laertes, added this circumstance of his encreasing his rural cell by his industry, as an instance of it; tho' the latter is more suitable to the character of a King.

Casaubon in his Remarks upon Athenæus, lib. 12. cap. 2. affirms, that anciently neither the Greeks nor the Romans ever wore any covering on their hands, which are now used so universally, that they are worn by the meanest people; but this place is an instance of Casaubon's mistake: 'Tis true, Xenophon gives this practice as an argument of the luxury and delicacy of the Persians, who suffered no part of the body to be expos'd to the air, but wore και περι ακραις ταις χερσι χειριδας, καο δακτυληθρας εχουσι, “gloves upon their hands, and coverings on their very fingers.” Pliny the Younger mentions the same custom amongst the Romans, Manus Hieme manicis muniebantur! ut ne cœli quidem asperitas ullum studiis tempus eriperet. This then is the difference; the Persians wore these hand-coverings out of effeminacy and delicacy: whereas in Greece they were used only out of necessity, as a defence in rural labour, as appears from Laertes, they being never mention'd upon any other occasion, either in the Iliad or Odyssey. Dacier.

This is the first appearance of Laertes, he is the very picture of melancholy, his dress, his employ, and solitary life all discover a fix'd sorrow and contempt of the world. It has been a dispute whether we are to ascribe this retreat of Laertes to a meanness of spirit, who forsakes his station, and is unequal to adversity; or to wisdom, and a noble neglect of the pomp and splendor of the world, by which he prefers a little rural retreat to all the magnificence of a Palace, and a small garden to all the dominions of a King. Plutarch severely censures his conduct: “A person (observes that writer) who wastes his age in his bed, or in trivial affairs, makes himself an object of contempt, as Homer teaches by the examples of Nestor and Laertes: Nestor, by engaging in the war of Troy, obtain'd the utmost veneration; while Laertes, who abandon'd himself to solitude, was despis'd universally.” I am unwilling to subscribe to this observation, being of opinion that the silent virtues of a good man in solitude are more amiable than all the noisy honours of active life. The picture of Laertes is undoubtedly drawn very naturally; a tender father is afflicted for the loss of a brave and beloved son, this bitter ingredient gives a disrelish to all the vanities of life; he is depriv'd of an object that he valued above the world, he therefore neglects it as having nothing worthy of his cares, and abandons it for privacy and tranquillity. Menodemus in Terence is the very copy of Laertes in Homer; an instance that he thought Homer's an exact representation of human nature: and the applause with which that Comedy was received, shews that all Rome was of the same judgment. Sorrow loves to be alone, rather seeks for amusements than business and glory; and it may perhaps be true, that it shews more greatness of soul to resign a kingdom than to conquer it. Pride, ambition, and guilty passions have rais'd many to the top of human glory; but it evidences that a person is not influenc'd by vicious sentiments, who knows how to moderate his desires, and is able to retire from the splendor of a Crown into obscurity. Tully mentions the manner of life in Laertes, without condemnation; the place is to be found in his Cato Major, where he speaks of the innocent amusements of old age, and illustrates his assertions by the example of Laertes. Homerus Laertem lenientem desiderium, quod capiebat e filio, colentem agrum & stercorantem facit. But Tully mistakes Homer, for Laertes is not found dunging his ground.

Perhaps instead of λιστρευοντα, he read κοπρησοντα, as it is used in the seventeenth Odyssey.

Or perhaps he quoted by memory. I will only add, that Tully in his retirement at Tusculum, used to write to his friends, that he there led the life of Laertes: and Tully was too sensible of his own worth, to speak any thing to the disparagement of it.

It has been objected, that Ulysses here acts contrary to filial piety, and permits a tender father to continue in his sorrows, when it was in his power immediately to make him happy, by a discovery of his person; they likewise condemn the κερτομεα επεα, which Homer puts into the mouth of Ulysses. It must be allow'd, that those words are frequently us'd by the Poet in a bad sense, and signify heart-wounding, or reproachful words; but here they are not so to be understood; they only imply, that Ulysses blamed Laertes out of tenderness for taking no more care of his person: This is not a reproach, but the language of fondness and affection: or perhaps the Poet meant to express that this enquiry rais'd images of sorrow in the soul of Laertes, and wounded his heart by naming the lost Ulysses. Eustathius solves the former objection by saying that Ulysses delayed the discovery, lest the suddenness of joy should prove fatal to Laertes. But Homer undoubtedly paints according to nature; Ulysses bursts into tears at the sight of his father, yet restrains them, and tries if after twenty years absence he was known by him; this delay raises the Reader's curiosity, makes him, as it were, present at the interview, and impatient to hear the manner of the discovery: Besides, this procedure excellently agrees with the general character of Ulysses, who is upon all emergencies master of his passions, and remarkable for disguise and an artful dissimulation; this disguise has a very happy effect in this place, it holds us in a pleasing suspence, and makes us wait with attention to see the issue of the interview.

The words in the Greek are not without obscurity, and Eustathius explains them two ways; they may either signify, that Laertes appears to be a person of such distinction that he ought to live with more delicacy and dignity, viz. to bath, and after a due repast to sleep in state; or they imply, that Laertes shews the dignity of a King in his person, who comes from the bath, and dines in state. Ulysses cannot compare Laertes to a King who is fresh from the bath, and drest royally, for he tells us, he is cover'd with sweat and dust; he therefore means that his personage is noble, and like a King, that therefore he ought to live like a King, with respect to his food and his bath, and to indulge his age by allowing it ease and refreshment.

Ulysses is inexhaustible in his fictions; he here accommodates the names of persons and places to his fortunes: Alybas is suppos'd to be a city of Italy, afterwards call'd Metapontium. It is plac'd by others in Thrace. It is here introduc'd to denote, the wandrings of Ulysses by the sea, or αλη: the word Aphidas denotes his generosity, which spares nothing towards his friends. He feigns himself to be the grandson of Πολυπημων, to represent the multitude of his sufferings; his name is Eperitus, from επηριστος, the same with περιμαχητος from εριζω, to shew the struggle that he has met with in all his adventures, as well as the toils in the war of Troy, and against other enemies. Eustathius.

This was a common practice amongst the antient orientals, in token of the extremity of sorrow; it was used amongst the Hebrews as well as Greeks; thus Ezek. xxvii. 30. They shall cast dust upon their heads. Job ii. 12. They rent every one his mantle, and sprinkled dust upon their heads. Thus also Achilles in the eighteenth of the Iliad;

Homer calls it κονιν αιθαλοεσσαν, which does not mean that Laertes threw glowing embers on his head, for he was in his garden, where such ashes were not to be found, but he means ξηραν, or dry dust, such as arises from substances consum'd by fire, or resembling ashes.

The Greek expression is remarkable,

A sharp sensation struck his nostrils. Eustathius judges, that the meaning is, that Ulysses perceived himself ready to burst into tears; a kind of a pricking sharp sensation being felt in the nostrils before the erruption of tears. Casaubon more fully explains it; he observes that all violent passions cause a sensation in the nostrils, arising from the ebullition of the spirits, which mount toward the brain, and endeavouring to free themselves from restraint find a vent by the nostril, and crouding thro' it, dilate it in their passage; this is evident from animals, and the nobler kinds of them, as the bull, the horse, the lion, whose nostrils always dilate when mov'd to anger. A similar expression is found in the first Idyllium of Theocritus.

He speaks of the anger of the God Pan, but it is applicable to all violence of passion. Aristotle (observes Dacier) quotes this verse as apply'd by Homer to express anger, Cap. 8. of his morals to Nicomachus, but he is evidently in an error; for there is here no mention of anger: he undoudtedly trusted to his memory, it being sorrow arising from filial tenderness which moves Ulysses.

The word in the original is παιδνος, which signifies a very young boy: Homer uses it to express the age, when out of a childish simplicity Ulysses ask'd his father to grant him such trees. Such requests are very natural in children, and we see (says Dacier) the same practis'd every day; Parents out of fondness indulge the requests of their children in such little particularities, and a bird, an horse, &c. continues the child's favourite for many years. It must be allow'd, that no Poet ever follow'd nature so faithfully as Homer. Virgil perhaps has reach'd his noblest elevations and sublimities, but there is a greater variety of natural incidents, more exact pictures of human life in Homer than in all other Poets. Some Painters excel in the boldness of their figures, and know how to draw a Heroe or a God, but are less happy in lower subjects; but Homer draws universally, and is excellent upon all occasions; he paints the largest figures or the least sketches equally natural, and with equal beauty.

I doubt not but the Reader has observ'd, that Laertes uses the very turn of language and manner of self-condemnation so remarkable in almost all the speeches of Nestor: this is to be ascribed to the nature of old age in general, which loves a little to boast, and relates the exploits of youth with the utmost satisfaction; or as Horace describes it,

I will only add, that the reason why Homer describes Laertes enlarg'd with strength and majesty by Minerva is to reconcile the future story to probability; Laertes acts the Heroe, engages at the head of his friends, and kills the leader of his enemies; this might appear to be an exploit too great for a weak old man wasted away with sorrows: the Poet therefore knowing that he had lost his natural vigour thro' age supplies the defect with preternatural strength, and by this method renders him equal to his future actions.

We are not to imagine that this Sicilian was the wife of Dolius; Homer gives her the title of mother to his children, because she had the care of their education; for he adds, η σθεας τρεφε, she was their nurse, not their mother. Dacier.

To understand this we must remember, that many of the Suitors came from the neighbouring Islands, Samos, Zacynthus, &c. and therefore they are said to be transported by sea, to be buried in their native countries: this custom prevail'd over all the oriental world: But there may be a particular reason why this is done by the Ithacans; they might intend to raise those several Islands to engage against Ulysses, and draw them to arms by such moving spectacles. Dacier.

There is great art in the speeches of Medon and Eupithes: Eupithes said that Ulysses had slain the bravest of the Greeks; Medon allows it, but adds, that it was done by the will of the Gods: the consequence therefore is, that to fight against Ulysses upon this account, is to fight against the Gods. Eupithes applies to their revenge, Medon to their fears; Eupithes sheds tears to move their compassion, Medon intimidates them by averring that the assistance of the Gods was visible on the side of Ulysses. The persons likewise whom Homer employs to plead against Eupithes are well chosen; Halitherses is a Prophet, Medon an Herald, and both persons esteem'd sacred by their offices; this is the reason why the Greeks are said to be struck with awe at their appearance. Dacier, &c.

The speech of Medon had a good effect upon the audience; for Homer adds, that the whole assembly grew afraid; Halitherses perceived it, and seconds it. He insists upon a new head of persuasion, and sets forth the justice of the late action of Ulysses: the Suitors were slain (says he) for their crimes, and you are guilty for not restraining their outrages; and then to deter them from their present designs, he represents their danger in engaging against their King. From these speeches (observes Eustathius) Homer draws the probability of the future part of the story; he divides the enemy, and wins over almost half of their numbers; whereas, had they proceeded unanimously, Ulysses must necessarily have perish'd by their power.

It is observable, that tho' Phemius accompanies Medon, yet he is silent; the reason is, he as it were speaks by the mouth of Medon, he was witness to the assistance of heav'n on the part of Ulysses, and approves and confirms by his presence the truth of his testimony. It is thus on the stage where the whole Chorus was antiently suppos'd to speak by the mouth of their Prolocutor.

Homer, to give importance to the conclusive action of his Poem, introduces Jupiter and Minerva in debate about the event of it. At the beginning of the Odyssey he describes the Gods in consultation for the re-establishment of Ulysses: In the conclusion of it, we see Jupiter himself rewarding the virtue and bravery of Ulysses, and decreeing him to reign in peace and tranquillity. This is carry'd on with great judgment: we are fully satisfy'd that the action of the Odyssey is compleated in the happiness of the Heroe, when we hear Jupiter giving his sanction to it. Besides, it leaves a noble image of the greatness of Ulysses, and of the whole story of the Odyssey, upon the Reader's mind, when we see it is of such weight as to engage Jupiter in its favour. Thus in imitation of Homer, toward the conclusion of the Æneid, Virgil describes Jupiter and Juno in debate concerning the decisive action between Turnus and Æneas.

The design of the Odyssey is to shew virtue rewarded, and vice punish'd; here to introduce this act of justice with the greater solemnity, Jupiter is represented giving his assent to it: “Let there be peace (says that Deity) but let justice be done, and the guilty punished;” the Reader must necessarily be satisfy'd with the equity of the cause of Ulysses, when he hears Jupiter himself directing in it. Besides, this conduct of Homer presents us with an excellent moral; it shews us that the Deity is the governour of human affairs, and arbiter of peace and war; as he directs, the scenes of blood are open'd or clos'd, and the words of Homer, διος δ' ετελειετο βουλη, may be apply'd to the Odyssey as well as the Iliad.

The Poet tells us the exact number of the party of Ulysses, which consisted of ten persons under the direction of Dolius, Laertes, and Ulysses: How many were under Eupithes is uncertain, we therefore are at liberty to suppose them more or less superior in number; Medon and Halitherses had withdrawn almost half of his assistants, and by that method reduc'd the enemy to a greater equality: it is probable that they had no very extraordinary inequality, for the onset is so sudden, that the friends of the dead Suitors could not have time to embody; besides, it appears from the sixteenth Odyssey, that of the whole band of Suitors, twelve only were Ithacans, the rest came from the adjacent Islands, and therefore none of their friends could as yet be arrived to assist Eupithes, and consequently this party consisted solely of Ithacans, and were not perhaps greatly superior to Ulysses. This observation likewise furnishes us with a reason why the enemy was so easily defeated, by so small a body of men as engaged for Ulysses.

Eustathius calls this an admirable incident, or change of fortune in favour of Ulysses. The son of Antinous is slain by the son of Laertes, and the father of Antinous by the father of Ulysses. We now see Ulysses happy in his wife, his son, and his father; vicctorious over his enemies, and his subjects submitting to his authority; and therefore the action is now compleat, and terminates with the Odyssey.

The meaning of the passage is no more than this, when stript of its poetical ornaments: Mentor, a person of great wisdom, acts as a mediator between the King and his subjects, he regulates the conditions of peace, and ratifies it with sacrifices to the Gods; this being an act of wisdom, Poetry ascribes it to Minerva.