University of Virginia Library

The Phæacians having a great share in the succeeding parts of the Odyssey, it may not be improper to enlarge upon their character. Homer has here describ'd them very distinctly: he is to make use of the Phæacians to convey Ulysses to his country, he therefore by this short character, gives the Reader such an Image of them, that he is not surpriz'd at their credulity and simplicity, in believing all those fabulous recitals which Ulysses makes in the Progress of the Poem. The place likewise in which he describes them is well chosen; it is before they enter upon Action, and by this method we know what to expect from them, and see how every action is naturally suited to their character.

Bossu observes that the Poet has inserted this verse with great judgment: Ulysses, says he, knew that the Phæacians were simple and credulous; and that they had all the qualities of a lazy people, who admire nothing so much as romantic adventures: he therefore pleases them, by recitals suited to their own humour: But even here the Poet is not unmindful of his more understanding Readers, and the truth intended to be taught by way of moral is, that a soft and effeminate life breaks the spirit, and renders it incapable of manly sentiments or actions.

Plutarch seems to understand this verse in a different manner; he quotes it in his dissertation upon Banishment, to shew that Nausithous made his people happy tho' he left his own country, and settled them far from the commerce of mankind, εκας ανδρων αλφησταων, without any particular view to the Phæacians, which was undoubtedly intended by Homer; those words being a kind of a Preface to their general character.

This Phæacia of the ancients is the Island now called Corfu. The Inhabitants of it were a Colony of the Hyperians: Eustathius remarks, that it has been a question whether Hyperia were a City or an Island; he judges it to be a City: it was infested by the Cyclops; but they had no shipping, as appears from the tenth of the Odyssey, and consequently if it had been an Island, they could not have molested the Phæacians; he therefore concludes it to be a City, afterwards call'd Camarina in Sicily.

Mr. Barnes has here added a verse that is not to be found in any other edition; and I have render'd it in the translation.

The Poet, as Eustathius observes, celebrates the beauty of these two attending Virgins to raise their characters, that they may not be esteem'd common servants, or the Poet thought extravagant when he compares Nausicaa and her damsels to Diana and her nymphs.

The judgment with which he introduces the vision is remarkable: In the Iliad, when he is to give an air of importance to his vision, he cloathes it in the likeness of Nestor, the wisest person of the Army; a man of less consideration had been unsuitable to the greatness of the occasion, which was to persuade Kings and Heroes. Here the Poet sends a vision to a young Lady, under the resemblance of a young Lady: he adapts the circumstances to the person, and describes the whole with an agreeable propriety.

Here is a remarkable custom of Antiquity. Eustathius observes, that it was usual for the bride to give changes of dress to the friends of the bridegroom at the celebration of the marriage, and Homer directly affirms it. Dacier quotes a passage in Judges concerning Sampson's giving changes of garments at his marriage feast, as an instance of the like custom amongst the Israelites; but I believe, if there was such a custom at all amongst them, it is not evident from the passage alledg'd: Nothing is plainer, than that Sampson had not given the garments, if his riddle had not been expounded: nay, instead of giving, he himself had receiv'd them, if it had not been interpreted. I am rather of opinion that what is said of Sampson, has relation to another custom amongst the Ancients, of proposing an Ænigma at festivals, and adjudging a reward to him that solv'd it. These the Greeks call'd γριφους συμποτικους; griphos convivales; Athenæus has a long dissertation about this practice in his tenth book, and gives a number of instances of the Ænigmatical propositions in use at Athens, and of the forfeitures and rewards upon the solution, and non-solution of them; and Eustathius in the tenth book of the Odyssey comes into the same opinion. So that if it was a custom amongst the Israelites as well as Greeks to give garments, (as it appears to be to give other gifts) this passage is no instance of it: It is indeed a proof that the Hebrews as well as Greeks had a custom of entertaining themselves at their festivals, with these griphi convivales: I therefore believe that these changes of garments were no more than rewards or forfeits, according to the success in the interpretation.

It is very probable that Quintilian had this verse in his view when he wrote Cultus magnificus addit hominibus, ut Græco versu testatum est, authoritatem. His words are almost a translation of it.

What I would chiefly observe is the propriety with which this commendation of dress is introduc'd; it is put into the mouth of a young Lady (for so Pallas appears to be) to whose character it is suitable to delight in Ornament. It likewise agrees very well with the description of the Phæacians, whose chief happiness consisted in dancing, dressing, singing, &c. Such a commendation of ornament would have been improper in the mouth of a Philosopher, but beautiful when spoken by a young Lady to Alcinous.

This passage has not escap'd the raillery of the Critics; Homer, say they, brings the Goddess of Wisdom down from heaven, only to advise Nausicaa to make haste to wash her cloaths against her wedding: what necessity is there for a conduct so extraordinary upon so trivial an occasion? Eustathius sufficiently answers the objection, by observing that the Poet very naturally brings about the safety of Ulysses by it; the action of the washing is the means, the protection of Ulysses the end of the descent of that Goddess; so that she is not introduced lightly, or without contributing to an important action: And it must be allow'd, that the means made use of are very natural; they grow out of the occasion, and at once give the fable a poetical turn, and an air of probability.

It has been further objected, that the Poet gives an unworthy employment to Nausicaa, the daughter of a King; but such Critics form their idea of ancient, from modern greatness: It wou'd be now a meanness to describe a person of Quality thus employ'd, because custom has made it the work of persons of low condition: It would be now thought dishonourable for a Lady of bright station to attend the flocks; yet we find in the most ancient history extant, that the daughters of Laban and Jethro, persons of power and distinction, were so employ'd, without any dishonour to their quality. In short, these passages are to be look'd upon as exact pictures of the old World, and consequently as valuable remains of Antiquity.

It would have been an impropriety to have render'd αμαξαν by the word chariot; Homer seems industriously to avoid αρμα, but constantly uses απηνη, or αμαξα; this car was drawn by mules; whereas, observes Eustathius, the chariot or αρμα was proper only for horses. The word Car takes in the Idea of any other vehicle, as well as of a Chariot.

This passage has undergone a very severe censure, as mean and ridiculous, chiefly from the expressions to her father afterwards, υψηλην, ευκυκλον: which being render'd, high, and round, disgrace the Author: No person, I believe, would ask a father to lend his high and round Car; nor has Homer said it: Eustathius observes, that ευκυκλος is the same as ευτροχος κυκλα λεγονται οι τροχον, or wheels; and that υπερτερια, is το επικειμενον τετραγωνον πλινθιον τω αξονι, or the quadrangular body of the Car that rests upon the axle of it; this fully answers the Criticism: Nausicaa describes the Car so particularly, to distinguish it from a Chariot, which had been improper for her purpose: The other part of the objection, concerning the roundness of the Car, is a mistake in the Critic; the word having relation to the wheels, and not to the body of it, which, as Eustathius observes, was quadrangular.

Lucretius has copy'd this fine passage, and equall'd, if not surpass'd the original.

The picture is the same in both Authors, but the colouring in my opinion is less beautiful in Homer than Lucretius: the three last lines in particular are fuller of ornament, and the very verses have an air of the serenity they were intended to paint.

This is another image of ancient life: We see a Queen amidst her attendants at work at the dawn of day: de nocte surrexit, & digiti ejus apprehenderant fusum. This is a practice as contrary to the manners of our ages, as the other of washing the robes: 'Tis the more remarkable in this Queen, because she liv'd amongst an idle effeminate people, that lov'd nothing but pleasures. Dacier.

It is not without reason that the Poet describes Nausicaa carrying the whole wardrobe of the family to the river: he inserts these circumstances so particularly, that she may be able to cloath Ulysses in the sequel of the story: he further observes the modesty and simplicity of these early times, when the whole dress of a King and his family (who reign'd over a people that delighted in dress) is without gold: for we see Nausicaa carries with her all the habits that were used at the greatest solemnities; which had they been wrought with gold could not have been washed. Eustathius.

This Image of Nausicaa riding in her Car to the river, has exercis'd the pencils of excellent Painters. Pausanias in his fifth book, which is the first of the Eliacs, speaks of a picture of two Virgins drawn by Mules, of which the one guides the reins, the other has her head cover'd with a veil: It is believ'd that it represents Nausicaa, the daughter of Alcinous, going with one of her virgins to the river. The words of Pausanias have caused some doubt with relation to the picture; he says, επι ημιονων, or upon Mules, but Homer describes her upon a Car; how then can Nausicaa be intended by the Painter? But Romulus Amasæus, who comments upon Pausanias, solves the difficulty, by observing that επι ημιονων does not signify upon Mules, but a Car drawn by Mules, by a figure frequent in all Authors. Pliny is also thus to be understood in his 35th book; Protogenes the Rhodian painted at Athens Paralus, and likewise Hemionida, who is said to represent Nausicaa; Hemionida is used (as Hermolaus Barbarus observes upon that passage) as a term of art to express a Virgin riding upon, or more properly drawn by Mules, or επι ημιονων. Spondanus.

It is evident, that the Ancients had basons, or cisterns, continually supply'd by the rivers for this business of washing; they were call'd, observes Eustathius, πλυνοι, or βοθροι; and were sometimes made of marble, other times of wood. Thus in the Iliad, book 22d,

The manner of washing was different from what is now in use: They trod them with their feet, Σειβον, ετριβον τοις ποσι.

It may be thought that these customs are of small importance, and of little concern to the present ages: It is true; but Time has stamp'd a value upon them: like ancient Medals, their intrinsic worth may be small, but yet they are valuable, because images of Antiquity.

Plutarch in his Symposiacs proposes this question, Why Nausicaa washes in the river, rather than the sea, tho' it was more high, more hot, and consequently more fit for the purpose than the river? Theon answers from Aristotle, that the sea-water has many gross, rough, and earthy particles in it, as appears from its saltness, whereas fresh water is more pure and unmixt, and consequently more subtle and penetrating, and fitter for use in washing. Themistocles dislikes this reason, and affirms that sea-water being more rough and earthy, than that of rivers, is therefore the most proper, for its cleansing quality; this appears from observation, for in washing, ashes, or some such substance are thrown into the fresh water to make it effectual, for those particles open the pores, and conduce to the effect of cleansing. The true reason then is, that there is an unctuous nature in sea water, (and Aristotle confesses all salt to be unctuous) which hinders it from cleansing: whereas river-water is pure, less mixt, and consequently more subtle and penetrating, and being free from all oily substance, is preferable and more effectual than sea-water.

This is a very beautiful comparison, (and when-ever I say any thing in commendation of Homer, I would always be understood to mean the original.) Virgil was sensible of it, and inserted it in his Poem,

It has given occasion for various Criticisms, with relation to the beauty of the two Authors. I will lay before the Reader what is said in behalf of Homer in Aulus Gellius, and the answer by Scaliger.

Gellius writes, that it was the opinion of Valerius Probus, that no passage has been more unhappily copy'd by Virgil, than this comparison. Homer very beautifully compares Nausicaa, a Virgin, sporting with her damsels in a solitary place, to Diana, a virgin Goddess, taking her diversion in a forest, in hunting with her rural Nymphs. Whereas Dido, a widow, is drawn by Virgil in the midst of a city, walking gravely with the Tyrian Princes, Instans operi, regnisque futuris, a circumstance that bears not the least resemblance to the sports of the Goddess. Homer represents Diana with her quiver at her shoulder, but at the same time he describes her as an huntress: Virgil gives her a quiver, but mentions nothing of her as an huntress, and consequently lays a needless burthen upon her shoulder. Homer excellently paints the fulness of joy which Latona felt at the sight of her daughter, γεγηθε δε τε φρενα Λητω; Virgil falls infinitely short of it in the word pertentant, which signifies a light joy that sinks not deep into the heart. Lastly, Virgil has omitted the strongest point and very flower of the comparison,

'Tis the last circumstance that compleats the comparison, as it distinguishes Nausicaa from her attendants, for which very purpose the allusion was introduced.

Scaliger (who never deserts Virgil in any difficulty) answers, that the persons, not the places, are intended to be represented by both Poets; otherwise Homer himself is blameable, for Nausicaa is not sporting on a mountain but a plain, and has neither bow nor quiver like Diana. Neither is there any weight in the objection concerning the gravity of the gait of Dido; for neither is Nausicaa describ'd in the act of hunting, but dancing: And as for the word pertentant, it is a metaphor taken from musicians and musical instruments: it denotes a strong degree of joy, per bears an intensive sense, and takes in the perfection of joy. As to the quiver, it was an ensign of the Goddess, as Αργψπρτοξος was of Apollo, and is apply'd to her upon all occasions indifferently, not only by Virgil, but more frequently by Homer. Lastly, ρεια δ' αριγνωτη &c. is superfluous, for the joy of Latona compleats the whole, and Homer has already said γεγηθε δε τε φρενα Λητω.

But still it must be allow'd, that there is a greater correspondence to the subject intended to be illustrated, in Homer than in Virgil. Diana sports; so does Nausicaa; Diana is a Virgin, so is Nausicaa; Diana is amongst her virgin Nymphs, Nausicaa among her virgin attendants: whereas in all these points there is the greatest dissimilitude between Dido and Diana: And no one I believe but Scaliger can think the verse above quoted superfluous, which indeed is the beauty and perfection of comparison. There may, perhaps, be a more rational objection made against this line in both Poets.

This verse has no relation to the principal subject, the expectation is fully satisfy'd without it, and it alludes to nothing that either precedes or follows it, and consequently may be judg'd superfluous.

This Play with the Ball was called φεννις, and εφετινδα, by the Ancients; and from the signification of the word, which is deception, we may learn the nature of the Play: The ball was thrown to some one of the players unexpectedly, and he as unexpectedly threw it to some other of the company to catch, from which surprize upon one another, it took the name of φεννις. It was a sport much in use amongst the Ancients, both men and women; it caus'd a variety of motions in throwing and running, and was therefore a very healthful exercise. The Lacedæmonians were remarkable for the use of it; Alexander the Great frequently exercised at it; and Sophocles wrote a Play, call'd Πλυντριας, or Lotrices; in which he represented Nausicaa sporting with her damsels at this play: It is not now extant.

Dionysidorus gives us a various reading, instead of σφαιραν επειτ' ερριψε, he writes it, παλλαν επειτ', which the Latins render πιλον, and Suidas countenances the alteration, for he writes that a damsel named Larissa, as she sported at this play, (πιλω, not σφαιρη) was drowned in the river Peneus.

What I would further observe is, the art of the Poet in carrying on the story: He proceeds from incident to incident very naturally, and makes the sports of these Virgins contribute to the principal design of the Poem, and promote the re-establishment of Ulysses, by discovering him advantageously to the Phæacians. He so judiciously interweaves these sports into the texture of the story, that there would be a chasm if they were taken away; and the sports of the Virgins are as much of a piece with the whole, as any of the labours of Ulysses.

The Poet reaps a further advantage from this conduct: it beautifies and enlivens the Poem with a pleasant and entertaining scene, and relieves the Reader's mind by taking it off from a continual representation of horrour and sufferings in the story of Ulysses. He himself seems here to take breath, and indulging his fancy, lets it run out into several beautiful comparisons, to prepare the Reader to hear with a better relish the long detail of the calamities of his Heroe, thro' the sequel of the Odyssey.

This soliloquy is well adapted to the circumstances of Ulysses, and short, as is requisite in all soliloquies.

Virgil has imitated it, and Scaliger in general prefers the copy to the original.

But it may perhaps be true, that Virgil here falls short of Homer: There is not that harmony of numbers, that variety of circumstances, and sentiments in the Latin, as appears in the Greek Poet; and above all, the whole passage has more force and energy by being put into the mouth of Ulysses, than when merely related by Virgil.

Dacier observes, that Abraham makes the very same reflections as Ulysses, upon his arrival at Gerar. Cogitavi mecum dicens, forsitan non est timor domini in loco isto, Gen. xx. 11. I thought, surely the fear of God is not in this place; which very well answers to και σφιν νοος εστι θεουδης.

This passage has given great offence to the Critics. The interview between Ulysses and Nausicaa, says Rapine, outrages all the rules of decency: She forgets her modesty, and betrays her virtue, by giving too long an audience: she yields too much to his complaints, and indulges her curiosity too far at the sight of a person in such circumstances. But perhaps Rapine is too severe; Homer has guarded every circumstance with as much caution as if he had been aware of the objection: He covers his loins with a broad foliage, (for Eustathius observes, that πτορθος signifies κλαδος πλατυς, or a broad branch) he makes Ulysses speak at a proper distance, and introduces Minerva to encourage her virgin modesty. Is there here any outrage of decency? Besides, what takes off this objection of immodesty in Nausicaa, is, that the sight of a naked man was not unusual in those ages; it was customary for Virgins of the highest quality to attend Heroes to the bath, and even to assist in bathing them, without any breach of modesty; as is evident from the conduct of Polycaste in the conclusion of the third book of the Odyssey, who bathes and perfumes Telemachus. If this be true, the other objections of Rapine about her yielding too much to his complaints, &c. are of no weight; but so many testimonies of her virtuous and compassionate disposition, which induces her to pity and relieve calamity. Yet it may seem that the other damsels had a different opinion of this interview, and that thro' modesty they ran away, while Nausicaa alone talks with Ulysses: But this only shews, not that she had less modesty, but more prudence, than her retinue. The damsels fled not out of modesty, but fear of an enemy: whereas Nausicaa wisely reflects that no such person could arrive there, the country being an Island; and from his appearance, she rightly concluded him to be a man in calamity. This Wisdom is the Pallas in the Allegory, which makes her to stay when the other damsels fly for want of equal reflection. Adam and Eve cover'd themselves after the same manner as Ulysses.

This is a very noble comparison, yet has not escap'd censure; it has been objected that it is improper for the occasion, as bearing images of too much terror, only to fright a few timorous Virgins, and that the Poet is unseasonably sublime. This is only true in Burlesque poetry, where the most noble images are frequently assembled to disgrace the subject, and to shew a ridiculous disproportion between the allusion and the principal subject; but the same reason will not hold in Epic Poetry, where the Poet raises a low circumstance into dignity by a sublime comparison. The simile is not introduced merely to shew the impression it made upon the Virgins, but paints Ulysses himself in very strong colours: Ulysses is fatigued with the tempests and waves; the Lion with winds and storms: it is hunger that drives the Lion upon his prey; an equal necessity compells Ulysses to go down to the Virgins: the Lion is described in all his terrors, Ulysses arms himself as going upon an unknown adventure; so that the comparison is very noble and very proper. This verse in particular has something horrible in the very run of it.

Dionysius Halicarn, in his observations upon the placing of words quotes it to this purpose; When Homer, says he, is to introduce a terrible or unusual Image, he rejects the more flowing and harmonious vowels, and makes choice of such mutes and consonants as load the syllables, and render the pronunciation difficult.

Pausanias writes in his Attics, that the famous Painter Polygnotus painted this subject in the gallery at Athens. Εγραψε δε και προς τω ποταμω ταις ομου πλυνουσαις εφισταμενον Οδυσσεα; he painted Ulysses approaching Nausicaa and her damsels, as they were washing at the river. This is the same Polygnotus who painted in the gallery called ποικιλη, the battle of Marathon gain'd by Miltiades over the Medes and Persians.

There never was a more agreeable and insinuating piece of flattery, than this address of Ulysses; and yet nothing mean appears in it, as is usual in almost all flattery. The only part that seems liable to any imputation, is that exaggeration at the beginning, of calling her a Goddess; yet this is propos'd with modesty and doubt, and hypothetically. Eustathius assigns two reasons why he resembles her to Diana, rather than to any other Deity; either because he found her and her damsels in a solitary place, such as Diana is suppos'd to frequent with her rural Nymphs; or perhaps Ulysses might have seen some statue or picture of that Goddess, to which Nausicaa bore a likeness. Virgil (who has imitated this passage) is more bold, when without any doubt or hesitation, before he knew Venus, he pronounces the person with whom he talks, O Dea, certè.

Ovid has copy'd this passage in his Metamorphosis, book the 4th.

Scaliger prefers Virgil's imitation to Homer;

See his reasons in the fifth book of his Poetics. But Scaliger brings a much heavier charge against Homer, as having stoll'n the verses from Musæus, and disgraced them by his alterations. The verses are as follow.

Scaliger imagines this Musæus to be the same mention'd by Virgil, in the Elysian fields,

But I believe it is now agreed, that all the works of the ancient Musæus are perish'd, and that the person who wrote these verses liv'd many centuries after Homer, and consequently borrow'd them from him. Scaliger calls them fine and lively in Musæus, but abject, unnervate, and unharmonious in Homer. But his prejudice against Homer is too apt to give a wrong biass to his judgment. Is the similitude of sound in ησιν ισην in the second verse of Musæus, harmonious? and is there not a tautology in the two last lines? Happy is the mother that bore thee, and most happy the womb that brought thee forth; as if the happy person in the former line, were not the same with the most happy in the latter! Whereas Homer still rises in his Images, and ends with a compliment very agreeable to a beautiful Woman.

But this is submitted to the Reader's better judgment.

In the original, there is a false construction, for after σφισι θυμορ' ιαινεται, Ulysses uses λευσσοντων, whereas it ought to be λευσουσι; but this disorder is not without its effect, it represents the modest confusion with which he addresses Nausicaa; he is struck with a religious awe at the sight of her, (for so σεβας properly signifies,) and consequently naturally falls into a confusion of expression: This is not a negligence, but a beauty. Eustath.

This allusion is introduced to image the stateliness, and exactness of shape in Nausicaa, to the mind of the Reader; and so Tully, as Spondanus observes, understands it. Cicero, 1. de legibus. Aut quod Homericus Ulysses Deli se proceram & terram palmam vidisse dixit, hodie monstrant candem. Pliny also mentions this Palm, lib. 14. cap. 44. Necnon palma Deli ab ejusdem Dei ætate conspicitur: The story of the Palm is this: “When Latona was in travail of Apollo in Delos, the earth that instant produced a large Palm, against which she rested in her labour.” Homer mentions it in his Hymns.

And also Callimachus.

And again.

This allusion is after the oriental manner. Thus in the Psalms, how frequently are persons compar'd to Cedars? and in the same Author, children are resembled to Olive branches.

This Palm was much celebrated by the Ancients, the superstion of the age had given it a religious veneration, and even in the times of Tully the natives esteem'd it immortal; (for so the above-mention'd words imply;) This gives weight and beauty to the address of Ulysses, and it could not but be very acceptable to a young Lady, to hear herself compar'd to the greatest wonder in the Creation.

Dionysius Halicarn. observes the particular beauty of these two verses.

When Homer, says he, would paint an elegance of beauty, or represent any agreeable object, he makes use of the smoothest vowels and most flowing semivowels, as in the lines last recited: He rejects harsh sounds, and a collision of rough words; but the lines flow along with a smooth harmony of letters and syllables, without any offence to the ear by asperity of sound.

There is some obscurity in this passage: Ulysses speaks in general, and does not specify what voyage he means. It may therefore be ask'd how is it to be understood? Eustathius answers, that the voyage of the Greeks to the Trojan expedition is intended by the Poet; for Lycophron writes, that the Greeks sail'd by Delos in their passage to Troy.

Homer passes over the voyage in this transient manner without a further explanation: Ulysses had no leisure to enlarge upon that story, but reserves it more advantageously for a future discovery before Alcinous and the Phæacian rulers. By this conduct he avoids a repetition, which must have been tedious to the reader, who would have found little appetite afterwards, if he had already been satisfied by a full discovery made to Nausicaa. The obscurity therefore arises from choice, not want of judgment.

The morality of this passage is excellent, and very well adapted to the present occasion. Ulysses had said,

Nausicaa makes use of this expression to pay her address to Ulysses, and at the same time teaches, conformably to truth, that the afflicted are not always the objects of divine hate: The Gods (adds she) bestow good and evil indifferently, and therefore we must not judge of men from their conditions, for good men are frequently wretched, and bad men happy. Nay sometimes affliction distinguishes a man of goodness, when he bears it with a greatness of spirit. Sophocles puts a very beautiful expression into the mouth of OEdipus, καλλος κακων, the beauty and ornament of calamities.

Longinus is of opinion, that when great Poets and Writers sink in their vigour, and cannot reach the Pathetic, they descend to the Moral. Hence he judges the Odyssey to be the work of Homer's declining years, and gives that as a reason of its morality: He speaks not this out of derogation to Homer, for he compares him to the Sun, which tho' it has not the same warmth as when in the Meridian, is always of the same bigness: This is no dishonour to the Odyssey; the most useful, if not the most beautiful circumstance is allow'd it, I mean Instruction; In the Odyssey Homer appears to be the better Man, in the Iliad the better Poet.

This I take to be the meaning of the word διερος, which Eustathius explains by ζων και ερρωμενος, vivus & valens; or, he shall not be long-liv'd. But it may be ask'd how this character of valour in destroying their enemies, can agree with the Phæacians, an effeminate, unwarlike nation? Eustathius answers, that the protection of the Gods is the best defence, and upon this Nausicaa relies. But then it is necessary that man should co-operate with the Gods; for it is in vain to rely upon the Gods for safety, if we our selves make not use of means proper for it: whereas the Phæacians were a people wholly given up to luxury and pleasures. The true reason then of Nausicaa's praise of the Phæacians may perhaps be drawn from that honourable partiality, and innate love which every person feels for his country. She knew no people greater than the Phæacians, and having ever liv'd in full security from enemies, she concludes that it is not in the power of enemies to disturb that security.

This is a very remarkable passage, full of such a pious generosity as the wisest teach, and the best practise. I am sensible it may be understood two ways; and in both, it bears an excellent instruction. The words are, the poor and stranger are from Jove, and a small gift is acceptable to them, or acceptable to Jupiter, Διι φελη. I have chosen the latter, in conformity to the eastern way of thinking: He that hath pity upon the poor lendeth unto the Lord, as it is expressed in the Proverbs.

This place seems contradictory to the practice of Antiquity, and other passages in the Odyssey: Nothing is more frequent than for Heroes to make use of the ministry of damsels in bathing, as appears from Polycaste and Telemachus, &c. Whence is it then that Ulysses commands the attendants of Nausicaa to withdraw while he bathes? Spondanus is of opinion, that the Poet intended to condemn an indecent custom of those ages solemnly by the mouth of so wise a person as Ulysses: but there is no other instance in all his works to confirm that conjecture. I am at a loss to give a better reason, unless the difference of the places might make an alteration in the action. It is possible that in baths prepared for publick use, there might be some convenience to defend the person who bath'd in some degree from observation, which might be wanting in an open river, so that the action might be more indecent in the one instance than in the other, and consequently occasion these words of Ulysses: But this is a conjecture, and submitted as such to the Reader's better judgment.

It may be ask'd why Ulysses prefers the river-waters in washing, to the waters of the sea, in the Odyssey; whereas in the tenth book of the Iliad, after the death of Dolon, Diomed and Ulysses prefer the sea-waters to those of the river? There is a different reason for this different regimen: In the Iliad, Ulysses was fatigued, and sweated with the labours of the night, and in such a case the sea-waters being more rough are more purifying and corroborating: But here Ulysses comes from the seas, and (as Plutarch in his Symposiacs observes upon this passage,) the more subtle and light particles exhale by the heat of the sun, but the rough and saline stick to the body, 'till wash'd away by fresh waters.

Poetry delights in the Marvellous, and ennobles the most ordinary subjects by dressing them with poetical ornaments, and giving them an adventitious dignity. The foundation of this fiction, of Ulysses receiving beauty from Pallas, is only this: The shipwreck and sufferings of Ulysses had changed his face and features, and his long fasting given him a pale and sorrowful aspect; but being bath'd, perfum'd, and dress'd in robes, he appears another man, full of life and beauty. This sudden change gave Homer the hint to improve it into a miracle; and he ascribes it to Minerva, to give a dignity to his Poetry. He further embellishes the description by a very happy comparison. Virgil has imitated it.

Scaliger, in the fifth book of his Poetics, prefers Virgil before Homer; and perhaps his opinion is just: Manus he says is more elegant than vir; and addunt ebori decus, than χαριεντα δε εργα τελειει. Os humerosque Deo similis, carries a nobler idea than Homer's μειζονα και πασσονα; and above all,

is inexpressibly beautiful.

It is said that this image is made by the assistance of Vulcan and Minerva: Why by two Deities? Eustathius answers, the first rudiments and formation of it in the fire is proper to Vulcan, and Minerva is the president of arts; Minerva gives the Artificer Wisdom in designing, and Vulcan skill in labouring and finishing the work.

This little circumstance, Eustathius observes is not without its effect; the Poet withdraws Ulysses, to give Nausicaa an opportunity to speak freely in his praise without a breach of modesty: She speaks apart to her damsels, and by this conduct, Ulysses neither hears his own commendation, which is a pain to all worthy spirits, nor does Nausicaa betray an indecent sensibility, because she speaks only to her own sex and attendants.

This passage has been censur'd as an outrage against Modesty and Credibility; Is it probable that a young Princess should fall in love with a stranger at the first sight? and if she really falls in love, is it not an indecent passion? I will lay before the Reader the observations of Plutarch upon it. “If Nausicaa, upon casting her eyes upon this stranger, and feeling such a passion for him as Calypso felt, talks thus out of wantonness, her conduct is blameable; but if perceiving his wisdom by his prudent address, she wishes for such an husband, rather than a person of her own country, who had no better qualifications than singing, dancing and dressing, she is to be commended.” This discovers no weakness, but prudence, and a true judgment. She deserves to be imitated by the fair sex, who ought to prefer a good understanding, before a fine coat, and a man of worth, before a good dancer.

Besides, it may be offer'd in vindication of Nausicaa, that she had in the morning been assured by a vision from Heaven, that her nuptials were at hand; this might induce her to believe that Ulysses was the person intended by the vision for her husband; and his good sense and prudent behaviour, as Dacier observes, might make her wish it, without any imputation of immodesty.

This passage is not without its difficulty: But the Scholiast upon Dionysius Perigetes gives us a full explication of it. Δυο λιμενας εχει η φαιακις, τον μεν Αλκινοου, τον δε Ψ(λλου, διο, φησι Καλλιμαχος αμφιδυμος φαιαξ. The Island of Phæacia has two ports, the one called the port of Alcinous, the other of Hyllus; thus Callimachus calls it the place of two ports. And Apollonius for the same reason calls it αμφιλαφης, or the place which is enter'd by two ports. Dacier.

It is very judicious in the Poet to let us thus fully into the character of the Phæacians, before he comes to show what relation they have to the story of the Odyssey: He describes Alcinous and the people of better rank, as persons of great hospitality and humanity, this gives an air of probability to the free and benevolent reception which Ulysses found: He describes the vulgar as excellent navigators; and he does this not only because they are Islanders; but, as Eustathius observes, to prepare the way for the return of Ulysses, who was to be restored by their conduct to his country, even against the inclination of Neptune, the God of the Ocean. But it may be ask'd, is not Homer inconsistent with himself, when he paints the Phæacians as men of the utmost humanity, and immediately after calls them a proud unpolish'd race; and given up to censoriousness? It is easy to reconcile the seeming contradiction, by applying the character of humanity to the higher rank of the nation, and the other to the vulgar and the mariners. I believe the same character holds good to this day amongst any people who are much addicted to sea-affairs; they contract a roughness, by being secluded from the more general converse of mankind, and consequently are strangers to that affability, which is the effect of a more enlarg'd conversation. But what is it that inclines the Phæacians to be censorious? It is to be remember'd, that they are every where describ'd as a people abandon'd to idleness; To idleness therefore that part of their character is to be imputed. When the thoughts are not employed upon things, it is usual to turn them upon persons: A good man has not the inclination, an industrious man not the leisure, to be censorious, so that censure is the property of idleness. This I take to be the moral, intended to be drawn from the character of the Phæacians.

This is an instance of the great art of Homer, in saying every thing properly. Nausicaa had conceiv'd a great esteem for Ulysses, and she had an inclination to let him know it; but modesty forbad her to reveal it openly: How then shall Ulysses know the value she has for his person, consistently with the modesty of Nausicaa? Homer with great address puts her compliments into the mouth of the Phæacians, and by this method she speaks her own sentiments, as the sentiments of the Phæacians: Nausicaa, as it were, is withdrawn, and a whole nation introduced for a more general praise of Ulysses.

Eustathius remarks, that the compliments of Nausicaa answer the compliments made to her by Ulysses: he resembled her to Diana, he him to the Gods. But it may be ask'd, are not both these extravagancies? and is it not beyond all credibility that Nausicaa should be thought a Goddess, or Ulysses a God? In these ages it would be judg'd extravagant, but it is to be remember'd that in the days of Homer every grove, river, fountain, and oak-tree were thought to have their peculiar Deities; this makes such relations as these more reconcilable, if not to truth, at least to the opinions of Antiquity, which is sufficient for Poetry.

This is an admirable picture of ancient female life among the Orientals; the Virgins were very retir'd, and never appear'd amongst men but upon extraordinary occasions, and then always in the presence of the father or mother: But when they were married, says Eustathius, they had more liberty. Thus Helen converses freely with Telemachus and Pisistratus, and Penelope sometimes with the suitors. Nausicaa delivers her judgment sententiously, to give it more weight; what can be more modest than these expressions? And yet they have been greatly traduc'd by Monsieur Perrault, a French Critic; he translates the passage so as to imply that “Nausicaa disapproves of a Virgin's lying with a man without the permission of her father, before marriage;” ανδρασι μισγεσθαι led him into this mistake, which is sometimes used in such a signification, but here it only means Conversation: if the word μισγεσθαι signified more than keeping company, it would be more ridiculous, as Boileau observes upon Longinus, than Perrault makes it: for it is join'd to ανδρασι, and then it would infer that Nausicaa disapproves of a young woman's lying with several men before she was married, without the licence of her father. The passage, continues Boileau, is full of honour and decency: Nausicaa has a design to introduce Ulysses to her father, she tells him she goes before to prepare the way for his reception, but that she must not be seen to enter the city in his company, for fear of giving offence, which a modest woman ought not to give: A virtuous woman is obliged not only to avoid immodesty, but the appearance of it; and for her part she could not approve of a young woman keeping company with men without the permission of her father or mother, before she was married. Thus the indecency is not in Homer, but the Critic: it is indeed in Homer an excellent lecture of Modesty and Morality.

Eustathius and Dacier are both of opinion, that Nausicaa had conceiv'd a passion for Ulysses: I think this passage is an evidence that she rather admir'd and esteem'd, than lov'd him; for it is contrary to the nature of that passion to give directions for the departure of the person belov'd, but rather to invent excuses to prolong his stay. 'Tis true Nausicaa had wish'd in the foregoing parts of this book, that she might have Ulysses for her husband, or such an husband as Ulysses: but this only shews that she admir'd his accomplishments, nor could she have added such a spouse as he, at all, if her affections had been engag'd and fix'd upon Ulysses only. This likewise takes off the objection of a too great fondness in Nausicaa; for it might have appeared too great a fondness to have fall'n in love at the first with an absolute stranger.

This little circumstance, seemingly of small importance, is not without its beauty. It is natural for a daughter to apply to the mother, rather than the father: Women are likewise generally of a compassionate nature, and therefore the Poet first interests the Queen in the cause of Ulysses. At the same time he gives a pattern of conjugal affection, in the union between Arete and Alcinous.

We see the Ancients held a subordination amongst the Deities, and tho' different in inclinations, yet they act in harmony: One God resists not another Deity. This is more fully explain'd, as Eustathius observes, by Euripides, in his Hippolytus; where Diana says, it is not the custom of the Gods to resist one the other, when they take vengeance even upon the favourites of other Deities. The late tempest that Neptune had rais'd for the destruction of Ulysses, was an instance of Neptune's implacable anger: this makes Minerva take such measures as to avoid an open opposition, and yet consult the safety of Ulysses: She descends, but it is secretly.