University of Virginia Library

This book is entitled Τοξου θεσις, or the proposition of the Bow: This action of Penelope has given occasion of raillery both to modern and antient Critics; they insinuate that she propos'd this exercise of the bow to try the strength of her gallants, determining to have regard to that single qualification in the choice of her husband.

They interpret νευρην εντανυσαι into a sense very contrary to the character of Penelope. 'Tis true, other Authors have directly charged her with Inchastity, and affirm that she had a son named Pan, because all the Suitors had a share in him. Lycophron calls her

It is the exercise of the Bow that has occasion'd these imputations; for none of Homer's Commentators have given the reason why she proposes that exercise in particular; and therefore seeing no reason for it, they have invented a false one, and give the story a ridiculous air: I flatter my self that a better solution may be found out, and a reason given why Penelope proposes this exercise in particular, and preferably to any other.

We are to remember that this day was sacred to Apollo; this is evident from the preceding book, where the Ithacans offer an Hecatomb in a grove consecrated to that Deity: The diversion suits the day, the exercise of the bow being proper to be practis'd on the festival of that Deity, who is the patron of it. Several of the titles of Apollo are derived from it; Εκαεργος, Εκατηβολος, αργψυροτοξος. It is strange that this necessary observation should escape the notice of all Commentators.

If any thing further were wanting to reconcile us to the conduct of Penelope in proposing the Bow, an instance almost parallel to it might be produc'd from History. When Cambyses was preparing to make war against Æthiopia, the King of that country bent his great bow with two fingers in the presence of the Persian Ambassadors, and unbending it again, deliver'd it to them with these words: That when the Persians could do the like, they might hope to conquer the Æthiopians. There is nothing more absurd in the delivery of the bow to the Suitors by Penelope, than in the same act of the Æthiopian King to the Persian Ambassadors.

The numerous particularities and digressive Histories crowded together in the beginning of this book have not escaped censure. The Poet very circumstantially describes the key, and the make of it, as likewise the bow and quiver, then tells us who gave it to Ulysses; at the mention of the donor's name he starts into a little History of him, and returns not in many lines to his subject; he then no less circumstantially describes the chamber, and the frame of the door, he descends to every particular of Penelope's opening it, and every step and motion she takes till she produces the bow before the Suitors. This conduct has been liable to objection, as made up of particulars of small importance, to no propos'd end. But notwithstanding, every circumstance is not without its effect and beauty, and nothing better shews the power of the Poet's diction. So great a Critic as Vida admir'd this very passage. Poetic. lib. 2.

The Poet adapts his verse to the nature of his subject; the description loiters, to express the studied delay of Penelope, and her unwillingness to bring affairs to a decision. However I will not promise that these digressions and antient histories will please every Reader; the passage is so far from being faulty, that it is really an instance of Homer's judgment; yet every thing that is not a fault, is not a beauty. The case is, Penelope proposes the tryal of the bow, merely to protract time from the nuptials; she is slow in producing it for the same reason; and Homer, to paint this slowness in a lively manner, lets the subject of the Poem stand still, and wanders out of the way, that he may not come too soon to the end of his journey.

It has been disputed whether Messene here was a city or a country; Strabo affirms it to be a country, lib. 8. It was a port of Laconia, under the dominion of Menelaus in the time of the war of Troy; and then (continues that Author) the city named Messene was not built. Pausanias is of the same opinion, lib. 4. c. 1. “Before the battle of Leuctra between the Thebans and Lacedæmonians, it is my judgment that there was no City call'd Messene; this is evident from the words of Homer,

Now Ortilochus lived in Pheræ, a city of Messenia, and consequently Ulysses and Iphitus meeting at his Palace in Messenia, Homer must mean the country, not the city. That Ortilochus lived in Pheræ, appears from the third Odyssey.

This Iphitus was the son of Eurytus mention'd in the eighth book, famous for his skill in archery.

So that even this digression is not foreign to the purpose: The Poet largely describes the bow, being to make great use of it in the sequel of the Odyssey: he shews it was originally in the possession of Eurytus, the most famous archer in the world: Nay, this very digression may appear to be absolutely necessary; it being requisite to describe that bow, as of no common excellence and strength, which was not to be drawn by any of the Suitors; and at the same time it sets off the strength of the Heroe of the Poem, who alone is able to bend it.

It has been observ'd in a former annotation, that such ravages or pyracies were not only lawful but honourable amongst the Antients; why then is Ulysses here sent to redemand the spoils made by the Messenians? Dacier answers that such inroads were not allowable except in open War; she means between Greeks and Greeks; for they themselves exercis'd such pyracies with impunity against other nations.

Homer very solemnly condemns this action of Hercules in slaying Iphitus; and some Authors (remarks Eustathius) defend him by saying, he was seiz'd with madness, and threw Iphitus down from the top of his Palace; but this is contrary to Homer, and to the sentiment of those who write that Hercules was deliver'd as a slave to Omphale, for the expiation of the murder of Iphitus.

But what chiefly wants explication is the expression

That is, he paid no reverence to his Table. The Table was held sacred by the Antients, by means of which, honour was paid to the God of Friendship and Hospitality: it was therefore a crime to dishonour it by any indecent behaviour. To this purpose Juvenal:

The statutes of the Gods were rais'd upon the tables, they were consecrated by placing on them salt, which was always esteem'd holy, and by offering libations to the Gods from them: the Table therefore is call'd in Plutarch φιλιων Θεων βωμον, και ξενιων, the altar of the Gods of Friendship and Hospitality; and therefore to have eaten at the same table, was esteem'd an inviolable obligation of friendship: And τραπεζαν παραβαινειν, to transgress against the table, a breach of the laws of hospitality, and the blackest of crimes. I will only add that it was customary upon making an alliance of hospitality to give mutual Tokens; thus Ulysses here presents Iphitus with a sword and spear; Iphitus Ulysses with a bow. And the producing these tokens was a recognition of the covenant of hospitality, between the persons themselves, and their descendents in following generations.

This description presents us with a noble image; Homer introduces it to shew the largeness and strength of the door, which resounds as it opens. This exalts a trifling circumstance into sublimity and dignity, and renders a common action poetical; not unlike that in the 24th of the Iliad.

The Bow recalls to her mind the thought of her husband, and this raises her sorrows. The least trifle that once belong'd to a belov'd person, is sufficient to cast a cloud over the soul, which naturally falls in a show'r of tears: And no doubt the exercise which the Suitors are to practise with the Bow, upon which her future fate depends, aggravates her sorrows; she weeps not only for the loss of Ulysses, but at the thought that she is ready to enter upon second nuptials, contrary to her inclinations,

This speech is not without greater obscurity than is usual in so clear a writer as Homer. M. Dacier has done it justice, and clearly opened the sense of it in her paraphrase. “Surely, says Telemachus, Jupiter has disorder'd my understanding: I see my mother, wise as she is, preparing to leave the palace, and enter upon a second marriage; and yet in these melancholy circumstances, I think of nothing but diverting my self, and being an idle spectator of this exercise of the Bow: No, no, this is not to be suffer'd: You (the Suitors) use your utmost efforts to rob me of Penelope, I will therefore use mine to retain her: A woman the most excellent in any nation. But why do I praise her? you know her worth; use therefore no pretext to defer the tryal of the Bow, that we may come to an issue; I will try the Bow with you; and if I succeed, then I will retain her as the prize of the conquest; then she shall not be obliged to second nuptials: Nor will Penelope abandon a son, who emulating his father, is (like him) able to bear the prize from so many Antagonists.

This is the true meaning of the words of Telemachus; the diction indeed is somewhat embarrass'd, and the connections a little obscure; but this is done by the Poet, to express the disorder and hurry of mind in Telemachus, who fears for the fate of Penelope: Therefore the connection of the Periods is interrupted, to represent Telemachus starting thro' eagerness of spirit from thought to thought, without order or regularity.

It is not apparent at the first view why Ulysses prohibits Telemachus from drawing the Bow; but Eustathius gives sufficient reason for this conduct: It would have defeated his whole design, and render'd the death of the Suitors impracticable; for Telemachus had declar'd that he would retain Penelope, if he succeeded in the exercise of the Bow; and this of necessity would create an immediate contest between that Heroe and the Suitors, and bring matters unseasonably to extremity. The same Author assigns a second reason; Ulysses fears lest Telemachus by bending the Bow should make it more supple and flexible, and therefore commands him to desist, lest it should be drawn by the Suitors; besides, if he had drawn it, it would have raisd an emulation amongst them, and they would have apply'd the utmost of their abilities not to be outdone by so young a person as Telemachus; but his despair to effect it, makes them less sollicitous, the tryal being equally unsuccessful to them all.

It may also be observ'd that there is a very happy address made to Telemachus by Homer; He shews us that he could have drawn it, but desists in obedience to Ulysses: Thus the Poet has found out a way to give Telemachus the Honour of the Victory without obtaining it; and at the same time shews the superior wisdom of Ulysses, who restrains his son in the heat of his attempt; and makes him by a happy presence of mind at once foresee the danger, and prevent it.

Antinous makes this proposition, that every person may try his skill without confusion. Perhaps it is propos'd by Antinous by way of Omen, the right hand being reckon'd fortunate: But however that be, it is very evident that in the entertainments of the Antients the cup was deliver'd towards the right hand: hence δεξιωσις came to signify to drink towards the right hand, and Athenæus thus interprets this passage in the first of the Iliad.

Which, remarks that author, signifies εδεξιουστο προπινοντες εαυτοις ταις δεξιαις. And there is express mention made of this practice, Lib. 1. v. 597. of the Iliad.

That is, beginning from the right hand, as the scholiast rightly interprets it, Vulcan deliver'd the bowl to all the Gods.

This observation explains various passages in many antient authors, as well as in the Iliad and Odyssey: The Custom indeed is not of any great importance, but it is at least a curiosity, and valuable because antient. I doubt not but the bowl out of which these persons drank, would by Antiquaries be thought inestimable; and the possession of an antient bowl is not quite so valuable as the knowledge of an antient custom.

The word in the original is θυοσκοος, a person who makes predictions from victims or from the smoke of the sacrifice. This Leiodes, the Poet tells us, sate next to the bowl; the reason of it, saith Eustathius, was because the Suitors fear'd left poison should be mix'd in it, and they thought themselves safe thro' his care and inspection: but it may perhaps be a better reason to say, that he sate there in discharge of his office as a prophet, to make libations to the Gods; as was customary at the beginning and end of all entertainments.

The Poet adds that this Prophet was placed at the extremity of the apartment; the reason may be because he was an enemy to the insolence of the Suitors, and therefore withdrew from their conversation; or perhaps the word is inserted only to shew that his place was the first (for Eustathius explains μυχοιτατος by πρωτος and ενσυτατος) and therefore he was the most proper person to begin the experiment, that the rest might make tryal according as they were seated, successively; and what makes this the more probable is, that the propination always began from the most honourable person.

There is in these words a full and clear prediction of the destruction of the Suitors by the Bow of Ulysses: but what follows, when the Prophet comes to explain himself, renders it ambiguous. Better indeed to die, &c. The next line is very remarkable for the distinction it makes between θημος and ψυχη, soul and spirit: The Reader may turn to the note on Lib. 23. v. 92, 122. of the Iliad; and that on Lib. 11. v. 743. of the Odyssey, where an account is given of the notion of the Antients concerning this division. I shall only here add a passage in St. Paul to the Hebrews, which did not then occur to me, that remarkably falls in with it. The word of God is quick and powerful, and sharper than a two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of Soul and Spirit. Heb. iv. 12.

This Leiodes falls by the sword of Ulysses in the next book; but is it not injustice to take away the life of a Person who is here describ'd as a man of virtue, detesting the actions of the Suitors, and dignify'd with Prophecy? It is easy to answer this objection; he is one of the Suitors to Penelope, as appears from his trying the Bow amongst the rest of them, in order to obtain her in marriage, and consequently he is involv'd in the general crime: This distinguishes his case from that of Medon and Phemius, whom Ulysses spares, it appearing that they made no pretensions to the bed of Penelope, whereas Leiodes endeavours to marry the Queen, which single act would exclude Ulysses from his own bed and dominions. Besides, if we would escape the punishment of wicked men, we must not only detest their crimes, but conversation.

This passage has been egregiously misunderstood, and it has been imagin'd that this unguent is to anoint the limbs of the Suitors to make them more supple, after the manner of the Wrestlers who observ'd that custom; but it is very evident that τοξον is to be understood in the Greek, and that it is the Bow, not the Limbs of the Suitors, that is to be anointed. Eustathius thus fully explains it: The lard is brought to make the Bow pliant, they chafe it before the fire that the particles of it may enter the pores of the Bow and render it flexible. But Eustathsus falls into an error about the seat that is brought by Melanthius: he imagines the Suitors sate while they drew the Bow, that they might be upon a level with the ringlets which were fix'd upon the ground; whereas in reality the seat is brought, that they may sit while they chafe the Bow. Homer himself says, when Leiodes endeavours to draw it, that he stood up, ανιστατο, and again,

But how is this to be reconcil'd with the conduct of Ulysses, who is directly affirm'd to sit while he draws it?

That circumstance is inserted to shew the great strength and dexterity of Ulysses, who is able to draw it in that disadvantageous posture: the Poet in every incident maintains his superiority.

It is wonderful how exactly the Poet observes the distribution of time; he distinctly marks the action of every day, and allots a proper space to every action. In this place the Poem goes forward while Ulysses withdraws to engage the assistance of Philætius and Eumæus. The Suitors are amus'd and employ'd about the Bow, while Ulysses steals away from their observation, and returns without raising their jealousy. The Poet likewise manages the time of the discovery of Ulysses very judiciously; tho' he knew the fidelity of Eumæus and Philætius, yet he trusts them not with the knowledge of his Person, till the very hour of execution; agreeable to the general character of his cautious nature and profound secrecy. But then is not this an imputation to Penelope, that he should chuse to discover himself to these two persons, rather than to his Queen? The answer is, There was a necessity for his discovery to the former, but none to the latter; he wants their assistance in the future engagement, and makes good use of it; whereas a discovery made to the Queen could have been of no advantage, and might possibly have prov'd detrimental; besides, this is a season that requires expedition; and we find Ulysses complies with it, and is very concise in the discovery and interview with Philætius and Eumæus. The Poet therefore reserves the discovery of Ulysses to Penelope to a time of more leisure, that he may dwell upon it more largely, and beautify his Poem with so essential an ornament with greater solemnity.

Aristotle treating of the different sort of Remembrances, Chap. 17. of his Poetics, divides them into two kinds, natural or adventitious; the former sort is simple and without art, which Poets use for want of invention; as for instance, when they bring about the discovery of a person by some natural mark or token upon the body: The latter are either marks upon the body, or scars occasion'd by some accident, or tokens distinct from the body, such as the Casket, &c. which Plautus and Terence use in the discovery of several persons in their Comedies: Of this latter kind is this scar of Ulysses; it is an adventitious remembrance, and these remembrances (continues Aristotle) may be used with more or less art: Thus in the case of this wound of Ulysses, it is us'd by Homer in a different way: Euryclea, Lib. 19. describes it accidentally; Ulysses here shews it to Eumæus and Philætius voluntarily; and it is certain that all those marks which a Poet deably and deliberately uses to establish any verity, have less ingenuity than those which produce their effects undeably and casually, and consequently the remembrance in the nineteenth Odyssey is more ingenious than the second discovery. The reason is, it shews no ingenuity to have recourse to such marks, when we have an intention to make the discovery: it causes no surprize nor variety, neither is it produc'd by any art or invention: On the contrary, the other in the nineteenth book arises from the subject, and not from the fancy of the Poet only. But, says Dacier, when Aristotle affirms that this present remembrance wants ingenuity, we are not yet to imagine that he condemns it; for it is a remembrance made by necessity. Ulysses has not opportunity to wait till the discovery is made accidentally, as in the nineteenth Book; he is absolutely compelled to make it deably, to engage Eumæus and Philætius in his cause, by plainly proving to them that he was the real Ulysses. If therefore that Heroe shews less les art in the manner of the remembrance, he shews more wisdom in accommodating his conduct to the opportunity, and using the present conjuncture advantageously, to bring about his own re-establishment. I will only further observe the judgment of Homer in making this discovery with the utmost brevity, concluding it in the compass of two verses: he had before enlarg'd upon the wound, and the reader is already fully instructed in the story: There is likewise another reason that requires conciseness; the urgency of the time demands it, for Ulysses and Eumæus could not be long in conference without observation, and raising the jealousy of the Suitors.

This is a very necessary injunction: Ulysses fears not only left any of the Suitors should make his escape but also lest any of the women who were friends to the Suitors should give information to their partisans abroad, and introduce them to their assistance. Eustathius.

No doubt but Eurymachus misrepresents his real sentiments, when he makes the loss of Penelope of little importance; but his conduct is an exact picture of human nature: When we have us'd our utmost endeavours to obtain our desires, and have fail'd in the attempt, the object immediately loses its value, and we would be thought to despise it. To be easy under any disappointment is the result of reason; but to seem to despise what we have been very solicitous to obtain, arises from the pride of our natures, which persuades us to endeavour to cheat the world into an opinion that we have not been disappointed: The remedy for this disease of our minds, is a regular conduct, and to hold the balance even in all our affairs, that the scale be not rais'd too high or depress'd too low.

Antinous in this reply, speaks, as well as Eurymachus, with dissimulation; he is unwilling to give a true reason, and therefore invents a false one: The true reason why he defers the tryal of the Bow is, because he fears his inability to draw it: The feign'd reason is a pretended piety paid to the day: it was a day to be observ'd religiously, and he insinuates that all sports upon it are a prophanation of it; and consequently, Apollo being provok'd, disables them from drawing the Bow, of which he is the patron. This is the reason why he proposes to offer a libation, to atone for the abuse of the day by their diversions. But perhaps the reason why Antinous defers the exercise of the Bow to the following day, is not because he thought it unlawful to proceed in it on the festival of Apollo; for why should an exercise which was instituted in honour of that Deity, be thought a prophanation of the day? I should therefore rather conclude, that the impiety intended by Antinous, was their omission in not offering a sacrifice to that God before they begun the tryal, that he might prosper their endeavours: The conclusion of his speech makes this opinion probable: “Let us now defer the experiment, and offer sacrifice in the morning to Apollo, that he may give us success in drawing the Bow;” which implies that they were unsuccessful because they had forgot to sacrifice, I will only add that Antinous mentions a goat as an offering to Apollo; we have before seen bulls, sheep and bullocks offered to that Deity; the reason why a goat is a proper victim, I suppose is because he is a rural God, and patron of shepherds, and therefore all kinds of beasts were offer'd to him promiscuously.

The story of the Centaur is this: Pirithous a Lapithite marrying Hippodamia the daughter of Adrastus, invited the Centaurs and Lapithæ to his nuptials; the Centaurs drinking to great excess, and offering violence to the bride, engag'd them in a quarrel; Eurytion was the person who began the disorder, and the war that ensued became fatal to the whole nation of the Centaurs. Horace alludes to this history.

The Lapithites were a people of Thessaly inhabiting the mountains Pindus and Othrys; the Centaurs were their neighbours, and dwelt in mount Pelion. This war between the Lapithites and the Centaurs probably lasted about a year: for it began on the day of the nuptials of Pirithous, and on the day that his son Polypætes was born, he obtain'd a decisive victory over the Centaurs, and drove them from mount Pelion. Thus lib. 2. v. 900 of the Iliad.

This history is at large related by Ovid, Metamorph. 12. He calls Eurytion by the name of Eurytus, and describes the nuptial feast in a cave, and not in the palace of Pirithous. Thus Mr. Dryden:

This answer of Penelope is very severe and very just: Eurymachus (observes Dacier) had said, If this beggar draws the bow, we shall lose our reputation: Penelope answers, It is in vain to be sollicitous about your reputation, when your lives are a series of infamous actions: Fame is the reward of good, and shame the portion of base and unworthy deeds: It is no dishonour to a Prince to be surpass'd by a Beggar in strength, but a Prince is more infamous than a Beggar, if his actions betray him to be a worse man; a base action sinks him into contempt, and taints his nobility. The words in Homer are, τι ελεγχεα ταυτα τιθεσθε; which Eustathius thus explains; Why do you overlook the greater dishonour, and are thus afraid of trifles? and, adds Dacier, the sentiment is just and happy: These Princes place disgrace where it is not; they think it a shame to yield in strength to this stranger, which is really no shame; meer strength is the praise of a beast, not of a Prince: On the contrary, what is really a shame, they think to be none; they prey upon a King, who was a friend to all mankind, they act a thousand insolent and base deeds, and yet apprehend no discredit. This is an unhappy, and I wish it were an unjust, picture of human nature; we deceive our selves with false notions both of shame and glory, and we may apply the words of Terence to this purpose:

Praise is only to be obtain'd by virtue, and fame is the certain reward of it: Ill-nature or envy may eclipse it, but it will prevail and break out into glory.

This speech has been accus'd of too great a liberty, and as wanting in respect from a son to a mother: Telemachus speaks with authority, when he ought to have shew'd obedience and filial duty. But these Criticks mistake the design and intention of Telemachus; he speaks directly to Penelope, but obliquely and intentionally to the Suitors: It is for this reason that he says he is supreme in the palace, viz. to let them know that he will not give up the sway into their pow'r. He tells Penelope that the Bow shall be used as he directs; this is done to intimidate the Suitors, and prepare the way for the delivery of it to Ulysses, contrary to their injunctions to Eumæus.

The verses are the same with those in the 6th of the Iliad. There Hector speaks to Andromache, a tender husband to a fond wife, and the speech was never tax'd with any want of love and kindness. In that place Hector remembers that he is an husband, yet forgets not that he is an Heroe. In this, Telemachus deviates not from the duty of a son, yet speaks in the character and style of a Prince.

Eustathius excellently enlarges upon the words of Telemachus: There is an absolute necessity that Penelope should withdraw, that she might not be present at the scene of blood and slaughter. It is for the same reason that the Poet introduces Minerva casting her into a profound sleep, that she might be entirely ignorant of the death of the Suitors: This is absolutely necessary; for if she had been acquainted that Ulysses was return'd, and the Suitors slain by his hand, there could have been no room for the interview between Ulysses and Penelope in the succeeding parts of the Odyssey.

But is not Minerva introduc'd upon too small an occasion, only to cast Penelope into a slumber? would not nature have work'd the same effect without the assistance of the Goddess? I have already remark'd that machines are not always used out of necessity, but frequently for ornament, to dignify the Poetry and create surprise by the appearance of a Deity. But here the Poet brings down Minerva, to give credibility to the story; for tho' it be true that nature is sufficient to produce this effect, yet that it should operate in the critical and exact moment, when the Poet has occasion for it, is in some degree incredible: The Poet therefore, to reconcile the relation to probability, introduces a præternatural sleep, occasion'd by the immediate operation of a Goddess.

Penelope is amaz'd at the free remonstrance of Telemachus; she is ignorant of the reason of it, yet immediately retires, not doubting but his words flow'd from a just cause, and not from a want of filial duty: she is therefore said by the Poet to lodge his words in her memory, waiting till time should unfold the mystery. Dacier.

Spondanus believes they laugh out of contempt of Telemachus; Dacier because they believe the time come which is to end all their doubts by the marriage of Penelope; they hope to draw the Bow, and this hope mollifies their anger. But all these reasons (as well as those of Eustathius) seem to be rather invented than natural: we may find a sufficient reason of their laughter, from the sharpness of Telemachus towards Eumæus; they rejoice to see an enemy (for such they esteem Eumæus) misus'd, and this will likewise give a reason why the Poet adds that they ceas'd their anger against Telemachus, namely, because he gratifies their ill-will by threatning Eumæus.

It is very evident that this command proceeds not from Telemachus but Ulysses: It was Ulysses who gave directions to shut the door of the womens apartment; but Eumæus is ignorant that Euryclea was acquainted with the return of Ulysses, and therefore speaks as from Telemachus. He knew very well that she would obey the orders of Telemachus, but if she had not been acquainted with the return of Ulysses, she would have made some hesitation, believing the Beggar to be really a stranger and not Ulysses. Eustathius.

The word in the Greek is βυβλινον, which we are not to understand of the Ægyptian Papyrus, but it is deriv'd from βιλος or βυβλος, a plant growing in the marshes of Ægypt, βοτανες εμφερους παπυρω, that bears the resemblance of the Papyrus, as Eustathius explains it. Of this plant the Antients made their cordage; on the top of it there grew fibrous threads resembling hair, and thus Strabo describes it, ψιλη ραβδος επ' ακρου εχουσα χαιτην, a slender twig, bearing, as it were, hair on the top of it.

This little particularity is not inserted in vain: Ulysses is ready to engage in a terrible combat; it is therefore very necessary to be curious in the examination of the Bow, to be certain that he might depend upon it; if he had observ'd that it had been decay'd thro' time, his prudence would have furnish'd him with some other instrument. Eustathius is of opinion that this whole Bow was made of horn, because ιπες denotes worms that breed in horn: The Bow, says that Author, was made of horn, and not of wood, like the Scythian bows. This, it must be confess'd, is not entirely satisfactory, because the bows were antiently tipt or pointed at the extremities with horn; and to this horn Ulysses may refer: But the other opinion is most probable, and Ovid thus understood it:

Eustathius confesses himself to be greatly pleas'd with this comparison; it is very just, and well suited to the purpose; the strings of the lyre represent the bow-string, and the ease with which the Lyrist stretches them, admirably paints the facility with which Ulysses draws the bow. When similitudes are borrow'd from an object entirely different from the subject which they are brought to illustrate, they give us a double satisfaction, as they surprize us by shewing an agreement between such things in which there seems to be the greatest disagreement.

The comparison is not intended to represent the sweetness of the sound, but only the quality and nature of it; and means a harsh or jarring sound, or somewhat rough, υποτραχυ, as Eustathius interprets it; such a sound as the swallow makes when she sings by starts, and not in one even tenour. The swallow is inharmonious and Aristophanes uses χελιδονων μουσεια in his frogs, to signify those who are enemies to the Muses; and here the Poet uses it to denote a shrill, harsh, or jarring sound.

The signal of battle is here given in thunder by Jupiter, as in the eleventh book of the Iliad.

And again,

This prepares us for the greatness of the following action, which is usher'd in with thunder from heaven: And we are not surpriz'd to see Ulysses defeat his enemies, when Jupiter declares himself in his favour. Homer calls this thunder a sign and a prodigy: It is a sign, because it predicts the event; and a prodigy, because the thunder proceeds from a serene sky.

Ulysses speaks not thus out of vanity, but solely to confirm the courage of Telemachus, and his two friends, Eumæus and Philætius. He sets his vigor before their eyes, that they may have confidence in it in the succeeding engagement.

This circumstance is very necessary; Ulysses excites the Suitors to supper by day-light, because it would be more easy for him to assault them while they sate at table: the posture would give him some advantage; and he adds before ev'ning, because if they had supp'd by the light of the torch, upon extinguishing it, they had greatly embarrass'd him, and perhaps render'd his designs ineffectual thro' the benefit of the darkness. Neither is it without reason that he proposes singing and music; he does it to draw away their thoughts from any jealousy of intended violence; and by this method he gives the assault unexpectedly, and begins the slaughter before they are prepar'd to make any opposition.