University of Virginia Library

Appendix to the Original Journals of the
Lewis and Clark Expedition

I. I

JEFFERSON SUGGESTS TRANSCONTINENTAL EXPEDITION
TO GEORGE ROGERS CLARK, 1783[1]

I. [From original MS. in library of Wisconsin Historical Society—Draper MSS., 52J93.]

Dear Sir: I received here about a week ago your obliging letter of
Oct. 12. 1783 with the shells & seeds for which I return you many
thanks. you are also so kind as to keep alive the hope of getting for
me as many of the different species of bones, teeth & tusks of the
Mammoth as can now be found. this will be most acceptable. Pittsburg
& Philadelphia or Winchester will be the surest channel of conveyance:
I find they have subscribed a very large sum of money in England for
exploring the country from the Missisipi to California. they pretend it
is only to promote knolege I am afraid they have thoughts of colonising
into that quarter. some of us have been talking here in a feeble
way of making the attempt to search that country. but I doubt whether
we have enough of that kind of spirit to raise the money. how would
you like to lead such a party? tho I am afraid our prospect is not worth
asking the question. the definitive treaty of peace is at length arrived.
it is not altered from the preliminaries. the cession of the territory
West of Ohio to the United States has been at length accepted by Congress,
with some small alterations of the conditions. we are in daily
expectation of receiving it with the final approbation of Virginia. Congress
have been lately agitated by questions where they should fix their
residence. they first resolved on Trentown. the Southern states however
contrived to get a vote that they would give half their time to
Georgetown at the Falls of Patowmac. still we consider the matter as

undecided between the Delaware & Patowmac. we urge the latter as
the only point of union which can cement us to our Western friends
when they shall be formed into separate states. I shall always be
happy to hear from you and am with very particular esteem Dr. Sir Your
friend & humble Servt.

II. II

JOHN LEDYARD'S FRUSTRATED EXPEDITION, 1786

[From Jefferson's Autobiography, in Ford's Writings of Jefferson (N. Y., 1892–99), i, pp. 94–96.]

In 1786 while at Paris I became acquainted with John Ledyard of
Connecticut, a man of genius, of some science, and of fearless courage,
& enterprise. He had accompanied Capt Cook in his voyage to the
Pacific, had distinguished himself on several occasions by an unrivalled
intrepidity, and published an account of that voyage with details unfavorable
to Cook's deportment towards the savages, and lessening our
regrets at his fate. Ledyard had come to Paris in the hope of forming
a company to engage in the fur trade of the Western coast of America.
He was disappointed in this, and being out of business, and of a roaming,
restless character, I suggested to him the enterprise of exploring
the Western part of our continent, by passing thro St. Petersburg to
Kamschatka, and procuring a passage thence in some of the Russian
vessels to Nootka Sound, whence he might make his way across the
continent to America; and I undertook to have the permission of the
Empress of Russia solicited. He eagerly embraced the proposition, and
M. de Sémoulin, the Russian Ambassador, and more particularly Baron
Grimm the special correspondent of the Empress, solicited her permission
for him to pass thro' her dominions to the Western coast of America.
And here I must correct a material error which I have committed
in another place to the prejudice of the Empress. In writing some
Notes of the life of Capt Lewis, prefixed to his expedition to the
Pacific, I stated that the Empress gave the permission asked, & afterwards
retracted it. This idea, after a lapse of 26 years, had so insinuated
itself into my mind, that I committed it to paper without the least
suspicion of error. Yet I find, on recurring to my letters of that date
that the Empress refused permission at once, considering the enterprise
as entirely chimerical. But Ledyard would not relinquish it, persuading
himself that by proceeding to St. Petersburg he could satisfy the Empress
of it's practicability and obtain her permission, He went accordingly,
but she was absent on a visit to some distant part of her dominions, and

he pursued his course to within 200 miles of Kamschatka, where he
was overtaken by an arrest from the Empress, brought back to Poland,
and there dismissed. I must therefore in justice acquit the Empress of
ever having for a moment countenanced, even by the indulgence of an
innocent passage thro' her territories this interesting enterprise.

[Extract from letter of Jefferson to Ezra Stiles,[1] dated Paris, Sept. 1, 1786.—Ford, iv, pp. 298,
299.]

A countryman of yours, a Mr. Lediard, who was with Capt. Cook
on his last voiage, proposes either to go to Kamschatka, cross from
thence to the Western side of America, and penetrate through the Continent
to our side of it, or to go to Kentucke, & thence penetrate Westwardly
to the South sea, the vent [he went] from hence lately to
London, where if he finds a passage to Kamschatka or the Western
coast of America, he would avail himself of it: otherwise he proposes to
return to our side of America to attempt that route. I think him well
educated for such an enterprise, & wish he may undertake it.

[Extract from letter of Jefferson to Charles Thomson,[2] dated Paris, Sept. 20, 1787.—Ford, iv,
pp. 447, 448.]

There is an American of the name of Ledyard, he who was with
Captain Cook on his last voyage & wrote an account of that voyage,
who is go to St. Petersburg, from thence he was to go to Kamschatka,
to cross over thence to the northwest coast of America, & to penetrate
through the main continent to our side of it. He is a person of ingenuity
& information. Unfortunately he has too much imagination.
However, if he escapes safely, he will give us new, curious, & useful
information. I had a letter from him dated last March, when he was
about to leave St. Petersburg on his way to Kamschatka.

[Extract from letter of Jefferson to William Carmichael,[3] dated Paris, March 4, 1789.—
Ford, v, p. 75.]

My last accounts from Lediard (another bold countryman of ours)[4] were from Grand Cairo. He was just then plunging into the unknown

regions of Africa, probably never to emerge again. If he returns, he
has promised me to go to America and penetrate from Kentucke to the
Western side of the Continent. I do not know whether you are
informed that in the years 1787–1788, he went from here bound for
Kamschatka, to cross over thence to the Western coast of our continent
& pass through to the Eastern one. He was arrested par ordre superieure
within two or three days journeys of Kamschatka, conveyed back
to the confines of Poland, & there turned adrift. He arrived here last
June, & immediately set out for Africa.

III. III

JOHN ARMSTRONG'S EXPEDITION, 1790 [1]

[Letter of General Henry Knox, secretary of war, to General Josiah Harmar, commanding on
the Western frontier. From transcript by L.C. Draper, in library of Wisconsin Historical Society—
Draper MSS., 2W133.]

(Secret)

Dear Sir: The subject I about stating must be retained by you as a
profound secret, and I depend on your honor not to communicate
thereon now or hereafter, excepting with the Governor of the Western
Territory[2] whom I shall refer to you.

It is important that the official information of all the Western regions
should be as precise and as extensive as the nature of things will admit.
You will therefore exercise your mind in obtaining such information.
Devise some practicable plan for exploring the branch of the Mississippi

called the Messouri, up to its source and all its Southern branches, and
tracing particularly the distance between the said branches and any of
the navigable streams that run into the Great North River which
empties itself into the Gulf of Mexico. In order that you may better
comprehend my idea, I send you a map of the said river and its conjectural
relation to the Messouri.

You will easily see that this object cannot be undertaken with the
sanction of public authority. An enterprising officer with a noncommissioned
officer well acquainted with living in the woods, & perfectly
capable of describing rivers and countries, accompanied by four or
five hardy Indians perfectly attached to the United States, would, in my
opinion be the best mode of obtaining the information requested.
Could you engage two such parties, and send them off at different periods
of one or two months distance from each other, it is highly probable
that one if not both would succeed & return. I am not authorized
to make any stipulations on this subject, but I pledge myself unequivocally
that if the parties should succeed, that I will exert myself to the
utmost that they shall not only be satisfactorily, but liberally rewarded,
on their return. Endeavor therefore by all means to find
suitable characters for this hardy enterprise, & having found them
despatch them as soon as possible. I say nothing about their equipments
or the manner of their being furnished, leaving that to your & the
Governor's judgment, & those to whom you may confide the direction
of the enterprize. Pocket compasses would be necessary to their success,
& pencils & paper to assist their remarks.

Were it practicable to make the operation with canoes, it would be
most satisfactory.

[Extract from Letter of Secretary Knox, dated War Office, 16th January, 1790, to General
Harmar. From transcript by L. C. Draper, in library of Wisconsin Historical Society—Draper
MSS., 2W177.]

(Private)

Sir: In addition to my letter to you on the subject of exploring the
country & waters on which you were to consult the Governor of the
Western Territory, that the party employed on that business should be
habited like Indians, in all respects, and on no pretence whatever discover
any connection with the troops. Of course they will not take any
written orders with them.

[Letter of General Harmar to General Arthur St. Clair, Governor of the Northwest Territory.
From Smith's St. Clair Papers, ii, p. 133.]

Dear Sir: I have had the honor of receiving your letter from Fort
Steuben, dated the 26th ult., and observe that your detention so long
there was occasioned for want of provisions. We have been upon the
point of starvation here ever since my arrival. I have no great opinion
of Major Doughty's mission,[3] and another is on foot which I think to be
really difficult and hazardous. The copy of the secret letter sent me
from the War Office I do not think proper to commit to paper, for fear
of accident, but Lieutenant Armstrong (whom I have ordered to undertake
the tour, if possible) can fully inform you the nature of the business,
as the contents of the letter have been communicated to him, and
he has taken notes in such manner as to be able to give you an exact
copy of it. I have written to the War Office that I wished very much
to have your Excellency's opinion upon this subject before I ordered the
officer to proceed. I must, therefore, beg that you will be pleased to
give it. It seems very much depends on the too adventurous establishment.
If your Excellency should be of opinion that it is advisable for
him to undertake it, be so kind as to afford him your advice and assistance
upon the occasion, as it is impossible for me, at this distance, to
make the necessary arrangements for that purpose. This is the subject
that the Secretary of War has written you that we were to consult
about. Mrs. Harmar desires to be remembered most affectionately to
you and Major Sargent.

[Extract from letter of Governor St. Clair to Secretary of War Knox, dated Cahokia, May 1,
1790. From St. Clair Papers, 11, p. 138.]

Mr. Armstrong has been here for some time, in consequence of your
communications to General Harmar, who made me acquainted with
them by him. It is, sir, I believe, at present, altogether impracticable.
It is a point on which some people are feelingly alive all over, and all
their jealousy awake. Indians to be confided in, there are none; and if
there were, those who would be most proper, and others, are now at
war; but I have explained myself to Captain Armstrong for General
Harmar's imformation, who will communicate it to you from a place
whence there is less risk of dispatches miscarrying.

[Extract from letter of Governor St. Clair to General Harmar. From St. Clair Papers, ii,
p. 144.]

Sir: I had the honor to receive your communications by Captain
Armstrong, and have given him my opinion upon the subject; that it
is, at present at least, impracticable, for the reasons which he will inform
you of, as I think it best not to say any thing about it in writing.

IV. IV

ANDRÉ MICHAUX'S PROPOSED EXPEDITION, 1793

Jefferson's Instructions to André Michaux for exploring the Western Boundary.
[From Ford, vi, pp. 158–161.]

Sundry persons having subscribed certain sums of money for your
encouragement to explore the country along the Missouri, and thence
westwardly to the Pacific ocean, having submitted the plan of the enterprise
to the directors of the American Philosophical society, and the
society having accepted of the trust, they proceeded to give you the
following instructions:

They observe to you that the chief objects of your journey are to find
the shortest and most convenient route of communication between the
United States and the Pacific ocean, within the temperate latitudes, and
to learn such particulars as can be obtained of the country through which
it passes, its productions, inhabitants, and other interesting circumstances.
As a channel of communication between these States and the Pacific
ocean, the Missouri, so far as it extends, presents itself under circumstances
of unquestioned preference. It has, therefore, been declared as
a fundamental object of the subscription (not to be dispensed with) that
this river shall be considered and explored as a part of the communication
sought for. To the neighborhood of this river, therefore, that is to say,
to the town of Kaskaskia, the society will procure you a conveyance in
company with the Indians of that town now in Philadelphia.

From thence you will cross the Mississippi and pass by land to the
nearest part of the Missouri above the Spanish settlements, that you may
avoid the risk of being stopped.

You will then pursue such of the largest streams of that river as shall
lead by the shortest way and the lowest latitudes to the Pacific ocean.
When, pursuing those streams, you shall find yourself at the point from
whence you may get by the shortest and most convenient route to some
principal river of the Pacific ocean, you are to proceed to such river and
pursue its course to the ocean. It would seem by the latest maps as if

a river called Oregon, interlocked with the Missouri for a considerable
distance, and entered the Pacific ocean not far southward of Nootka
Sound. But the society are aware that these maps are not to be trusted
so far as to be the ground of any positive instruction to you. They
therefore only mention the fact, leaving to yourself to verify it, or to
follow such other as you shall find to be the real truth.

You will in the course of your journey, take notice of the country
you pass through, its general face, soil, rivers, mountains, its productions
—animal, vegetable, and mineral—so far as they may be new to us,
and may also be useful or very curious; the latitude of places or material
for calculating it by such simple methods as your situation may admit
you to practice, the names, members, and dwellings of the inhabitants,
and such particulars, as you can learn of their history, connection with
each other, languages, manners, state of society, and of the arts and
commerce among them.

Under the head of animal history, that of the mammoth is particularly
recommended to your inquiries, as it is also to learn whether the Lama
or Paca of Peru, is found in those parts of this continent, or how far
north they come.

The method of preserving your observations is left to yourself according
to the means which shall be in your power. It is only suggested
that the noting them on the skin might be best for such as may be the
most important, and that further details may be committed to the bark
of the paper-birch, a substance which may not excite suspicions among
the Indians, and little liable to injury from wet or other common accidents.
By the means of the same substance you may perhaps find
opportunities, from time to time of communicating to the society information
of your progress, and of the particulars you shall have noted.

When you shall have reached the Pacific ocean, if you find yourself
within convenient distance of any settlement of Europeans, go to them,
commit to writing a narrative of your journey and observations, and take
the best measure you can for conveying it thence to the society by sea.

Return by the same, or some other route, as you shall think likely to
fulfil with most satisfaction and certainty the objects of your mission,
furnishing yourself with the best proofs the nature of the case will admit
of the reality and extent of your progress, whether this shall be by certificates
from Europeans settled on the western coast of America, or by
what other means, must depend on circumstances. Ignorance of the
country through which you are to pass, and confidence in your judgement,
zeal, and discretion, prevent the society from attempting more
minute instructions, and even from exacting rigorous observance of

those already given, except, indeed, what is the first of all objects, that
you seek for and pursue that route which shall form the shortest and
most convenient communication between the higher parts of the Missouri
and the Pacific ocean.

It is strongly recommended to you to expose yourself in no case to
unnecessary dangers, whether such as might affect your health or your
personal safety, and to consider this not merely as your personal concern,
but as the injunction of science in general, which expects its enlargement
from your inquiries, to whom your report will open new fields and
subjects of commerce, intercourse, and observation.

If you reach the Pacific ocean and return, the society assign to you
all the benefits of the subscription before mentioned. If you reach the
waters only that run into that ocean, the society reserve to themselves
the apportionment of the reward according to the conditions expressed
in the subscription. If you do not reach even those waters they refuse
all reward, and reclaim the money you may have received here under
the subscription.

They will expect you to return to the city of Philadelphia to give in
to them a full narrative of your journey and observations, and to answer
the inquiries they shall make of you, still reserving to yourself the
benefit arising from the publication of such parts of them as are in the
said subscription reserved to you.

Synopsis of Proceedings of American Philosophical Society, in the matter of
Michaux's Expedition.

April 19, 1793—Society votes to solicit subscriptions "to enable
Andrew Michaux to make discoveries in the Western Country."

April 30, 1793—"Resolved, That the President be requested to
pay to Mr. Michaux, such sum of the subscription as he hath or may
receive;—not exceeding 400 dollars."

Dec. 16, 1796. The Michaux Committee reported that "Mr
Michaux's proposed plan . . . . had failed."

Feb. 1, 1799—Treasurer instructed "to call on the Executors of
David Rittenhouse & receive from them the Sums contributed, and
placed in his hands, towards aiding the expedition of Mr. Micheau."

Committee appointed "to report the proceedings which have been had
with respect to the sums received on account of Mr. Micheau's Expedition,
and their opinion on the proper measures to be pursued thereon.—
Collin, Peale, Wistar."

May 17, 1799—"A letter was received from the Treasurer satisfying

the enquiry made in the minutes of 1st Feb. relative to a certain sum
of money left in the hands of Mr. Rittenhouse."

April 4, 1800.—"Dr. Collin presented a Statement of sums received
by him for the Society, to aid Mr Micheau's projected expedition some
years since; received previously to 25th April 1793, viz. Alex. Hamilton
$12.50; Geo. Washington $25; John Vaughan $12.50; Walter
Stewart, John Ross, J. B. Bordley, each $5; Wm. White $2.50;
Robert Morris $20; Ewing, S. Powell, McConnell, Nixon, each $2.50;
S. Coats, $2.25; B. Bache, Jared Ingersol, M. Clarkson, J. Dorsey,
each $2; R. Blackwell, N. Collin, each $4; Thos. Jefferson $12.50.—
Total $128.25."

V. V

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S SECRET MESSAGE TO
CONGRESS, 1803

V. [From Richardson's Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789–1897 (Washington, 1896–99),
i, pp. 352–354.]

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: As the
continuance of the act for establishing trading houses with the Indian
tribes will be under the consideration of the Legislature at its present
session, I think it my duty to communicate the views which have guided
me in the execution of that act, in order that you may decide on the
policy of continuing it in the present or any other form, or discontinue
it altogether if that shall, on the whole, seem most for the public good.

The Indian tribes residing within the limits of the United States have
for a considerable time been growing more and more uneasy at the constant
diminution of the territory they occupy, although effected by their
own voluntary sales, and the policy has long been gaining strength with
them of refusing absolutely all further sale on any conditions, insomuch
that at this time it hazards their friendship and excites dangerous
jealousies and perturbations in their minds to make any overture for
the purchase of the smallest portions of their land. A very few tribes
only are not yet obstinately in these dispositions. In order peaceable
to counteract this policy of theirs and to provide an extension of territory
which the rapid increase of our numbers will call for, two measures are
deemed expedient. First. To encourage them to abandon hunting, to
apply to the raising stock, to agriculture, and domestic manufacture,
and thereby prove to themselves that less land and labor will maintain
them in this better than in their former mode of living. The extensive
forests necessary in the hunting life will then become useless, and they
will see advantage in exchanging them for the means of improving their
farms and of increasing their domestic comforts. Secondly. To multiply
trading houses among them, and place within their reach those

things which will contribute more to their domestic comfort than the
possession of extensive but uncultivated wilds. Experience and reflection
will develop to them the wisdom of exchanging what they
can spare and we want for what we can spare and they want. In
leading them thus to agriculture, to manufactures, and civilization; in
bringing together their and our sentiments, and in preparing them
ultimately to participate in the benefits of our Government, I trust and
believe we are acting for their greatest good. At these trading houses
we have pursued the principles of the act of Congress which directs
that the commerce shall be carried on liberally, and requires only that
the capital stock shall not be diminished. We consequently undersell
private traders, foreign and domestic, drive them from the competition,
and thus, with the good will of the Indians, rid ourselves of a description
of men who are constantly endeavoring to excite in the Indian mind
suspicions, fears, and irritations toward us. A letter now enclosed
shows the effect of our competition on the operations of the traders,
while the Indians, perceiving the advantage of purchasing from us, are
soliciting generally our establishment of trading houses among them.
In one quarter this is particularly interesting. The Legislature, reflecting
on the late occurrences on the Mississippi, must be sensible how
desirable it is to possess a respectable breadth of country on that river,
from our southern limit to the Illinois, at least, so that we may present
as firm a front on that as on our eastern border. We possess what is
below the Yazoo, and can probably acquire a certain breadth from the
Illinois and Wabash to the Ohio; but between the Ohio and Yazoo
the country all belongs to the Chickasaws, the most friendly tribe within
our limits, but the most decided against the alienation of lands. The
portion of their country most important for us is exactly that which
they do not inhabit. Their settlements are not on the Mississippi, but
in the interior country. They have lately shown a desire to become
agricultural, and this leads to the desire of buying implements and
comforts. In the strengthening and gratifying of these wants I see
the only prospect of planting on the Mississippi itself the means of its
own safety. Duty has required me to submit these views to the judgement
of the Legislature, but as their disclosure might embarrass and
defeat their effect, they are committed to the special confidence of
the two Houses.

While the extension of the public commerce among the Indian tribes
may deprive of that source of profit such of our citizens as are engaged
in it, it might be worthy the attention of Congress in their care of
individual as well as of the general interest to point in another direction

the enterprise of these citizens, as profitably for themselves and more
usefully for the public. The river Missouri and the Indians inhabiting
it are not as well known as is rendered desirable by their connection
with the Mississippi, and consequently with us. It is, however, understood
that the country on that river is inhabited by numerous tribes,
who furnish great supplies of furs and peltry to the trade of another
nation, carried on in a high latitude through an infinite number of
portages and lakes shut up by ice through a long season. The
commerce on that line could bear no competition with that of the
Missouri, traversing a moderate climate, offering, according to the best
accounts, a continued navigation from its source, and possibly with a
single portage from the Western Ocean, and finding to the Atlantic
a choice of channels through the Illinois or Wabash, the Lakes and
Hudson, through the Ohio and Susquehanna, or Potomac or James
rivers, and through the Tennessee and Savannah rivers. An intelligent
officer, with ten or twelve chosen men, fit for the enterprise and willing
to undertake it, taken from our posts where they may be spared without
inconvenience, might explore the whole line, even to the Western Ocean,
have conferences with the natives on the subject of commercial intercourse,
get admission among them for our traders as others are admitted,
agree on convenient deposits for an interchange of articles, and return
with the information acquired in the course of two summers. Their
arms and accouterments, some instruments of observation, and light
and cheap presents for the Indians would be all the apparatus they could
carry, and with an expectation of a soldier's portion of land on their
return would constitute the whole expense. Their pay would be going
on whether here or there. While other civilized nations have encountered
great expense to enlarge the boundaries of knowledge by
undertaking voyages of discovery, and for other literary purposes, in
various parts and directions, our nation seems to owe to the same
object, as well as to its own interests, to explore this the only line
of easy communication across the continent, and so directly traversing
our own part of it. The interests of commerce place the principal
object within the constitutional powers and care of Congress, and that
it should incidentally advance the geographical knowledge of our own
continent can not but be an additional gratification. The nation claiming
the territory, regarding this as a literary pursuit, which it is in the
habit of permitting within its dominions, would not be disposed to view
it with jealousy, even if the expiring state of its interests there did not
render it a matter of indifference. The appropriation of $2,500 "for
the purpose of extending the external commerce of the United States,"
while understood and considered by the Executive as giving the legislative
sanction, would cover the undertaking from notice and prevent the
obstructions which interested individuals might otherwise previously
prepare in its way.

VI. VI

LEWIS'S ESTIMATE OF EXPENSES, 1803

VI. [From Lewis's original MS. in Bureau of Rolls, Department of Interior—Jefferson Papers,
series 2, vol. 51, doc. 96a. Between Docs. 97 and 98 is a list of supplies, also a copy of the
cipher to be used: key, "Artichoke."]

Recapitulation of an estimate of the sum necessary to carry into
effort the Missie expedicion—

                       

Mathematical Instruments	$ 217
Arms & Accoutrements extraordinary	" 81
Camp Ecquipage	" 255
Medecine & packing	" 55
Means of transportation	" 430
Indian presents	" 696
Provisions extraordinary	" 224
Materials for making up the various articles into portable packs	" 55
For the pay of hunters guides & Interpreters	" 300
In silver coin to defray the expences of the party from Nashville to the} last white settlement on the Missisourie	" 100
Contingencies	" 87
	$2,500

VII. VII

JEFFERSON TO DR. BENJAMIN RUSH[1]

VII. [Extract—from Ford, viii, p. 219.]

Dear Sir: I wish to mention to you in confidence that I have
obtained authority from Congress to undertake the long desired object
of exploring the Missouri & whatever river, heading with that, leads
into the western ocean. About 10. chosen woodsmen headed by
Capt. Lewis my secretary will set out on it immediately & probably
accomplish it in two seasons. Capt. Lewis is brave, prudent, habituated
to the woods, & familiar with Indian manners and character. He is
not regularly educated, but he possesses a great mass of accurate observation
on all the subjects of nature which present themselves here,
& will therefore readily select those only in his new route which shall
be new. He has qualified himself for those observations of longitude
& latitude necessary to fix the points of the line he will go over. It
would be very useful to state for him those objects on which it is most
desirable he should bring us information. For this purpose I ask the
favor of you to prepare some notes of such particulars as may occur in
his journey & which you think should draw his attention & enquiry
He will be in Philadelphia about 2. or 3. weeks hence & will wait on
you.

VIII. VIII

JEFFERSON TO DR. CASPAR WISTAR.[1]

VIII. [Extract—from Ford, viii, p. 192.]

Dear Sir: The enclosed sheets may contain some details which
perhaps may be thought interesting enough for the transactions of our
society. They were forwarded to me by Mr. Dunbar with a couple of
vocabularies which I retain to be added to my collection.

What follows is to be perfectly confidential. I have at length
succeeded in procuring an essay to be made of exploring the Missouri
& whatever river heading with that, runs into the western Ocean.
Congress by a secret authority enables me to do it. A party of about
10. chosen men headed by an officer will immediately set out. We
cannot in the U. S. find a person who to courage, prudence, habits &
health adapted to the woods, & some familiarity with the Indian
character, joins a perfect knowledge of botany, natural history, mineralogy
& astronomy, all of which would be desirable. To the first qualifications
Captain Lewis my secretary adds a great mass of accurate
observation made on the different subjects of the three kingdoms as
existing in these states, not under their scientific forms, but so as that
he will readily seize whatever is new in the country he passes thro',
and give us accounts of new things only; and he has qualified himself
for fixing the longitude & latitude of the different points in the line he
will go over. I have thought it would be useful to confine his attention
to those objects only on which information is most deficient & most
desirable: & therefore would thank you to make a note on paper of
those which occur to you as most desirable for him to attend to. He
will be in Philadelphia within two or three weeks & will call on you.
Any advice or hints you can give him will be thankfully received &
usefully applied. I presume he will compleate his tour there & back
in two seasons. Accept assurances of my sincere esteem & high
respect.

IX. IX

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

IX. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 97.]

With a view to forward as much as possible, the preparations which
must necessarily be made in the Western country previous to my final
departure, as also to prevent the delay, which would attatch to their
being made after my arrival in that quarter, I have taken the following
measures, which I hope will meet your approbation; they appear to me
to be as complete as my present view of the subject will admit my
making them, and I trust the result will prove as favorable as wished
for.

I have writen triplicates to Mr John Conner accepting his service as
an Interpreter; he is the young man I recollect mentioning to you as
having proffered his services to accompany me: to him I have communicated
the real extent and objects of my mission, but with strict
injunctions to secresy. He is directed to bring with him two Indians,
provided he can engage such as perfectly answer the description given
him. I have informed him of the military posts at which I shall
touch on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and the probable time of my
arrival at each, leaving it discretionary with himself to meet me at
either; in these letters are inclosed triplicates addressed to the Commandants
of those posts, recommending Mr. Conner to their good
offices, and requesting for him every aid in their power to bestow,
should he be in want of assistance to enable him to get forwad in due
time. The circumstance of Mr. Conner's residence being at the
Delleware Town on White river, and distant of course from any post
office, induced me to give these letters different conveyances, which I
did by inclosing them by different mails to three gentlemen of my
acquaintance in that country, two of whom, Capts. McClelland &
Hamilton, live within twenty seven miles of the town; they are requested,
and I am confident will find the means of conveying the letters
to him; the other with a similar request was inclosed to Capt. Findley

of Cincinnati, in whose exertions tho' more distant, I have equal
confidence.

I have also written to Majr. Mac Rea, the Commandant of South
West Point, and to several officers of my acquaintance who constitute
that garrison, stating to them that my destination was up the Mississippi
for the purpose of accomplishing the objects which we agreed on as
most proper to be declared publicly: the qualifications of the men are
mentioned, and they are requested to took out in time for such volunteers
as will answer that description; the inducements for those
persons engaging in this service were also stated. The garrison of
South West Point must form my first resource for the scelection of my
party, which I shall afterwards change as circumstances may seem to
recommend; and with a view to this change, I have written in a
similar manner to the officers commanding the posts of Massac,
Kaskaskais and Illinois, the posts at which I shall touch previous to
ascending the Missourie, and subsequent to my departure from S. W.
Point. the men in every instance are to be engaged conditionally, or
subject to my approval or otherwise.

I have also written to Dr. Dickson, at Nashville, and requested him
to contract in my behalf with some confidential boat-builder at that place,
to prepare a boat for me as soon as possible, and to purchase a large
light wooden canoe; for this purpose I inclosed the Dr. 50 Dollars,
which sum I did not concieve equal by any means to the purchase of
the two vessels, but supposed it sufficient for the purchase of the canoe,
and to answer also as a small advance to the boat-builder: a discription
of these vessels was given. The objects of my mission are stated to
him as beforementioned to the several officers.

I have also written to Genl. Irwine of Philadelphia, requesting that
he will have in a state of prepareation some articles which are necessary
for me, and which will be most difficult to obtain, or may take the
greatest length of time in their prepareation.

My detention at Harper's Ferry was unavoidable for one month, a
period much greater than could reasonably have been calculated on: my
greatest difficulty was the frame of the canoe, which could not be completed
without my personal attention to such portion of it as would
enable the workmen to understand the design perfectly; other inducements
seemed with equal force to urge my waiting the issue of a full
experiment, arising as well from a wish to incur no expence unnecessarily,
as from an unwillingness to risk any calculation on the
advantages of this canoe in which hereafter I might possibly be deceived;
experiment was necessary also to determine it's demensions; I therefore

resolved to give it a fair trial, and accordingly prepared two sections of
it with the same materials, of which they must of necessity be composed
when completed for servise on my voyage; they were of two disciptions,
the one curved, or in the shape necessary for the stem and stern,
the other simicilindrical, or in the form of those sections which constitute
the body of the canoe. The experiment and it's result wer as
follows:

Dementions

         

Curved Section.	F.	I.	Simicilindrical Section.	F.	I.
Length of Keel from junction of section to commencement of curve	1	2	Length of Keel	4	6
Length of curve	4	5	Ditto Beam	4	10
Width of broad end	4	10	Debth of Hole	2	2
Debth of D° D°	2	2	Note.—The curve of the body of the canoe was formed by a suspended cord.

Weight of the Materials.

           

Curved section.	lbs.	Simicilindrical Section.	lbs.
Iron	22	Iron	22
Hide	25	Hide	30
Wood	10	Wood	12
Bark	21	Bark	25
Total	78	Total	89

Competent to a

 

Burthen of 850 lbs.

Burthen of

920 lbs.

Necessary to be transported by land

   

Iron and Hide of Curved Section	47
Iron and Hide of Simicilindrical section	52	99 lbs.

   

Burthen of Curved Section	850
D° D° Simicilindrical Section	920	1,770 lbs.

Thus the weight of this vessel competent to the burthen of 1,770
lbs. amounts to no more than 99 lbs. the bark and wood, when it
becomes necessary to transport the vessel to any considerable distance,
may be discarded; as those articles are readily obtained for the purposes
of this canoe, at all seasons of the year, and in every quarter of the
country, which is tolerably furnished with forest trees. When these
sections were united they appeared to acquire an additional strength and

firmness, and I am confident that in cases of emergency they would be
competent to 150 lbs. more than the burthen already stated. Altho' the
weight of the articles employed in the construction of a canoe on this
plan, have considerably exceeded the estimate I had previously made,
yet they do not weigh more than those which form a bark canoe of
equal dementions, and in my opinion is much preferable to it in many
respects: it is much stronger, will carry it's burthen with equal ease,
and greater security; and when the Bark and wood are discarded, will
be much lighter, and can be transported with more safety and ease. I
was induced from the result of this experiment to direct the iron frame
of the canoe to be completed.

My Rifles, Tomahawks & knives are preparing at Harper's Ferry,
and are already in a state of forwardness that leaves me little doubt of
their being in readiness in due time.

I arrived at this place yesterday, called on Mr. Ellicot, and have this
day commenced, under his direction, my observations &c., to perfect myself
in the use and application of the instruments. Mr Ellicot is extremely
friendly and attentive, and I am confident is disposed to render
me every aid in his power: he thinks it will be necessary I should remain
here ten or twelve days.

Being fully impressed with the necessity of seting out as early as
possible, you may rest assured that not a moment shall be lost in making
the necessary preparations. I still think it practicable to reach the
mouth of the Missourie by the Ist. of August.

X. X

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

X. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 116.]

Dear Sir: I have not been able to hear anything of you since
Mar. 7, till two or three days ago, Lieut. Wilson told me you would
leave Frederic the 18th. inst. & that you had been detained till then at
Harper's ferry, where Capt. Murray also told me he had seen you. I
have no doubt you have used every possible exertion to get off, and
therefore we have only to lament what cannot be helped, as the delay
of a month now may lose a year in the end. will you be so good as to
call on Doctr Bollman with my complements & pay him for some
wine sent me? I suppose it will be about 12 Doll. but it must be
whatever he says. I will also thank you to purchase for me a Leopard
or tyger's skin, such as the covers of our saddles were cut out of. in
North 3d. street & North 4th. street a few doors only from Market street
there used to be a considerable furrier's store in each. at one of these
it was that I saw a robe of what they called the Peruvian sheep, and I
took to be of the Lama or Vigogna. it was made up of several skins
and was of the price of 12 D. If there be such a thing there now, you
can either observe & report it to me, or if you think it good (for I
have almost forgot it) I would take it at once. Let me hear from you
on your receipt of this, and inform me of your prospect of getting off.
I have letters here from your friends in Albemarle. Accept my
affectionate salutations.

XI. XI

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XI. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 111.]

Dear Sir: Your's of the 20th. from Lancaster was recieved the
night before last. not having heard from you since the time of my
leaving Washington I had written to you on the 2d. and lodged it in
Philadelphia. you will therefore probably receive that & this together.
I enclose you a copy of the rough draught of the instructions I have
prepared for you, that you may have time to consider them & to propose
any modifications which may occur to yourself as useful. your
destination being known to mr. Patterson, Doctts. Wister, Rush &
Barton,[1] these instructions may be submitted to their perusal, a considerable
portion of them being within the field of the Philosophical
society, which once undertook the same mission,[2] I think it my duty to
consult some of it's members, limiting the communication by the necessity
of secrecy in a good degree. these gentlemen will suggest any
additions they will think useful, as has been before asked of them. we
have received information that Connor cultivates in the first degree the
patronage of the British government; to which he values ours as only
secondary. as it is possible however that his passion for this expedition
may overrule that for the British, and as I do not see that the British
agents will necessarily be disposed to counterwork us, I think Connor's
qualifications make it desireable to engage him, and that the communication
to him will be as useful, as it was certainly proper under our
former impression of him. the idea that you are going to explore the

Missisipi has been generally given out; it satisfies public curosity and
masks sufficiently the real destination. I shall be glad to hear from
you, as soon after your arrival at Philadelphia as you can form an idea
when you will leave, & when be here. accept assurances of my
constant & sincere affection.

XII. XII

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 112.]

I think we spoke together of your carrying some cast iron corn
mills to give to the Indians or to trade with them, as well as for your
own use. lest however I should be mistaken, I mention them now.
I make no doubt you have consulted with mr Ellicot[1] as to the best
instruments to carry. I would wish that nothing that passed between
us here should prevent your following his advice, which is certainly the
best. Should a time-piece be requisite, it is possible mr. Arnold can
furnish you one. neither Ellicot nor Garnet have given me their
opinion on the substituting a meridian at land instead of observations of
time, for ascertaining longitude by the lunar motions. I presume
therefore it will not answer. accept my affectionate salutations.

XIII. XIII

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XIII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 98.]

Dear Sir: In your instructions to me you mention that the instruments
for ascertaining by celestial observations the geography of the
country through which I shall pass, have been already provided: I shall
not therefore purchase any articles of that discription until I hear further
from you on this subject. Will you be so good as to inform me
what instruments have been provided? and where they are? it may
be possible that some instrument has been omitted, which Mr. Patterson,
Mr. Ellicott and those gentlemen to whom you have referred me in this
place, may deem necessary for me, and if so the deficiency can be supplyed
in time.

Mr. Patterson and Mr. Ellicott both disapprove of the Theodolite as
applicable to my purposes; they think it a delicate instrument, difficult
of transportation, and one that would be very liable to get out of order;
they also state that in it's application to my observations for obtaining
the Longitude, it would be liable to many objections, and to much more
inacuracy than the Sextant. The instruments these gentlemen recommend,
and which indeed they think indispensibly necessary, are, two
Sextants, (one of which, must be constructed for the back observation),
an artificial Horizon or two; a good Arnold's watch or Chronometer,
a Surveyor's Compass with a ball and socket and two pole chain, and a
set of plotting instruments. By means of the Sextant fixed for the back
observations and an artificial Horizon also constructed for the purpose,
the meridian altitude of the Sun may always be taken, altho it should
even exceed eighty degrees: for this valuable problem I am indebted
to Mr. Patterson.

As a perfect knolege of the time will be of the first importance in
all my Astronomical observations, it is necessary that the time-keeper
intended for this expedition should be put in the best possible order, ir
therefore Sir, one has been procured for me and you are not perfectly

assured of her being in good order, it would be best perhaps to send her
to me by some safe hand (should any such conveyance offer in time);
Mr. Voit could then clean her, and Mr. Ellicott has promised to regulate
her, which, I believe he has the means of doing just now, more perfectly
than it can be done anywhere else in the U. States.

I cannot yet say what day it will be in my power to leave this place.
Your different orders have been attended to, and the result you shall
have in a day or two.

I am Sir, with every sentiment of gratitude and respect

XIV. XIV

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XIV. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 113.]

Dear Sir: yours of the 14th. is this moment recieved & I hasten to
answer it by return of post, that no time may be lost. the copy of instructions
sent you are only a rough draught for consideration.[1] They
will not be signed or dated till your departure. presuming you would
procure all the necessary instruments at Philadelphia, which is a principal
object of your journey there, the instructions say that the necessary
instruments 'have been provided' which will be true when they receive
their ultimate form, date & signature, tho' nothing was provided at the
time of writing the rough draught. this will serve to correct the impression
which has been misunderstood and to let you know you are relied
on to provide every thing for yourself. with respect to the theodolite, I
wish you to be governed entirely by the advice of mr Patterson & mr
Ellicott: as also as to the time piece & whatever else they think best.
mr Garnett told us he had some good ones still on hand; which I remind
you of, lest you should not be able to get one in Philadelphia.
Accept my affectionate salutations.

XV. XV

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XV. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 99.]

Dear Sir: I have at length so far succeeded in making the necessary
preparations for my intended journey as to be enabled to fix on the
sixth or seventh of June as the probable time of my departue for Washington.
All the article have been either procured; or are in such state
of forwardness in the hands of the workmen as to induce me to hope
that my stay here after that period will be unnecessary; indeed it is
probable I might set out by the middle of this week, was it not for a
wish to attend Mr. Patterson a few days longer; this Mr. Patterson
recommends; he has been extreemly obliging to me since my arrival
here, but his avocations for the last ten days have been such, as rendered
it impossible for him to afford me the benefit of his instructions; in
the meantime I have employed myself in attending more immediately to
the objects of my equipment, and am now more at leasure to pursue with
effect the subjects to which, he may think proper to direct my attention.

Agreeably to your instructions the draught of your orders prepared for
my government, has been submitted to Mr. Patterson, and to Drs. Rush
Barton & Wister; they approve of them very highly: Dr. Rush has
favored me with some abstract queries under the several heads of Physical
History, medicine, morals and religeon of the Indians, which I have no
doubt will be servicable in directing my inquiries among that people.
Drs. Barton and Wister have each pomised to contribute in like manner
any thing, which may suggest itself to them as being of any importance
in furthering the objects of this expedition. Dr. Barton has sometimes
flattered me with the pleasure of his company as far as the Illinois;
this event would be extreemly pleasing to me for many reasons; I fear
the Dr. will not carry this design into effect; he tells me that his health
has been pretty good latterly, and that he is determined to travel in some
direction two or three months during the ensuing summer and autumn.

I paid Mr. Dufief 74$ and Dr. Bolman 18$. I have also purchased
a Vigogna blanket, of which I hope you will approve; it is about the

size of a common three point Blanket, the skins appear to be two thin
for rough service, tho' it is a very pretty thing; it is the best I could
find, the price was 10$. The Tiger's skin you requested I have not
been able to procure, those I have seen appear to be too small for
your purpose, perhaps they may be had in Baltimore if so, I will get one
at that place The 2 pole chain & 2 pair of fleecy socks have also been
procured. I recieved your watch this morning from Mr. Voigt, who
tells me shee is well regulated and in perfect order. Mr. Whitney has
not yet repared your sextant tho' it was put into his hands immediately
on my arrival; he has promised however, after repeated applications,
that it shall be ready tomorrow evening: he seemed unwilling to
undertake the alteration you wished in the brass Sextant stand, I therefore
declined having the alteration made: I was further induced to this
resolution from the opinion of Mr. Ellicott, who thought that the ball
and socket would be reather a disadvantage than otherwise, and that in
every event he concieved the advantages of the ball and socket would
not be equivalent to the expence attending the alteration.

I have writen again to Dr. Dickson at Nashville, from whom I have
not yet heard on the subject of my boat and canoe. I have recieved an
answer from Majr. MacRea, Comdt. at S. W. Point; his report is reather
unfavorable to my wishes: he tells me out of twenty men who have
volunteered their services to accompany me, not more than three or
four do by any means possess the necessary qualifications for this expedition,
or who answer the discription which I had given him; this
however I must endeavour to remedy by taking with me from that
place a sufficient number of the best of them to man my boat, and if
possible scelect others of a better discription as I pass the Garrisons
of Massac, Kaskaskais & Illinois.

You will receive herewith inclosed some sketches taken from Vancouver's
survey of the Western Coast of North America; they were
taken in a hasty manner, but I believe they will be found sufficiently
accurate to be of service in composing the map, which Mr. Gallatin was
so good as to promise he would have projected and compleated for me
will you be so obliging Sir, as to mention to Mr. Gallatin, that I have
not been able to procure Danvill's map. The maps attatched to Vancouver's
voyage cannot be procured seperately from that work, which is
both too costly, and too weighty, for me either to purchase or carry.

I have the honor to be with the most sincere esteem and attatchment

XVI. XVI

LEWIS INVITES CLARK TO JOIN HIM

XVI. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Clark: Herewith inclosed you will receive the papers belonging
to your brother Genl. Clark, which sometime since you requested
me to procure and forward to you; pray excuse the delay which has
taken place, it has really proceeded from causes which I could not control;
Mr. Thompson Mason the gentleman in whose possession they
were, is a member of the Virginia legislature, and was absent of course
from his residence untill March, previous to his return I was compelled
to leave this place on a matter of business, which has detained me in
Lancaster & Philadelphia untill the day before yesterday and since my
return having possessed myself of the papers I seize the first moment
to forward them to you: In this claim I wish you success most
sincerely.

From the long and uninterrupted friendship and confidence which has
subsisted between us I feel no hesitation in making to you the following
communication under the fulest impression that it will be held by
you inviolably secret untill I see you, or you shall hear again from me.

During the last session of Congress a law was passed in conformity
to a private message of the President of the United States, intiled "An
Act making an appropriation for extending the external commerce
of the United States." The object of this Act as understood by its
framers was to give the sanction of the government to exploreing the
interior of the continent of North America, or that part of it bordering
on the Missourie & Columbia Rivers. This enterprise has been confided
to me by the President, and in consequence since the begining of
March I have been engaged in making the necessary preparations for
the tour, these arrangements being now nearly completed, I shall set
out for Pittsburgh (the intended point of embarcation) about the last
of this month, and as soon after as from the state of the water you can
reasonably expect me I shall be with you, say about the 10th of August.

To aid me in this enterprise I have the most ample and hearty support
that the government can give in every possible shape. I am armed
with the authority of the Government of the U. States for my protection,
so far as its authority or influence extends; in addition to which,
the further aid has been given me of liberal pasports from the Ministers
both of France and England: I am instructed to select from any corps
in the army a number of noncommissioned officers and privates not
exceeding 12, who may be disposed voluntarily to enter into this
service; and am also authorized to engage any other men not soldiers
that I may think usefull in promoting the objects or success of this
expedition. I am likewise furnished with letters of credit, and authorized
to draw on the government for any sum necessary for the comfort of
myself or party. To all the persons engaged in this service I am
authorized to offer the following rewards by way of inducement—
1st.. the bounty (if not a soldier) but in both cases six months pay in
advance; 2dly.. to discharge them from the service if they wish it, immediately
on their return from the expedition giving them their arrears
of pay clothing &c. & 3dly.. to secure to them a portion of land equal to
that given by the United States to the officers and soldiers who served
in the revolutionary army. This is a short view of means with which
I am intrusted to carry this plan of the Government into effect. I
will now give you a short sketch of my plan of operation: I shall
embark at Pittsburgh with a party of recruits eight or nine in number,
intended only to manage the boat and are not calculated on as a permanent
part of my detatcment; when descending the Ohio it shall be
my duty by enquiry to find out and engage some good hunters, stout,
healthy, unmarried men, accustomed to the woods, and capable of
bearing bodily fatigue in a pretty considerable degree: should any
young men answering this description be found in your neighborhood
I would thank you to give information of them on my arivall at the
falls of the Ohio; and if possible learn the probability of their engaging
in this service, this may be done perhaps by holding out the idea that
the direction of this expedition is up the Mississippi to its source, and
thence to the lake of the Woods, stating the probable period of absence
at about 18 months; if they would engage themselves in a service of
this discription there would be but little doubt that they would engage
in the real design when it became necessary to make it known to them,
which I should take care to do before I finaly engaged them:—The
soldiers that will most probably answer this expedition best will be
found in some of the companies stationed at Massac, Kaskaskias &
Illinois: pardon this digression from the discription of my plan: it is
to descend the Ohio in a keeled boat of about ten tons burthen, from
Pittsburgh to it's mouth, thence up the Mississippi to the mouth of the
Missourie, and up that river as far as it's navigation is practicable with
a boat of this discription, there to prepare canoes of bark or raw-hides,
and proceed to it's source, and if practicable pass over to the waters
of the Columbia or Origan River and by descending it reach the
Western Ocean; the mouth of this river lies about one hundred and
forty miles South of Nootka-Sound, at which place there is a considerable
European Tradeing establishment, and from which it will be easy
to obtain a passage to the United States by way of the East-Indies in
some of the trading vessels that visit Nootka Sound anually, provided
it should be thought more expedient to do so, than to return by the
rout I had pursued in my outward bound journey. The present season
being already so far advanced, I do not calculate on geting further than
two or three hundred miles up the Missourie before the commencement
of the ensuing winter. At this point wherever it may be I shall
make myself as comfortable as possible during the winter and resume
my journey as early in the spring as the ice will permit:—should
nothing take place to defeat my progress altogether I feel confident
that my passage to the Western ocean can be effected by the end of the
next Summer or the begining of Autumn. In order to subsist my party
with some degree of comfort dureing the ensuing winter, I shall engage
some French Traders at Illinois to attend me to my wintering ground
with a sufficient quantity of flour, pork, &c. to serve them plentifully
during the winter, and thus be enabled to set out in the Spring with a
healthy and vigorous part. So much for the great outlines of this
scheem, permit me now to mention partially the objects which it has in
view or those which it is desirable to effect through it's means, and then
conclude this lengthy communication. You must know in the first
place that very sanguine expectations are at this time formed by our
Government that the whole of that immense country wartered by the
Mississippi and It's tributary streams, Missourie inclusive, will be the
property of the U. States in less than 12 Months from this date: but
here let me again impress you with the necessity of keeping this matter
a perfect secret.[1] In such a state of things therefore as we have every
reason to hope, you will readily concieve the importance to the U.
States of an early friendly and intimate acquaintance with the tribes that
inhabit that country, that they should be early impressed with a just
idea of the rising importance of the U. States and of her friendly dispositions
towards them, as also her desire to become usefull to them by
furnishing them through her citizens with such articles by way of barter
as may be desired by them or usefull to them. The other objects of
this mission are scientific, and of course not less interesting to the U.
States than to the world generally, such is the ascertaining by celestial
observation the geography of the country through which I shall pass;
the names of the nations who inhabit it, the extent and limitts of their
several possessions, their relation with other tribes and nations; their
language, traditions, and monuments; their ordinary occupations in
fishing, hunting, war, arts, and the implements for their food, clothing
and domestic accomodation; the diseases prevalent among them and
the remidies they use; the articles of commerce they may need, or
furnish, and to what extent; the soil and face of the country; it's
growth and vegetable productions, its animals; the miniral productions
of every discription; and in short to collect the best possible information
relative to whatever the country may afford as a tribute to general
science.

My Instruments for celestial observation are an excellent set and my
supply of Indian presents is sufficiently ample.

Thus my friend you have so far as leasure will at this time permit me
to give it you, a summary view of the plan, the means and the objects
of this expedition, if therefore there is anything under those circumstances,
in this enterprise, which would induce you to participate with
me in it's fatiegues, it's dangers and it's honors, believe me there is
no man on earth with whom I should feel equal pleasure in sharing
them as with yourself; I make this communication to you with the
privity of the President, who expresses an anxious wish that you would
consent to join me in this enterprise; he has authorized me to say that
in the event of your accepting this proposition he will grant you a
Captain's commission which of course will intitle you to the pay and
emoluments attached to that office and will equally with myself intitle
you to such portion of land as was granted to offers of similar rank
for their Revolutionary services; the commission with which he proposes
to furnish you is not to be considered temporary but permanent
if you wish it; your situation if joined with me in this mission will in
all respects be precisely such as my own. Pray write to me on this
subject as early as possible and direct to me at Pittsburgh. Should you
feel disposed not to attatch yourself to this party in an official character,
and at the same time feel a disposition to accompany me as a friend
any part of the way up the Missourie I should be extremely happy in
your company, and will furnish you with every aid for your return from
any point you might wish it.

With sincere and affectionate regard your friend & Humbl.. sevt..

XVII. XVII

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE EQUIPMENT
OF THE EXPEDITION

XVII. May–June, 1803[1]

[No. 1]

Articles wanted by Capt. Lewis.

Mathematical Instruments

• 1 Hadley's Quadrant

• 1 Mariner's Compass & 2 pole chain

• 1 Sett of plotting instruments

• 3 Thermometers

• 1 Cheap portable Microscope

• 1 Pocket Compass

• 1 brass Scale one foot in length

---

232





• 6 Magnetic needles in small straight silver or brass cases opening
  on the side with hinges.

• 1 Instrument for measuring made of tape with feet & inches
  marked on it, confined within a circular lethern box of
  sufficient thickness to admit the width of the tape which
  has one of its ends confined to an axis of metal passing
  through the center of the box, around which and within
  the box it is readily wound by means of a small crank
  on the outer side of the box which forms a part of the
  axis, the tape when necessary is drawn out with the same
  facility & ease with which it is wound up.

• 2 Hydrometers

• 1 Theodolite

• 1 Sett of planespheres

• 2 Artificial Horizons

• 1 Patent log

• 6 papers of Ink powder

• 4 Metal Pens brass or silver

• 1 Set of Small Slates & pencils

• 2 Creyons
  Sealing wax one bundle

• 1 Miller's edition of Lineus in 2 Vol:

• Books

• Maps

• Charts

• Blank Vocabularies

• Writing paper

• 1 Pair large brass money scales with two setts of weights the
  one of Troy the other of Averds.

Arms & Accoutrements

• 15 Rifles

• 15 Powder Horns & pouches complete

• 15 Pairs of Bullet Moulds

• 15 d°. of Wipers or Gun worms

• 15 Ball Screws

• 24 Pipe Tomahawks

• 24 large knives
  Extra parts of Locks & tools for repairing arms

• 15 Gun Slings

• 500 best Flints

Ammunition

• 200lbs.. Best rifle powder

• 400lbs.. Lead

Clothing

• 15 3 pt. Blankets

• 15 Match Coats with Hoods & belts

• 15 Woolen Overalls

• 15 Rifle Frocks of waterproof Cloth if possible

• 30 Pairs of Socks or half Stockings

• 20 Fatigue Frocks or hunting shirts

• 30 Shirts of Strong linnen

• 30 yds. Common flannel.

Camp Equipage

• 6 Copper kettles (1 of 5 Gallons, 1 of 3, 2 of 2, & 2 of l)

• 25 falling Axes.

• 4 Drawing Knives, short & strong

• 2 Augers of the patent kind if they can be obtain'd with 6 bitts
  assorted, or otherwise 6 Augers of the common screw kind
  assorted

• 1 Small permanent Vice

• 1 Hand Vice

• 36 Gimblets assorted

• 24 Files do.

• 12 Chisels do.

• 10″ Nails do.

• 2 Steel plate hand saws

• 2 Vials of Phosforus

• 1 do. of Phosforus made of allum & sugar

• 4 Groce fishing Hooks assorted

• 12 Bunches of Drum Line

• 2 Foot Adzes

• 12 Bunches of Small cord

• 2 Pick Axes

• 3 Coils of Rope

• 2 Spades

• 12 Bunches small fishing line assorted

• 1 lb. Turkey or Oil Stone

• 1 Iron Mill for Grinding Corn

• 20 yds. Oil linnen for wrapping & securing Articles

---

234





• 10 yds    do.    do.    of thicker quality for covering and lining
  boxes. &c

• 40 Yds Do.  Do.   To form two half faced Tents or Shelter's
  contrived in such manner their parts may be taken to
  pieces & again connected at pleasure in order to answer
  the several purposes of Tents, covering to Boat or Canoe,
  or if necessary to be used as sails. The pieces when unconnected
  will be 5 feet in Width and rather more than
  14 feet in length

• 4 Tin blowing Trumpets

• 2 hand or spiral spring Steelyards

• 20 yds Strong Oznaburgs

• 24 Iron Spoons

• 24 Pint Tin Cups (without handles)

• 30 Steels for striking or making fire

• 100 Flints for do.    do.   do.

• 2 Frows

• 6 Saddlers large Needles

• 6 D°. large Awls
  Muscatoe Curtains

• 2 patent chamber lamps & wicks

• 15 Oil Cloth Bags for securing provision

• 1 Sea Grass Hammock

Provisions and Means of Subsistence

• 150 lbs.. Portable Soup.

• 3 bushels of Allum or Rock Salt
  Spicies assorted

• 6 Kegs of 5 Gallons each making 30 Gallons of rectified spirits
  such as is used for the Indian trade

• 6 Kegs bound with iron Hoops

Indian Presents

• 5 lbs.. White Wampum

• 5 lbs.. White    Glass Beads mostly small

• 20 lbs.. Red    Do. Do. Assorted

• 5 lbs.. Yellow or Orange    Do. Do. Assorted

• 30 Calico Shirts

• 12 Pieces of East India muslin Hanckerchiefs striped or check'd
  with brilliant Colours.

• 12 Red Silk Hanckerchiefs

---

235





• 144 Small cheap looking Glasses

• 100 Burning Glasses

• 4 Vials of Phosforus

• 288 Steels for striking fire

• 144 Small cheap Scizors

• 20 Pair large   Do.

• 12 Groces Needles Assorted No. 1 to 8 Common points

• 12 Groces   Do.. Assorted with points for sewing leather

• 288 Common brass thimbles—part W. office

• 10 lbs.. Sewing Thread assorted

• 24 Hanks Sewing Silk

• 8 lbs.. Red lead

• 2 lbs.. Vermillion—at War Office

• 288 Knives Small such as are generally used for the Indian trade,
  with fix'd blades & handles inlaid with brass

• 36 Large knives

• 36 Pipe Tomahawks—at H. Ferry

• 12 lbs.. Brass wire Assorted

• 12 lbs.. Iron   do.   do.   generally large

• 6 Belts of narrow Ribbons colours assorted

• 50 lbs.. Spun Tobacco.

• 20 Small falling axes to be obtained in Tennessee

• 40 fish Giggs such as the Indians use with a single barbed point
  —at Harper's ferry

• 3 Groce fishing Hooks assorted

• 4 Groce Mockerson awls assorted

• 50 lbs.. Powder secured in a Keg covered with oil Cloth

• 24 Belts of Worsted feiret or Gartering Colours brilliant and
  Assorted

• 15 Sheets of Copper Cut into strips of an inch in width & a foot
  long

• 20 Sheets of Tin

• 12 lbs.. Strips of Sheet iron 1 In. wide 1 foot long

• 1 Pe.. red Cloth second quality

• 1 Nest of 8 or 9 small copper kettles

• 100 Block-tin rings cheap kind ornamented with Coulour'd Glass
  or Mock-Stone

• 2 Groces of brass Curtain Rings & sufficently large for the
  Finger

• 1 Groce Cast Iron Combs

• 18 Cheap brass Combs

---

236





• 24 Blankets.

• 12 Arm Bands Silver at War Office

• 12 Wrist do.    do    Do

• 36 Ear Trinkets Do    part    do.

• 36 Nose Do    Do

• 6 Groces Drops of Do part Do.

• 4 doz Rings for Fingers of do.

• 4 Groces Broaches   of do.

• 12 Small Medals    Do.

Means of Transportation

• 1 Keeled Boat light strong at least 60 feet in length her burthen
  equal to 8 Tons

• 1 Iron frame of Canoe 40 feet long

• 1 Large Wooden Canoe

• 12 Spikes for Setting-Poles

• 4 Boat Hooks & points Complete

• 2 Chains & Pad-Locks for confining the Boat & Canoes &c

Medicine

• 15 lbs.. best powder'd Bark

• 10 lbs.. Epsom or Glauber Salts

• 4 oz. Calomel

• 12 oz. Opium

• ½ oz. Tarter emetic

• 8 oz Borax

• 4 oz Powder'd Ipecacuana

• 8 oz Powder Jalap

• 8 oz Powderd Rhubarb

• 6 Best lancets.

• 2 oz White Vitriol

• 4 oz Lacteaum Saturni

• 4 Pewter Penis Syringes

• 1 Flour of Sulphur

• 3 Clyster pipes

• 4 oz Turlingtons Balsam

• 2 lbs.. Yellow Bascilicum

• 2 Sticks of Symple Diachylon

• 1 lb. Blistering Ointments

• 2 lbs.. Nitre

• 2 lbs.. Coperas

Materials for making up the Various Articles into portable Packs.

• 30 Sheep skins taken off the Animal as perfectly whole as possible,
  without being split on the belly as usual and dress'd
  only with lime to free them from the wool; or otherwise
  about the same quantity of Oil Cloth bags well painted

  • Raw Hide for pack strings

  • Dress'd letter for Hoppers-Straps

  • Other packing

• 1.    Blue beads.    This is a coarse cheap bead imported from
  China, & costing in England 15d. the lbs. in strands It is
  far more valued than the white beads of the same manufacture
  and answers all the purposes of money, being
  counted by the fathom.

• 2.    Common brass buttons more valued than any thing except
  beads.

• 3.    Knives, with fixed wooden handles stained red, usually called
  red handled knives & such as are used by the N. W. C°. in
  their Indian trade.

• 4.    Battle axes, and Tomahawks.

• 5.    Saddlers seat awls, which answer for mockasin awls

• 6.    Glove's Needles.

• 7.    Cast Iron combs.

• 8.    Nests of camp kettles: brass is much preferr'd to Iron, tho both
  are very useful to the Indians size from 1 to 4 gallons

  Each article to be weighed separate, and the weight & price
  extended in the Invoice under the appropriate Head. In
  packing no regard need be had to the different divisions or
  classes as specified in the Invoice but pack'd indiscriminately
  as may be most advantageous, regard being paid to such
  articles as may be most likely to receive damage The
  blankets may be used in the packing for the protection of
  the goods Such articles as are taken from the Military
  stores are to be enter'd in the invoice under their proper
  heads with weight extend'd & without price

[Endorsed:] Capt. Lewis. Articles wanted by him

No. 19. 20. 22. 24. 25. 26. & 27. being copies of the Bills of Purchases
for Capt. Lewis sent down to him, copies of the other bills he
took with him June 20

[Endorsed:] Memo. Capt. Lewis

[No. 2]

List of articles purchased by Israel Whelen, Purveyor of Public Supplies,
for the Lewis and Clark Expedition to the Pacific Ocean (1803).

Indian Presents

                                                                                                     

		Wt.
12	Pipe Tomahawks	8 ¾				18 "
6 ½	lbs. Strips Sheet Iron	6 ½				1 62
1	Ps. red flannel 47 ½ yds	12 ¾	5	12	0	14 94
11	Ps. Hanckercheifs assd.	13 lb	22	8	9	59 83
1	doz. Ivory Combs	3 oz	1	5	0	3 33
½	Catty Inda. S. Silk	7 oz	1	8	1 ½	3 75
21	lbs.. Tread assd	21 lbs	8	13	9	23 17
1	Ps. Scarlet Cloth 22 yds.	28 ¾	21	18	9	58 50
5 ½	doz fan:i Floss	6 ¾	7	1	6	18 87
6	Gro: Binding	9 ¼	4	8	5	11 79
2	Cards Beads	1 ¾ 26 ½	1	8	6	3 80
4	doz: Butcher Knives	8 ¾	2	0	0	5 33
12	doz. Pocket Looking Glasses	12 ½ lb				5 19
15	doz. Pewter    do.    do.	3 6/16				3 99
8	doz. Burning   do.	11 ¼			12	12 ..
2	doz. Nonesopretty	3 ¼				2 94
2	doz. Red strip'd tapes	1 ½				2 80
72	ps. Strip' d silk ribbon	3 ¼				39 60
3	lbs. Beads	3 lb				2 01
6	Papers Small Bells	1 ¼				4 02
1	box with 100 larger do.	1 3/16				2 25
73	Bunches Beads assd.	20				41
3 ½	doz: Tinsel Bands assd	9 oz				3 75
1	doz: Needle Cases	5 ½ oz				30
2 ¾	doz Lockets	3 oz				3 56
8 ½	lbs.. Red Beads	8 ½				25 50
2	doz: Earings		4			1 ..
8	Brass Kettles a   4/ Per lb.	20 lbs.				10 67
12	lbs.. Brass Strips					6 80
500	Broaches	1 ½ b				62 07
72	Rings					6 00
2	Corn Mills	52 ¾				20 00
15	doz:   Scissors	17 ¼				18 97
12	lbs. Brass Wire		2	18	6	7 80
14	lbs Knitting Pins	14	1	9	2	3 89
4600	Needles assd.	2 ¼	3	13		9 73
2800	Fish Hooks assd.	6 ⅛	3			8 ..
1	Gro: Iron Combs	8 ½	1	1		2 80
3	Gro:   Curtain Rings	1 ¾		14		1 87
2	Gro:   Thimbles assd.	2 ½	1	4	3	3 21
11	doz:   Knives	37	9	8	9	25 17
10	lbs.. Brads	16	7	6		1 00
8	lbs. Red lead	8				89
2	lbs. Vermillion	2			3	3 34
130	Rolls of Tobacco (pigtail)	63			14	14 25
48	Calico Ruffled Shirts					71 04
15	Blankets (from P. Store)
1	Trunk to pack sundry Ind: Prests.					3 50
8	Groce Seat or Mockasin Awls					15 67
						669 50

From Public Store—vizt 15 Blankets

[Endorsed] No. 1: Indian Presents Dolls. 669 50

Camp Equipage

                                                                         

		Wt
4	Tin Horns	1 ¾				2 ..
2	" Lanthorns	1				2 ..
2	" Lamps	½				50
32	" Cannisters of P. Soup	193				8 ..
1	" Box sqr. of Small astd.	1 ½				1 ..
3	doz:   Pint Tumblers	6 ½				4 20
125	Large fishg Hooks					4 45
	Fishg Lines assorted	10 ½				18 09
1	Stand of Fishg do. with hooks Complete					3 ..
1	Sportsmans flaske					1 50
8	ps. Cat gut for Mosquito Cart	11	5	16	3	15 50
6	Brass Kettles & Porterage 25 ft.	28				15 18
1	block tin Sauce pan	¾				1 50
1	Corn Mill	20				9 ..
1	Set of Gold Scales & Wts.	¼				2 33
1	Rule	1 oz				60
1	Sett Iron Weights	4				75
2	pr. Large Shears	3 ½				1 86
4	doz: Packg. Needles & large Awls	1		8	6	1 13
2	doz: Table Spoons	3		14		1 87
4	drawing Knives	2 ½		9		1 20
3	doz: Gimblets	5 ¼lbs	1	3		3 60
17	do. files & Rasps & 1 Shoe float	5		17	4	2 31
1 ¼	doz. Small cord	8 ½	13	5	5	1 79
2	Small Vices				6	1 67
2	pr. Plyers				3	97
1	Saw Sett	10		7	9	10
9	Chisels				3	1 77
2	Adzes	4		9	1	1 20
2	hand Saws	4 ½	1	3		3 06
6	Augers 6	3 ½		12	3	1 64
2	Hatchets			6	3	83
1	Wetstone	4 ½		3	6	47
2	p. Pocket Steel yards			3	6	47
	Pkg 12 lbs Castile Soap					1 68
						117 67

From Public Store.

               

8	Receipt Books
48	ps. Tape
6	Brass Inkstands
6	Papers Ink Powder
1	Common Tent
1	lb. Sealing Wax
100	Quils
1	Packing Hogshead

Bought by the Purveyor of Richd. Wevill 8 Tents
45 Bags
10 yd Country Linnen Oiled
20 " Brown do.

[Endorsed:] No 2   Camp Equipage

Mathematical Instruments.

                                               

1	Spirit level	4 ..
1	Case platting Instruments	14 ..
1	Two pole chain	2 ..
1	Pocket Compas plated	5 ..
1	Brass Boat Compass	1 50
3	Brass Pocket Compasses	7 50
1	Magnet	1 ..
1	Hadleys Quadrant Wt Tangt Screw	22 ..
1	Metal Sextant	90 ..
	Microscope to index of d	7 ..
	Sett of Slates in a case	4 ..
4	oz of Talc	1 25
1	Surveying Compass wt extra needles (P by L)	23 50
1	Circular protractor & index    do	8 ..
1	Six In: Pocket Telescope    do	7 ..
1	Nautical Ephemeris    do	1 50
1	Requisite Tables    do	2 50
	Kirwan's Mineralogy    do	5 ..
1	Chronometer & Keys	250 75
1	Copy of Bartons Bottany (pd. by C. L.)	6 ..
	Kelleys Spherics    do	3 ..
2	Nautical Ephemeris    do	4 ..
	Log line reel & log ship	1 95
	Parrallel Glass for a Horison	1 ..

[Endorsed:] No 3 Mathematical Instrumts.

Arms & Accoutrements & Ammn

         

		lbs
1	Pair Pocket pistols	(P. by L.)	10 ..
176	lb. Gun powder	176	155 75
52	leaden Cannisters for Gunpowr.	420	26 33
15	Powder Horns & Pouches		26 25

   From Public Store

                       

15	Powder Horns
18	Tomahaws
15	Scalpking Knives & Belts
15	Gun Slings
30	Brushes & Wires
15	Cartouch Boxes
15	painted Knapsacks
500	Rifle Flints
125	Musket do.
50	lb. best rifle Powder
1	pr. Horsemans Pistols
420	lbs. Sheet Lead

[Endorsed:] No. 4 Arms, Ammn. & Accoutrets.

Medicines &c

       

1	Box   Wt.
1	do.   Wt.	$90.69
2	lbs.. Tea & Cannister W. 2 lbs..	3.80
		94.49

[Endorsed:] No. 5 Medicine &c

Provisions &c

     

193	lbs. P. Soup	193	289 50
30	Galls Spr of Wine in 6 Kegs		77 20
			366 70

[Endorsed:] No 6 Provisions &c

       

		Dolls.	Cts
45	Flannel Shirts	71	10
16	Coatees	246	63
		317	73

From Public Stores vizt

             

15	Blankets
15	Match Coats
15	Ps. blue wool: overalls
36	pairs Stockgs
20	Frocks
30	Pr Shirts
20	Pr Shoes

[Endorsed:] No 7 Clothing

[No. 3]

Invoice of Articles received from the Arsenal for the use of Capt Lewis
May 18th. 1803

Invoice of Articles to be Dld. Cap. Lewis—

                                   

A & A	15 Powder Horns	a & a	15 Paintd Knapsacks
do.	18 Tomhawks	do.	500 Rifle flints
do.	15 Scalping Knives & Belts	do.	125 Musket do.
do.	15 Gun Slings	do.	50 lb. best Rifle Powder
do.	30 Brushes & Wires	do.	1 P. Horsemans Pistols
do.	15 Cartouch Box Belts		420 lbs. Sheet lead
Camp	8 Rect. Books	Ind P	15 Blankets
do.	48 Pieces Tape	Camp	100 Quils
do.	6 Brass Ink Stands	Clothg.	20 Pr Shoes
do.	6 Papers Ink Powder.	Camp	1 packg Hhd
do.	1 Common Tent
Clothg.	15 Blankets 3 pt.
do.	15 Match Coats.
do.	15 Priv. Wool Overalls (Blue)
do.	36 Pair Stockings
do.	20 Frocks
do.	30 Priv Lin Shirts
Camp	1 lb Sealg Wax.

To be left at Mr. Whelens Office May 18" 1803

[Endorsed:] Wm. A. Bass—for Geo. Ingels Esqr. K M S

Phila. May 18. 1803

Mr. Israel Wheelen

Bt of Geo R. Lawton

                   

70	Large hooks	@ 30/ pts	$2.80
55	ditto	@ 22/6 pts	1.65
1	donl. drum Lines		4.—
1	do. Rock ditto		2.50
1 ½	do. India Lines $5		7.50
1	India Line		.42
2	Lines—$1		2.—
Sportsman Flask			1.50
8	Stave reel		3.—
			$25.37

Rec payt
Geo. R. Lawton
Received the within Articles
Meriwether Lewis.
Capt. 1st. US. Regt. Infty.

[No. 4]

List of Charges taken out of Cap Lewis's account to be charged to other
accots. as specified

                                                     

176	lbs. Gunpowder B. & H.	No. 16 ordnance		$155.75
	Leaden Canesters for securing gunpowder		No. 4	26.33
		Ludlam
15	Shot-pouches   Marten	Qr Mr.	26	26.25
1	Par of pistols   Barnhill	Ord		10...
6	Brass kettles from one to five gallons		No. 13	15.18
		Harbeson & Sons
4	Drawing-knives	H & Worth	"	1.20
3	Doz. Gimblets assorted	Do.	"	3.6
2	Small vices	Do.	"	1.67
1	Saw-set	Do.	"	..10
9	Chissels assorted	Do.	"	1.77
2	Hand-saws	Do.	Ord. No. 10	3.6
6	Augers assorted	Do.	"	1.64
17	Files assorted	Do.	"	2.31
1	Whetstone	Do.	"	.47
	Medecine & Sergecal instruments Hospl.		"	94.49
		No. 5 & 7—GOS & P. Logan
	Oil-cloth tents & Baggs	Wevill—Qr Mr.		119.39
		No. 27
	Transportation of public stores from Philadelphia to Indian D. Pittsburgh
1	Boat and her caparison, including spiked poles, boat-hooks & toe line to be furnished at Pittsburgh
18	Small falling axes to be furnished at Do.	Indian D.
				$462.67
176	lbs. Gunpowder B. & H.		No. 16 ordnance	$155.75
	Leaden Canesters for securing gunpowder		No 4 ordnance	26.33
15	Shot pouches	Marten Ludlam Qr Mr	26	26.25

[No. 5]

Bill of Gillaspy & Strong for Medicine

Israel Wheelen Purveyor Bought of Gillaspy & Strong

the following articles for the use of M. Lewis Esquire on his tour up the
Missisipi River, & supplied by his Order:—Viz

                                             

15 lb. Pulv. Cort. Peru	$30.00	4 oz. Laudanum		.50
½ [lb.] [Pulv.] Jalap	.67	2 lb. Ung. Basilic Flav.	50	1.00
½ [lb.] [Pulv.] Rhei [Rhubarb]	1.	1 " " e lap Calimin	50	.50
4 oz. [Pulv.] Ipecacuan.	1.25	1 " " Epispastric		1.
2 lb. [Pulv.] Crem. Tart.	.67	1 " " Mercuriale		1.25
2 oz. Gum Camphor	.40	1. Emplast. Diach. S.		.50
1 lb. [Gum] Assafoetid.	1.	1. Set Pocket Insts. small		9.50
½ lb [Gum] Opii Turk. opt.	2.50	1. [Set] Teeth [Insts.] [small]		2.25
¼ [lb] [Gum] Tragacanth	.37	1. Clyster Syringe		2.75
6 lb. Sal Glauber 10	.60	4. Penis   do.		1.
2 [lb.] [Sal] Nitri   33½	.67	3. Best Lancets	.80	2.40
2 [lb.] [Sal] Copperas	.10	1. Tourniquet		3.50
6 oz. Sacchar. Saturn. opt.	.37	2. oz Patent Lint		.25
4 [oz.] Calomel	.75	50. doz. Bilious Pills to Order of B. Rush.	10	5.00
1 [oz.] Tartar Emetic	.10	6. Tin Canisters	25	1.50
4 [oz.] Vitriol Alb.	.12	3. 80z Gd. Stopd. bottles	40	1.20
½ lb. Columbo Rad.	1.	5 4[oz] Tinctures do		1.85
¼ [lb] Elix. Vitriol	.25	6. 4[oz] Salt M°.		2.22
¼ [lb] Ess. Menth. pip.	.50	1. Walnut Chest		4.50
¼ [lb] Bals. Copaiboe	.37	1. Pine   do.		1.20
¼ [lb] [Bals.] Traumat.	.50	Porterage		.30
2. oz Magnesia	.20
				$90.69

           

¼ lb. Indian Ink	1.50
2 oz Gum Elastic	.37
2 [oz] Nutmegs	.75
2 [oz] Cloves	.31
4 [oz] Cinnamon	.20
	$46.52

Phila May 26. 1803

Recd May 27, 1803 of Israel Whelen Ninety Dollars & 69 cents in full—
for Gillaspy & Strong.

$90.69

Thomas H. Dawson

Duplicate

Received the within articles—

Meriwether Lewis.
Capt 1st U. S. Regt. Infty.

[Endorsed:] No. 14 Gillaspy & Strong Expedn to W. O $90.69 May 27. 1803 Say
Hospital Dr.

[No. 6]

Bill of Rich. Wevill for making tents, etc.[2]

Mr Israel Whelen   To Richd: Wevill Dr.

10103

• June 15   To 107 Yds of ⅞ brown Linen . . . . . a ⅙ 21.40

• To 45 ½ Yds of 9/8 Flanders Sheeting . . . a ⅖ 14.49
  Shod be 14.66 but no more pd than 14:49

• To 10 Yds of 9/8 Country Linen . . . . . 3/  4 . .

• To making the brown Linen into 8/ Tents, with
  Eyelet-holes, laps, &c., thread &c.  . .   16 . .

• To making the Russia Sheeting into 45 bags. thread
  & cord . . . . . . . . . . . a ⅙   9 . .

• To 2 Gross of Hooks & Eyes . . . . . . a 3/9   1 . .

• To Oiling all the Linen & Sheeting
  156 Square Yards . . . . . . . . a 2/6   52. .

• To Numbering all the Bags & Tents . . . . 1.50

• $119.39

Rec'd June 18th 1803 of Israel Whelen One hundred Nineteen dollars 39
Cents infull & Signed Two Receipts

$119.39/100

Richard Wevil

United States Arsenal July 20" 1803 Received the above specified Tents & Bags

G. W. Ingels

[Endorsed:] No 11 Richd. Wevill $119:39   June 17: 1803

Capt Lewis

This Box of Mathematical Instruments to be Sent for to Mr. Paterson's & well
Secured with canvas—mark'd "This side up," on the top—& particular
charge given to the waggoner respectg it.

Some copies of Bills to be sent him.

weight of remaining articles to be sent him
a Strong Waggon   Wt. from here 2700—to be increased to 3500 or more
If he has left any small bills unpaid requests Mr W. to pay them.

[Endorsed:] Mem: Capt Lewis.

XVIII. XVIII

JEFFERSON'S INSTRUCTIONS TO LEWIS[1]

XVIII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 1, vol. 9, doc. 269.]

To Meriwether Lewis, esquire, Captain of the Ist. regiment of infantry
of the United States of America: Your situation as Secretary of the President
of the United States has made you acquainted with the objects of
my confidential message of Jan. 18, 1803, to the legislature. you have
seen the act they passed, which, tho' expressed in general terms, was
meant to sanction those objects, and you are appointed to carry them
into execution.

Instruments for ascertaining by celestial observations the geography
of the country thro' which you will pass, have already been provided.
light articles for barter, & presents among the Indians, arms for your
attendants, say for from 10 to 12 men, boats, tents, & other travelling
apparatus, with ammunition, medicine, surgical instruments & provisions
you will have prepared with such aids as the Secretary at War can yield
in his department; & from him also you will recieve authority to engage
among our troops, by voluntary agreement, the number of attendants
above mentioned, over whom you, as their commanding officer are invested
with all the powers the laws give in such a case.

As your movements while within the limits of the U. S. will be better
directed by occasional communications, adapted to circumstances as they
arise, they will not be noticed here. what follows will respect your proceedings
after your departure from the U. S.

Your mission has been communicated to the Ministers here from
France, Spain & Great Britain, and through them to their governments:
and such assurances given them as to it's objects as we trust will satisfy
them. the country of Louisiana having been ceded by Spain to France,
the passport you have from the Minister of France, the representative
of the present sovereign of the country, will be a protection with all it's
subjects: And that from the Minister of England will entitle you to the

friendly aid of any traders of that allegiance with whom you may happen
to meet.

The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri river, & such
principal stream of it, as, by it's course & communication with the waters
of the Pacific Ocean, may offer the most direct & practicable water communication
across this continent, for the purposes of commerce.

Beginning at the mouth of the Missouri, you will take observations
of latitude & longitude, at all remarkable points on the river, & especially
at the mouths of rivers, at rapids, at islands & other places & objects
distinguished by such natural marks & characters of a durable kind, as
that they may with certainty be recognized hereafter. the courses of
the river between these points of observation may be supplied by the
compass, the log-line & by time, corrected by the observations themselves.
the variations of the compass too, in different places, should be
noticed.

The interesting points of the portage between the heads of the Missouri
& the water offering the best communication with the Pacific
Ocean should also be fixed by observation, & the course of that water
to the ocean, in the same manner as that of the Missouri.

Your observations are to be taken with great pains & accuracy, to be
entered distinctly, & intelligibly for others as well as yourself, to comprehend
all the elements necessary, with the aid of the usual tables, to
fix the latitude and longitude of the places at which they were taken, &
are to be rendered to the war office, for the purpose of having the calculations
made concurrently by proper persons within the U. S. several
copies of these, as well as your other notes, should be made at leisure
times & put into the care of the most trustworthy of your attendants, to
guard by multiplying them, against the accidental losses to which they
will be exposed. a further guard would be that one of these copies be
written on the paper of the birch, as less liable to injury from damp
than common paper.

The commerce which may be carried on with the people inhabiting
the line you will pursue, renders a knolege of these people important.
you will therefore endeavor to make yourself acquainted, as far as a diligent
pursuit of your journey shall admit,

• with the names of the nations & their numbers;

• the extent & limits of their possessions;

• their relations with other tribes or nations;

• their language, traditions, monuments;

• their ordinary occupations in agriculture, fishing, hunting, war,
  arts, & the implements for these;

---

249





• their food, clothing, & domestic accomodations;

• the diseases prevalent among them, & the remedies they use;

• moral & physical circumstances which distinguish them from the
  tribes we know;

• peculiarities in their laws, customs & dispositions;

• and articles of commerce they may need or furnish, & to what
  extent.

And considering the interest which every nation has in extending &
strengthening the authority of reason & justice among the people around
them, it will be useful to acquire what knolege you can of the state of
morality, religion & information among them, as it may better enable
those who endeavor to civilize & instruct them, to adapt their measures
to the existing notions & practises of those on whom they are to
operate.

Other object worthy of notice will be

• the soil & face of the country, it's growth & vegetable productions;
  especially those not of the U. S.

• the animals of the country generally, & especially those not
  known in the U. S.

• the remains and accounts of any which may deemed rare or
  extinct;

• the mineral productions of every kind; but more particularly
  metals, limestone, pit coal & saltpetre; salines & mineral
  waters, noting the temperature of the last, & such circumstances
  as may indicate their character.

• Volcanic appearances.

• climate as characterized by the thermometer, by the proportion of
  rainy, cloudy & clear days, by lightening, hail, snow, ice, by
  the access & recess of frost, by the winds prevailing at different
  seasons, the dates at which particular plants put forth or
  lose their flowers, or leaf, times of appearance of particular
  birds, reptiles or insects.

Altho' your route will be along the channel of the Missouri, yet you
will endeavor to inform yourself, by inquiry, of the character & extent of
the country watered by it's branches, & especially on it's Southern side.
the North river or Rio Bravo which runs into the gulph of Mexico, and the
North river, or Rio colorado, which runs into the gulph of California,
are understood to be the principal streams heading opposite to the waters
of the Missouri, and running Southwardly. whether the dividing grounds
between the Missouri & them are mountains or flatlands, what are their
distance from the Missouri, the character of the intermediate country, &

the people inhabiting it, are worthy of particular enquiry. The Northern
waters of the Missouri are less to be enquired after, because they
have been ascertained to a considerable degree, and are still in a course
of ascertainment by English traders & travellers. but if you can learn
anything certain of the most Northern source of the Missisipi, & of it's
position relative to the lake of the woods, it will be interesting to us.
some account too of the path of the Canadian traders from the Missisipi,
at the mouth of the Ouisconsin river, to where it strikes the Missouri
and of the soil & rivers in it's course, is desireable.

In all your intercourse with the natives treat them in the most friendly
& conciliatory manner which their own conduct will admit; allay all
jealousies as to the object of your journey, satisfy them of it's innocence,
make them acquainted with the position, extent, character, peaceable
& commercial dispositions of the U. S. of our wish to be neighborly,
friendly & useful to them, & of our dispositions to a commercial intercourse
with them; confer with them on the points most convenient as
mutual emporiums, & the articles of most desireable interchange for them
& us. if a few of their influential chiefs, within practicable distance,
wish to visit us, arrange such a visit with them, and furnish them with
authority to call on our officers, on their entering the U. S. to have
them conveyed to this place at public expence. if any of them should
wish to have some of their young people brought up with us, & taught
such arts as may be useful to them, we will receive, instruct & take care
of them. such a mission, whether of influential chiefs, or of young
people, would give some security to your own party. carry with you
some matter of the kine-pox, inform those of them with whom you
may be of it' efficacy as a preservative from the small-pox; and instruct
& incourage them in the use of it. this may be especially done wherever
you winter.

As it is impossible for us to foresee in what manner you will be
recieved by those people, whether with hospitality or hostility, so is it
impossible to prescribe the exact degree of perseverance with which you
are to pursue your journey. we value too much the lives of citizens to
offer them to probably destruction. your numbers will be sufficient to
secure you against the unauthorised opposition of individuals, or of
small parties: but if a superior force, authorised or not authorised. by a
nation, should be arrayed against your further passage, & inflexibly determined
to arrest it, you must decline it's further pursuit, and return.
in the loss of yourselves, we should lose also the information you will
have acquired. by returning safely with that, you may enable us to
renew the essay with better calculated means. to your own discretion

therefore must be left the degree of danger you may risk, & the point at
which you should decline, only saying we wish you to err on the side
of your safety, & bring back your party safe, even if it be with less
information.

As far up the Missouri as the white settlements extend, an intercourse
will probably be found to exist between them and the Spanish posts at
St. Louis, opposite Cahokia, or Ste. Genevieve opposite Kaskaskia.
from still farther up the river, the traders may furnish a conveyance for
letters. beyond that you may perhaps be able to engage Indians to bring
letters for the government to Cahokia or Kaskaskia, on promising that
they shall there receive such special compensation as you shall have
stipulated with them. avail yourself of these means to communicate to
us, at seasonable intervals, a copy of your journal, notes & observations
of every kind, putting into cypher whatever might do injury if betrayed.

Should you reach the Pacific ocean [One full line scratched out,
indecipherable.—Ed.] inform yourself of the circumstances which may
decide whether the furs of those parts may not be collected as advantageously
at the head of the Missouri (convenient as is supposed to the
waters of the Colorado & Oregon or Columbia) as at Nootka sound or
any other point of that coast; & that trade be consequently conducted
through the Missouri & U. S. more beneficially than by the circumnavigation
now practised.

On your arrival on that coast endeavor to learn if there be any port
within your reach frequented by the sea-vessels of any nation, and to
send two of your trusty people back by sea, in such way as shall appear
practicable, with a copy of your notes. and should you be of opinion
that the return of your party by the way they went will be eminently
dangerous, then ship the whole, & return by sea by way of Cape Horn
or the Cape of good Hope, as you shall be able. as you will be without
money, clothes or provisions, you must endeavor to use the credit of the
U. S. to obtain them; for which purpose open letters of credit shall be
furnished you authorising you to draw on the Executive of the U. S. or
any of its officers in any part of the world, on which drafts can be disposed
of, and to apply with our recommendations to the Consuls, agents,
merchants or citizens of any nation with which we have intercourse,
assuring them in our name that any aids they may furnish you, shall
honorably repaid, and on demand. Our consuls Thomas Howes at
Batavia in Java, William Buchanan of the isles of France and Bourbon,
& John Elmslie at the Cape of good hope will be able to supply your
necessities by draughts on us.

Should you find it safe to return by the way you go, after sending two

of your party round by sea, or with your whole party, if no conveyance
by sea can be found, do so; making such observations on your return as
may serve to supply, correct or confirm those made on your outward
journey.

In re-entering the U. S. and reaching a place of safety, discharge any
of your attendants who may desire & deserve it, procuring for them
immediate paiment of all arrears of pay & cloathing which may have
incurred since their departure; & assure them that they shall be recommended
to the liberality of the legislature for the grant of a soldier's
portion of land each, as proposed in my message to Congress & repair
yourself with your papers to the seat of government.

To provide, on the accident of your death, against anarchy, dispersion
& the consequent danger to your party, and total failure of the enterprise,
you are hereby authorised, by any instrument signed & written in
your hand, to name the person among them who shall succeed to the
command on your decease, & by like instruments to change the nomination
from time to time, as further experience of the characters accompanying
you shall point out superior fitness: and all the powers &
authorities given to yourself are, in the event of your death, transferred
to & vested in the successor so named, with further power to him, &
his successors in like manner to name each his successor, who, on the
death of his predecessor, shall be invested with all the powers &
authorities given to yourself.

Given under my hand at the city of Washington, this 20th. day of
June 1803

XIX. XIX

JEFFERSON TO HENRY PEYROUX DE LA
COUDRENAIRE[1]

XIX. [Extract from Ford, viii. p. 199.]

Dear Sir: Since I had the pleasure of your acquaintance in Philadelphia
in 1791, I had supposed you were returned to Europe. I have
lately however been told that you preside at present at Ste. Genevieve
& [St.] Louis. I cannot therefore omit the satisfaction of writing to
you by Capt. Lewis, an officer in our army, & for some time past my
secretary. As our former acquaintance was a mixt one of science
& business so is the occasion of renewing it. You know that
the geography of the Missouri and the most convenient water communication
from the head of that to the Pacific ocean is a desideratum
not yet satisfied. Since coming to the administration of the U. S. I
have taken the earliest opportunity in my power to have that communication
explored, and Capt. Lewis with a party of twelve or fifteen
men is authorized to do it. His journey being merely literary, to inform
us of the geography & natural history of the country, I have
procured a passport for him & his party, from the minister of France
here, it being agreed between him & the Spanish minister, that the
country having been ceded to France, her minister may most properly
give authority for the journey. This was the state of things when the
passport was given, which was some time since. But before Capt.
Lewis's actual departure we learn through a channel of unquestionable
information that France has ceded the whole country of Louisiana to
the U. S. by a treaty concluded in the first days of May. But for an
object as innocent & useful as this I am sure you will not be scrupulous
as to the authorities on which this journey is undertaken; & that you
will give all the protection you can to Capt. Lewis & his party in
going & returning. I have no doubt you can be particularly useful to
him, and it is to solicit your patronage that I trouble you with the
present letter, praying you at the same time to accept my friendly salutations
& assurances of my high respect & consideration.

XX. XX

JEFFERSON'S LETTER OF CREDIT TO LEWIS

XX. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 1, vol. 9, doc. 94.][1]

Dear Sir: In the journey which you are about to undertake[2] for
the discovery of the course and source of the Missouri, and of the most
convenient water communication from thence to the Pacific ocean,
your party being small, it is to be expected that you will encounter
considerable dangers from the Indian inhabitants. should you escape
those dangers and reach the Pacific ocean, you may find it imprudent
to hazard a return the same way, and be forced to seek a passage
round by sea, in such vessels as you may find on the Western coast.
but you will be without money, without clothes, & other necessaries;
as a sufficient supply cannot be carried with you from hence. your
resource in that case can only be in the credit of the U. S. for which
purpose I hereby authorise you to draw on the Secretaries of State, of
the Treasury, of War & of the Navy of the U S. according as you
may find your draughts will be most negociable, for the purpose of
obtaining money or necessaries for yourself & your men; and I solemnly
pledge the faith of the United States that these draughts shall be paid
punctually at the date they are made payable. I also ask of the
Consuls, agents, merchants & citizens of any nation with which we
have intercourse or amity to furnish you with those supplies which

your necessities may call for, assuring them of honorable and prompt
retribution. and our own Consuls in foreign parts where you may
happen to be, are hereby instructed & required to be aiding & assisting
you in whatsoever may be necessary for procuring your return back to
the United States. And to give more entire satisfaction & confidence to
those who may be disposed to aid you, I Thomas Jefferson, President
of the United States of America, have written this letter of general
credit for you with my own hand, and signed it with my name.

XXI. XXI

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XXI. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 108.]

12 O'Clock. Harper's Ferry, July 8th. 1803.

Dear Sir: The waggon which was employed by Mr. Linnard [1] (the
Military Agent at Philadelphia) to transport the articles forming my
outfit, passed this place on the 28th. Ult. the waggoner determined
that his team was not sufficiently strong to take the whole of the
articles that had been prepared for me at this place and therfore took
none of them; of course it became necessary to provide some other
means of geting them forward; for this purpose on the evening of the
5th. at Fredericktown I engaged a person with a light two horse-waggon
who promised to set out with them this morning, in this however he
has dissapointed me and I have been obliged to engage a second person
who will be here this evening in time to load and will go on early in
the morning: I shall set out myself in the course of an hour, taking
the rout of Charlestown, Frankfort, Uniontown, and Redstone old fort[2]
to Pittsburgh, at which place I shall most probably arrive on the 15th.

Yesterday I shot my guns and examined the several articles which
had been manufactured for me at this place; they appear to be well
executed.

My complyments to Mr. Harvie, & accept the assureance of my
sincere wishes for your health and happiness.

XXII. XXII

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XXII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 114.]

I enclose you your pocket book left here. if the dirk will appear
passable by post, that shall also be sent when recieved. your bridle
left by the inattention of Joseph in packing your saddle, is too bulky to
go in that way. we have not recieved a word from Europe since you
left us. be so good as to keep me always advised how to direct to you.
accept my affectionate salutations & assurances of constant esteem.

XXIII. XXIII

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XXIII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 115.]

Dear Sir: I dropped you a line on the 11th. inst. and last night
recieved yours of the 8th. last night also we recieved the treaty from
Paris ceding Louisiana according to the bounds to which France had a
right. price 11 ¼ millions of Dollars, besides paying certain debts of
France to our citizens which will be from 1, to 4, millions. I received
also from Mr. La Cepede,[1] at Paris, to whom I had mentioned your
intended expedition a letter of which the following is an extract. "Mr
Broughton, one of the companions of Mr. Vancouver went up Columbia
River 100 miles, in December 1792. he stopped at a point which he
named Vancouver, lat. 45° 27′, longitude 237° 50′ E. here the river
Columbia is still a quarter of a mile wide & from 12 to 36 feet deep.
It is far then to it's head. from this point Mount Hood is seen 20
leagues distant, which is probably a dependence of the Stony mountains,
of which mr Fiedler saw the beginning about lat 40° and the source of
the Missouri river is probably in the Stony mountains. if your nation
can establish an easy communication by rivers, canals & short portages
between N. York for example & the city (they were building) or (to be
built) (for the badness of the writing makes it uncertain which is
meant, but probably the last) at the mouth of the Columbia, what a
route for the commerce of Europe, Asia & America." Accept my
affectionate salutations.

XXIV. XXIV

CLARK ACCEPTS LEWIS'S INVITATION

XXIV. [Rough draft, by Clark. From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and
Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Lewis: I received by yesterday's Mail your letter of the
19th ulto: the contents of which I received with much pleasure. The
enterprise & Mission is such as I have long anticipated & am much
pleased with and as my situation in life will admit of my absence the
length of time necessary to accomplish such an undertaking, I will
cheerfully join you in an "official character" as mentioned in your
letter and partake of all the Dangers Difficulties & fatigues, and I
anticipate the honors & rewards of the result of such an enterprise
should we be successful in accomplishing it. This is an imense undertaking
fraited with numerous dificulties, but my friend I can assure you
that no man lives with whom I would prefer to undertake and share the
Dificulties of such a trip than yourself. I reserve nothing from you
that will add either to yr. profit or satisfaction and shall arrange my
matters as well as I can against your arrival here.

It may be necessary that you inform the president of my acceding to
the proposals, so that I may be furnished with such credentials, as the
nature of the Tour may require, which I suppose had best be forwarded
to Louisville. The objects of this Plan of Government's are great and
appear flattering the means with which we are furnished to carry it
into effect, I think are sufficiently liberal. The plan of operation which
you inform me you intended to pursue (with a small addition as to the
outfit) I highly approve of.

I shall endeavor to engage temporally such men as I think may
answer our purpose but, holding out the Idea as stated in your letter—
the subject of which has been mentioned in Louisville several weeks ago.

Pray write to me by every post, I shall be exceedingly anxious to
know where you are and how you proceed.

With every assurance of sincerity in every respect, and with affn.. yr.. fd..
& H. Srv

XXV. XXV

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XXV. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 100.]

Dear Sir: Yours of the 11th. & 15th. Inst. were duly recieved, the
former on the 18th. inst. the latter on this day. For my pocketbook I
thank you: the dirk could not well come by post, nor is it of any
moment to me, the knives that were made at Harper's ferry will answer
my purpose equally as well and perhaps better; it can therefore be
taken care of untill my return: the bridle is of no consequence at all.
After the reciept of this letter I think it will be best to direct me at
Louisville Kentuckey.

The person who contracted to build my boat engaged to have it in
readiness by the 20th. inst.; in this however he has failed; he pleads his
having been disappointed in procuring timber, but says he has now
supplyed himself with the necessary materials, and that she shall be
completed by the last of this month; however in this I am by no
means sanguine, nor do I believe from the progress he makes that she
will be ready before the 5th. of August; I visit him every day, and
endeavour by every means in my power to hasten the completion of
the work: I have prevailed on him to engage more hands, and he tells
me two others will join him in the morning, if so, he may probably
finish the boat by the time he mentioned: I shall embark immediately
the boat is in readiness, there being no other consideration which at this
moment detains me.

The Waggon from Harper's ferry arrived today, bringing everything
with which she was charged in good order.

The party of recruits that were ordered from Carlisle to this place
with a view to descend the river with me, have arrived with the exception
of one, who deserted on the march, his place however can
be readily supplyed from the recruits at this place enlisted by Lieut.
Hook.

The current of the Ohio is extreemly low and continues to decline,
this may impede my progress but shall not prevent my proceeding, being
determined to get forward though I should not be able to make a greater
distance than a mile pr day.—

XXVI. XXVI

CLARK NOTIFIES JEFFERSON

XXVI. [Rough draft, on third page of the same sheet with Clark's letter to Lewis (doc. no. xxiv),
evidently the scheme of a letter to the President. A partial duplicate of this memorandum appears
again on the fourth page of the sheet, with date above it, "24th.. July."]

I had the Honor of receiving thro' Cap. Lewis an assurance of your
approbation and wish that I would join him in a N. W. Enterprise.

Altho' a Tour of this kind is [two words illegible] dificulties and
dangers I will chearfully join my F. Lewis in the accomplishment of
them, and shall arrange my business so as to be in readiness to set out
in a short time after he arrives here. May I request the favour of you
to forward the inclosed letter to Cap. Lewis should he not be with you?
May I have the pleasure of hering from you?

I am with respt.

XXVII. XXVII

CLARK REITERATES HIS ACCEPTANCE OF
LEWIS'S OFFER

XXVII. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Lewis: I wrote you in answer to your letter of the 19th ulto:
by the last Mail, the contents of which as I before informed you were
truly pleasing to me and such as I heartily join you in. I am arranging
my matters so as to detain but a short time after your arrival here, well
convinced of the necessity of getting as far as possible up the——
this fall to accomplish the object as laid down by yourself and which I
highly approve of.

I have temporally engaged some men for the enterprise of a description
calculated to work & go thro' those labours & fatigues which will
be necessary. Several young men (gentlemen's sons) have applyed to
accompany us. As they are not accustomed to labour and as that is a
verry essential part of the services required of the party, I am cautious
in giving them any encouragement. The newspaper accounts seem to
confirm the report of war in Europe and the session of Louisiana to the
United States and as I think it possible that a confirmation of the session
of Louisiana may have detained you at the City longer than you expected,
I have enclosed a letter to you under cover to Mr. Jefferson. Pray let
me hear from you as often as possible.

Yr. WC.

[The following paragraph in the above rough draft was scratched out:]

My friend I join you with hand & Heart and anticipate advantages
which will certainly arrive from the accomplishment of so vast, Hazidous
& fatiguing enterprise. You no doubt will inform the president of my
determination to join you in an "official Character" as mentioned in
your letter. The Credentials necessary for me to be furnished with
had best be forwarded to this place, and if we set out before their
arrival, to Kaskaskie.

XXVIII. XXVIII

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XXVIII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 101.]

Dear Sir: I have recieved as yet no answer from Mr. Clark: in
the event of Mr. Clark's declining to accompany me Lieut Hooke[1] of
this place has engaged to do so, if permitted; and I think from his
disposition and qualifications that I might safely calculate on being as
ably assisted by him in the execution of the objects of my mission, as
I could wish, or would be, by any other officer in the Army. Lieut.
Hooke is about 26 years of age, endowed with a good constitution,
possessing a sensible well informed mind, is industrious, prudent and
persevering, and withall intrepid and enterprising: he has acted as
Military Agent at this place for a few months past, and of course will
have some public accounts to adjust, tho' he tells me he can settle those
accounts, deliver the public stores to the person who may be directed to
take charge of them, and prepare to go with me, at any time, within the
course of a day or two. Should I recieve no answer from Mr. Clark
previous to my leaving this place, or he decline going with me, I would
be much gratifyed with being authorized to take Lieut. Hooke with me,
first directing him to settle his public accounts, and make such disposition
of the publick stores as the Secretary of War may think proper
to direct. There is a Capt. Reed of the Artly. here, who will probably
not leave this place untill an answer can be recieved, or if he should,
Majr. Craig of Pittsburgh would take charge of the stores untill an
officer could be ordered on for that purpose.

It is probable that you will have left Washington before this letter
can reach that place, and if so, knowing the delay incident to a communication
between yourself and the Secretary of War at such a
distance, and conceiving that it would be necessary that he should
decide whether from the nature of his arrangements Lieut. Hooke could
leave his present station with propriety or not, or his place be supplyed
without injury to the public service, I have thought it best to inclose

this letter to him unsealed, with the request that should you be absent,
he would read it and give me an answer on the subject of it as early as
possible. It is most probable that I shall leave Pittsburgh before an
answer can be returned to this letter, I take the liberty therefore to
suggest, that the answer to me had better be inclosed to Lieut Hooke,
unsealed, with instructions to him that in the event of my absence, he
should read it, and govern himself accordingly. If Lieut. Hooke sets
out twenty days after me, by taking the rout of Limestone, Louisville
and Vincennes he will reach the mouth of the Missourie as early as
I shall.

XXIX. XXIX

LEWIS'S REPLY TO CLARK'S ACCEPTANCE

XXIX. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Clark: Yours of the 19th & 24th U1t.. have been duly received,
and be assured I feel myself much gratifyed with your decision;
for I could neither hope, wish, or expect from a union with any man on
earth, more perfect support or further aid in the discharge of the several
duties of my mission, than that, which I am confident I shall derive
from being associated with yourself.

The articles of every description forming my outfit for this expedition
have arrived in good order; my boat only detains me, she is not
yet compleated tho' the workman who contracted to build her promises
that she shall be in readiness by the last of the next week. The water
is low, this may retard, but shall not totally obstruct my progress being
determined to proceed tho' I should not be able to make greater speed
than a boat's length pr day.

I am pleased to heare that you have engaged some men for this service,
your contract with them had better be with the condition of my
approval, as by the time I shall arrive more will have offered themselves
and a better scelection may of course be made; from the nature of this
enterprise much must depend on a judicious scelection of our men; their
qualifycations should be such as perfectly fit them for the service outherwise
they will reather clog than further the objects in view; on this
principle I am well pleased that you have not admitted or encouraged
the young gentlemen you mention, we must set our faces against all
such applications and get rid of them on the best terms we can, they
will not answer our purposes: if a good hunter or two could be conditionally
engaged I would think them an acquisition, they must however
understand that they will not be employed for the purposes of
hunting exclusively but must bear a portion of the labour in common
with the party.

Sometime in the month of February last a young man by the name of

John Conner residing among the Delleware Indians on White River
offered himself, by letter, to accompany me in the capacity of Interpreter;
I wrote him in answer accepting his services and giving him some
instructions relative to the points at which I wished him to join me as
also to engage one or two Indian hunters for the service—of this letter
I forwarded triplicates by different routs but have never received an
answer: I am personally acquainted with this man and think that we
could not get a person better qualifyed in every respect than he is, and
that it will be advisable to spare no pains to get him. If you cannot
learn that Conner has gone on to Massac Kaskaskia or Illinois,
(which are the places I appointed for his joining me) I think it will be
best for you to hire a man to go to the Delleware Town and enquire
after him, you may offer him 300 dollars a year and find him provisions
and clothing—should he be at the Deleware town and be willing to
engage on these terms he had better come on immediately and join us
at Louisville. He is a trader among the Indians and I think he told
me he lived on White River at the nearest Dellaware town to Fort
Hamilton and distant from that place about 24 miles.

The session of Louisiana is now no [word illegible] on the 14th of
July the President received the treaty from Paris, by which France has
ceded to the U. States, Louisiana according to the bounds to which she
had a wright, price 11 ¼ Millions of dollars, besides paying certain debts
of France to our citizens which will be from one to four millions; the
Western people may now estimate the value of their possessions.

I have been detained much longer than I expected but shall be with
you by the last of this month.

XXX. XXX

CLARK TO JOHN CONNOR

XXX. [Rough draft of a letter by Clark. From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis
and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Sir: Some time in the month of February last you offered your self
by letter to accompany Capt. Meriweather Lewis on n. Western expedition
in the capacity of an Interpreter and informed him that you
resided among the Delleware Indians on White River. Capt. Lewis
wrote you in answer two letters & sent them different routs accepting
of your services and in his letter gave instructions in relation to the
points at which he wished you to join him etc. He has never received
an answer from you on this subject nor heard of your being at the
points at which he wished you to join him. I am (one the official characters
for the Enterprise) equally anxious with Captain Lewis that you
should be one of our party & in the event of your accompanying us as
an Inteptr.. we will give you 300 dollars a year and find you provisions
& clothing.

Should you be willing to engage on those terms you had best come
on immediately & join us at this place.

Captain Floyd the gentleman who will hand you this letter has
Promised to enquire particularly for you. He is a gentleman of great
integrity in whom you may feel the most complete confidence.

20th August 1803

XXXI. XXXI

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XXXI. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 102.]

Dear Sir: It was not untill 7 O'Clock on the morning of the
31st. Ultmo. that my boat was completed, she was instantly loaded,
and at 10 A. M. on the same day I left Pittsburgh, where I had
been moste shamefully detained by the unpardonable negligence of my
boat builder. On my arrival at Pittsburgh, my calculation was that
my boat would be in readiness by the 5th of August; this term however
elapsed and the boat so far from being finished was only partially
planked on one side; in this situation I had determined to abandon the
boat, and to purchase two or three perogues and descend the river in
them, and depend on purchasing a boat as I descended, there being
none to be had at Pittsburgh; from this resolution I was dissuaded first
by the representations of the best informed merchants of that place who
assured me that the chances were much against my being able to procure
a boat below; and secondly by the positive assureances given me
by the boat-builder that she would be ready on the last of the then
ensuing week (the 13th.): however a few days after, according to his
usual custom he got drunk, quarrelled with his workmen, and several
of them left him, nor could they be prevailed on to return: I threatened
him with the penalty of his contract, and exacted a promise of
greater sobriety in future which, he took care to perform with as little
good faith, as he had his previous promises with regard to the boat, continuing
to be constantly either drunk or sick.

I spent most of my time with the workmen, alternately presuading
and threatening, but neither threats, presuasion or any other means
which I could devise were sufficient to procure the completion of the
work sooner than the 31st of August; by which time the water was so
low that those who pretended to be acquainted with the navigation of
the river declared it impracticable to descend it; however in conformity
to my previous determination I set out, having taken the precaution of

sending a part of my baggage by a waggon to this place, and also to
procure a good pilot. my days journey have averaged about 12 miles,
but in some instances, with every exertion I could make was unable to
exceed 4 1/2 & 5 miles pr day. This place is one hundred miles distant
from Pittsburgh by way of the river and about sixty five by land

When the Ohio is in it's present state there are many obstructions
to it's navigation formed by bars of small stones which in some instances
are intermixed with, and partially cover large quntities of driftwood;
these bars frequently extend themselves entirely across the bed
of the river, over many of them I found it impossible to pass even with
my emty boat, without geting into the water and lifting her over by
hand; over others my force was even inadequate to enable me to pass
in this manner, and I found myself compelled to hire horses or oxen
from the neighbouring farmers and drag her over them; in this way I
have passed as many as five of those bars, (or as they are here called
riffles) in a day, and to unload as many or more times. The river is
lower than it has ever been known by the oldest settler in this country.
I shall leave this place tomorrow morning, and loose no time in
getting on.

I have been compelled to purchase a perogue at this place in order to
transport the baggage which was sent by land from Pittsburgh, and also
to lighten the boat as much as possible. On many bars the water in
the deepest part dose not exceed six inches.

I have the honour to be with the most perfect regard and sincere
attatchment,

XXXII. XXXII

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XXXII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 103.]

Dear Sir: I arrived here at 7 P.M. and shall pursue my journey
early tomorrow. This place is one hundred miles distant from Wheeling,
from whence in descending the water is reather more abundant than
it is between that place and Pittsburgh, insomuch that I have been
enabled to get on without the necessity of employing oxen or horses to
drag my boat over the riffles except in two instances; tho' I was
obliged to cut a passage through four or five bars and by that means past
them; this last operation is much more readily performed than you
would imagin; the gravel of which many of these bars are formed, being
small and lying in a loose state is readily removed with a spade, or even
with a wooden shovel and when set in motion the current drives it a
considerable distance before it subsides or again settles at the bottom;
in this manner I have cut a passage for my boat of 50 yards in length
in the course of an hour; this method however is impracticable when
driftwood or clay in any quantity is intermixed with the gravel; in such
cases Horses or oxen are the last resort; I find them the most efficient
sailors in the present state of the navigation of this river, altho' they may
be considered somewhat clumsey.

I have the honour to be with much respect, Your Obt. Servt.

XXXIII. XXXIII

LEWIS TO CLARK

XXXIII. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Clark: After a most tedious and laborious passage from Pittsburgh
I have at length reached this place; it was not until the 31st of
August that I was enabled to take my departure from that place owing
to the unpardonable negligence and inattention of the boat builders who,
unfortunately for me, were a set of most incorrigible drunkards, and
with whom, neither threats, intreaties nor any other mode of treatment
which I could devise had any effect; as an instance of their tardyness
it may serfice to mention that they were 12 days in preparing my poles
and oars.

I here had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 21st of August &
the 11th of Septr.. I am much pleased with the measures you have
taken relative to the engaging the men you mention, as men of that
discription only will answer our purposes; I scarcely suppose that such
as you have conceived not fully qualifyed for this service will by any
means meet my approbation; your ideas in the subject of a judicious
scelection of our party perfectly comport with my own. I have two
young men with me whom I have taken on trial and have not yet
engaged them, but conditionally only, tho' I think they will answer
tolerably well; there are a party of soldiers, 6 or 8 in number, now at
Massac waiting my arrival. They were scelected from the troops in
the state of Tennessee by Majr.. MacRae, perhaps most of these will
answer; I am also authorized to scelect by voluntary engagement any
men from the Companys of Capts.. R & D Bissel's and Stoddart's now
occupying the posts of Massac & Kaskaskias; from these I think we
shall be enabled to form our party without much difficulty; 4 or five
french water-men I conceive will be essential, this we can do I presume
very readily at St. Louis.

The amount of the monthly compensation (or 10$) which you have

mention to the men is precisely what I have calculated on; I shall
cloth and subsist the men I have with me, these will of course form
a proper charge against the U. States and in addition to the monthly
wages of a private will as estimated by the Secretary of War and myself
amount to reather more than 10$ pr.. month.

I do not much regret the loss of Mr. Connor for several reasons
which I shall mention to you when we meet; he has deceived me very
much.

It is probable before the receipt of this letter that I shall be with
you; I shall leave this the day after to-morrow.

Adieu and believe me your very sincere friend and associate
Meriwether Lewis

XXXIV. XXXIV

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XXXIV. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 104.]

Dear Sir: I reached this place on the 28th. Ult., it being necessary
to take in a further supply of provisions here, and finding my men much
fatiegued with the labour to which they had been subjected in descending
the river, I determined to recruit them by giving them a short
respite of a few days; having now obtained the distance of five hundred
miles. on the evening of the 1st. inst. I again dispatched my boat with
Orders to meet me at the Big Bone lick, to which place I shall pass by
land it being distant from hence only seventeen miles while by water
it is fifty three, a distance that will require my boat in the present state
of the water near three days to attain.

The late researches of Dr William Goforth[1] of this place at that
Lick has made it a place of more interesting enquiry than formerly, I
shall therefore seize the present moment to visit it, and set out early
tomorrow morning for that purpose.

Dr. Goforth in the begining of May last with a view to obtain a
complete skeleton of the Mammoth, sunk a pitt 30 feet square and
eleven feet in debth in a moist part of the Big Bone Lick, from which
he obtained a large number of specimens of the bones of this anamal,
tho' generally in a very imperfect and mutilated state; he also obtained
from the same pitt several grinders of the anamal, generally supposed
to be an Elephant from their affinity to the teeth of that anamal, these
last are very perfect; a part of this collection of bones, the Dr. has in
his possession at this place and has been so obliging as to favour me with

an examinetion of them; the other part of the Drs. collection is yet at
the Lick, these he informs me are much more perfect than those he
shewed me particularly the upper portion of a head, and some other
specimens which had been obtained from a small pitt, sunk in a dryer
part of the Lick by a young [man] to whom, in his absence he had
confided the prosecution of his researches; among these specimens the
Dr. also mentioned a tusk of an immence size, the dementions of which
he could not furnish me with, not having yet seen it, but from the
information of his assistant, states it's weight at 180 lbs.; this tusk is
said to be in a good state of preservation. The Dr. informed me that
he had been interdicted by the Agent of Mr. David Ross of Virginia
(the proprietor of the Lick) from removing these bones, as he was also
from the further prosecution of his researches; he is much chagrined
at this occurrence, and seems very anxious that some measures should
be taken by which to induce Mr. Ross to suffer him to prosecute his
enquiries. The Doctr. presented me with two handsome specimens, the
one a grinder of the Elaphant, the other, that of the Mammoth, the
former weighs ten and ½ pounds, the latter I have not weighed, from
the circumstances of its roots being attached to a lump of clay, without
seperating from which, it's weight could not be accurately ascertained;
I concluded it would be better to forward it in it's present state, as the
clay will not only guard this part of the tooth from injury in transporting
it, but will at the same time furnish a good specimen of the earth
of which the lick is formed. Dr. Goforth was so good as to grant me
his permission to take from those bones now at the Lick the large tusk
before noticed, and any other bones that are to be found among his
collection at that place: Capt. Findley who accompanys me to the
Lick says he is well acquainted with the Agent of Mr. Ross, and thinks
he can obtain his permission also for the same purpose; should I
succeed you may expect to recieve through Mr. Trist,[2] this large tusk
together with the two grinders before mentioned, and such other
specimines as I may be enabled to procure, and which, I may think
worthy your acceptance.

All the bones, which I observed in the possession of Dr. Goforth
appear to be those of the Mammoth, accept only the Elephant-like
griners; the most remarkable among them was a portion of the lower
or larger part of a tusk, measuring one foot ten inches in circumpherence

and five feet eight inches in length, the Dr. informed me when
he first obtained it, it was upwards of six feet in length and weighed one
hundred pounds; the greates circumpherence of the tusks of Mr. Peale's
skeleton I believe is not more than one foot six ½ inches. As the
anatomy of the Mammoth has already been so well ascertained by the
skeleton in the possession of Mr. Peal (the upper portion of the head
excepted) I confined my enquiries mearly to a search for this part of
the skeleton, and for such specimens of the tusks as would enable me
to deside a question which appears not yet fully to have been satisfyed
(viz) Whether the flat or sythe-shaped tusks so frequently found
in the same bed with the acknowledged tusks of the Mammoth are the
tusks of that anamal, or a different one?

With regard to the first of these enquiries I was unsuccessful, finding
only one mutilated specimen of the upper portion of the head, the
frontal bone of which was entirely decayed; I was therefore unable to
form any just idea of it's shape; as to the second, I was more fortunate,
obtaining many specimens of both the acknowledged Mammoth tusks,
as well as those of the flat tusks, both in a sound and an imperfect
state; these I compared with attention; but before I proceed to express
an opinion with respect to the homogeniallogy of these tusks I will give
a short description of these specimens, in order Sir, that you may from
thence draw your own inferences, and make your own deductions.

The tusks of the Mammoth were conical, much Curved and also
spiral or twisted; the fragments of whatever portion of the tusk were
homologus to the same part of a complete tusk; when by decay the end
of a section of any large part of the tusk was observed, the ends of the
broken lateral stratas of the lamina, formed a number of circular rings,
each imbracing and inclosing the other from the center to the circumpherence
of the tusk, these rings howver, were of unequal thicknesses;
when perfect the lamina assumes a yellowish white or cream
colour, in it's decayed state it resembles white chalk, both in colour and
consistance (see No. 2 specm. inclosed); the surface of the tusk sometimes
assumes partially a black colour which from it's resemblance to
the Buffalo Horn might on a slite examineation be taken for a similar
substance, but on a more minute investigation it appears to be ivory, or
the common lamina of the tusk, which, has acquired that colour from
some cause, most probably, from the properties of the clay in which
they had been so long deposited, this black Ivory (No. 2) is rarely
more than two lines in thickness, gradually loossing it's hue inwards,
untill it becomes the common colour of the tusk.

The flat or sythe-like tusks assumed a great variety of figures, tho'

uniformily curved; one was flat on both sides, near the large end of
the tusk, where it was connected with the head; this was rendered
conspicuous from the conic concavity common to this part, as well of
the Mammoth, as these tusks at the larger end; and so much was it
flatened, that this end of the tusk was left in a forked shape, while the
smaller end assumed the curved, and connic shape, and was also spiral,
as is that of the Mammoth: several were flated unequally on both sides
near the small extremity of the tusk, the larger end being conical, curved,
and spiral; while others were flat on one side only throughout the whole
extent of the tusk; the lamina of these tusks, whether perfect, decayed
or assuming the horn-like appearance, is the same substance precisely of
the Mammoth tusk; in every instance where the tusk is flatened the
circular rings of lamina are perfect when the diameter of those rings do
not exceed the thickness of the tusk, which last I found unequal in the
different specimens; and when the rings of lamina exceed the thickness
of the tusk they are broken, but still we find the corresponding parts
of these broken rings, attatched to either side of the perfect one, and
succeeding each other throughout the whole width of the tusk; thus
presenting the exact figure of the Mammoth's tusk reduced to a flat
surface on both sides by being grownd down.

I also observed that several bones that were in a good state of
preservation, appeared to have been woarn away in the same manner, or
from the same cause, which had flattened the tusks, particularly a large
grinder of the Mammoth which struck my attention, it was unconnected
with the jawbone; one third of the volume, of this tooth seemed to
have been woarn away, as if reduced on one side by being grown down
to a plane surface; the enamel of the fractured edge appeared to have
given way equally with the bone of the tooth and presented a smooth
surface; no part of this tooth shewed any sharp fracture which, might
induce a belief that it was reduced to it's present shape by a violent or
sudden stroke.

Finding that the upper part of a tusk was flattened which shape it
could not have acquired during the existence of the living anamal, it
being that part of the tusk which by bone or cartilage must have been
united with the head; that in every case where the same specimen
united both the character of the Mammoth and flat tusk, that portion
resembleing the Mammoth tusk was in all respects it's prototipe; that
the tusk of the Mammoth is well defined, and that it's characteristics
strongly mark it; that the lamina of both the flat and the conic tusks,
are invariably the same in similar states of preservation; and that in all
instances where the tusk is flattened the lateral lamina shews evedent

marks of violence, I can therefore have no remaining doubt of these flat
or sythe-like tusks being the tusks of the Mammoth; and from the appearance
of the flatten grinder of the Mammoth before noticed, I am
strongly disposed to believe that these flat tusks of the Mammoth have
acquired that shape in consequence of the sand and gravel passing over
them for a great length of time caused by a runing stream or agitated
water.

The Elephants teeth which I saw in the possession of Dr. Goforth
weigh from four to eleven pounds, and appear to me to precisely
resemble a specimen of these teeth which I saw in the possession of
Dr. Wister of Philadelphia and which if my recollection serves me, Dr.
Wister informed me was found in S. Carolina: the Dr. has since
assured me, that from a comparison of this specimen with the plates
representing the teeth of the Asiatic Elephat contained in the late Vol.
of the British philosophical transactions, that he is perfectly convinced
that it is the tooth of the Asiatic Elephant or an anamal very much
resembling it. Relative to these teeth it may not be unworthy of
remark, that so far as I have been able to inform myself, they are never
found adjacent to the bones of any anamal of their comparative size
except those of the Mammoth; or such as from their affinity to that
anamal have always been admitted to be the bones of the Mammoth.
These teeth are never found attatched to the bones of the jaw; and notwithstanding
the high state of preservation in which those Elephant's
teeth are found, that no other pat of it's fraim should yet have been
discovered is America. From the shape and termination of both
extremities of these grinders they each appear to have completely filled
it's respective jaw-bone.

Not any of the bones or tusks which I saw were petrifyed, either
preserving their primitive states of bone or ivory; or when decayed, the
former desolving into earth, intermixed with scales of the harder of
more indessoluble parts of the bone, while the latter assumed the
appearance of pure white chalk.

I would thank you to forward me some of the Vaxcine matter, as I
have reason to believe from seeveral experiments made with what I have,
that it has lost it's virtue.

Conner, the interpretter I had calculated on engaging, has declined;
however I do not feel much disappointment at this occurrence, being
well assured that a suitable person of that description can be procured at
St. Louis.

So soon Sir, as you deem it expedient to promulge the late treaty,
between the United States and France I would be much obliged by your

directing an official copy of it to be furnished me, as I think it probable
that the present inhabitants of Louisiana, from such an evidence of
their having become the Citizens of the United States, would feel it
their interest and would more readily yeald any information of which
they may be possessed relative to the country than they would be disposed
to do, while there is any doubt remaining on that subject.

As this Session of Congress has commenced earlyer than usual, and
as from a variety of incidental circumstances my progress has been unexpectedly
delayed, and feeling as I do in the most anxious manner a
wish to keep them in a good humour on the subject of the expedicion in
which I am engaged, I have concluded to make a tour this winter on
horseback of some hundred miles through the most interesting portion
of the country adjoining my winter establishment; perhaps it may be
up the Canceze River and towards Santafee, at all events it will bee on
the South side of the Missouri. Should I find that Mr. Clark can with
propiety also leave the party, I will prevail upon him also to undertake
a similar excurtion through some other portion of the country; by this
means I hope and am pursuaded that by the middle of February or 1st.
of March I shall be enabled to procure and forward to you such information
relative to that Country, which, if it dose not produce a conviction
of the utility of this project, will at least procure the further
toleration of the expedition.

It will be better to forward all letters and papers for me in future to
Cahokia.

The water still continues lower in the Ohio than it was ever known.

I am with every sentiment of gratitude and respect, Your, Obt. Servt.

XXXV. XXXV

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON[1] TO CLARK

XXXV. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis]

My Dear Sir—The map mentioned in your letter of the 5th.
Instant had been taken from me by Mr. Jones who claimed it as the
property of Mr. Hay of Cahokia but as it was still in the possession of
Mr. Jones I have had it copied & now send it to you by the Post Rider
whom I have been obliged to detain for that purpose, I hope it will
arrive safe.[2]

Your offer to let me hear from you occasionally I accept with a great
deal of pleasure & I beg of you to let know from Cahokia whether I can
do any thing for you in yr. absence.

The mail of last night brought us the information that the Senate had
advised the ratification of the French Treaty, 24 to 7. There were 8
of the opposition present but Dayton voted with the Majority.

Give my respects to Capt. Lewis & ask him to spend a few days with
me on his return.

XXXVI. XXXVI

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XXXVI. [From original MS, in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 1, vol. 9, doc. 305.]

Dear Sir: I have not written to you since the 11th. & 18th. of July,
since which yours of July 15, 22, 23, Sept. 8, 13, & Oct. 3, have been
recieved. The present has been long delayed by an expectation daily of
getting the inclosed account of Louisiana through the press, the
materials are recieved from different persons, of good authority. I enclose
you also copies of the treaties for Louisiana, the act for taking
possession, a letter from Dr. Wister, & some information obtained by
myself from Printeau's journal in Ms. all of which may be useful to
you. the act for taking possession passes with only some small verbal
variations from that inclosed, of no consequence. orders went from
hence signed by the King of Spain & the first Consul of France, so as
to arrive at Natchez, yesterday evening and we expect the delivery of
the province at New Orleans will take place about the close of the
ensuing week, say about the 25th. inst. Govr. Claiborne is appointed to
execute the powers of Commandant & Intendant, until a regular
government shall be organized here. at the moment of delivering over
the posts in the vicinity of N. Orleans, orders will be dispatched from
thence to those in Upper Louisiana to evacuate & to deliver them
immediately. you can judge better than I can when they may be
expected to arrive at these posts, considering how much you have been
detained by low waters, how late it will be before you can leave Cahokia,
how little progress up the Missouri you can make before the freezing of
the river; that your winter might be passed in gaining much information
by making Cahokia or Kaskaskia your head quarters, & going to St.
Louis & the other Spanish posts that your stores &c. would thereby be
spared for the winter, as your men would draw their military rations, all
danger of Spanish opposition avoided, we are strongly of the opinion
here that you had better not enter the Missouri until the spring, but as
you have a view of all circumstances on the spot, we do not pretend to

enjoin it, but leave it to your own judgment in which we have entire
confidence. one thing however we are decided in: that you must not
undertake the winter excursion which you propose in yours of Oct. 3.
such an excursion will be more dangerous than the main expedition
up the Missouri, & would, by an accident to you, hazard our main
object, which, since the acquisition of Louisiana, interests everybody in
the highest degree. The object of your mission is single, the direct
water communication from sea to sea formed by the bed of the Missouri
& perhaps the Oregon. By having mr. Clarke with you we consider
the expedition double manned, & therefore the less liable to failure,
for which reason neither of you should be exposed to risques by going
off of your line. I have proposed in conversation, & it seems generally
to be assented to, that Congress shall appropriate 10 or 12,000 D. for
exploring the principal waters of the Missipi & Missouri. in that case
I should send a part of the Red river to its head, then to cross over to
the head of the Arcansa, & come down that. a 2d. party for the
Pani & Padouca rivers, & a 3d. perhaps for the Moingona & St. Peters.
as the boundaries of interior Louisiana are the high lands enclosing all the
waters which run into the Missipi or Missouri directly or indirectly, with a
greater breadth on the Gulph of Mexico, it becomes interesting to fix
with precision by celestial observations the longitude & latitude of the
sources of these rivers, and furnishing points in the contour of our new
limits. this will be attempted distinctly from your mission, which we
consider as of major importance, & therefore not to be delayed or
hazarded by any episodes whatever.

The votes of both houses on ratifying and carrying the treaties into
execution have been precisely party votes, except that Genl Dayton has
separated from his friends on these questions & voted for the treaties.
I will direct the National Intelligencer to be forwarded to you for 6.
months at Cahokia or Kaskaskia, on the presumption you will be there.
our friends & acquaintances here & in Albermarle are all well as far as
I have heard: and I recollect no other small news worth communicating;
present my friendly salutations to mr. Clarke, & accept them
affectionately yourself.

XXXVII. XXXVII

ETHNOLOGICAL INFORMATION DESIRED

XXXVII. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.
The handwriting is that of Clark, and apparently is a transcript of instructions from Jefferson.]

Inquiries relitive to the Indians of Louisiana.

1″st Physical History and Medicine

• What is their State of Life as to longivity?
  at what age do both Sexes usially marry?

• How long do the Woman usually succle their Children?

• What is the diet of their Children after they wean them?

• Is polygamy admited among them?

• What is the State of the pulse in both Sexes, Children, grown
  persons, and in old age, by feeling the Pulse Morning, Noon
  & Night &c.?

• What is their most general diet, manner of cooking, time and
  manner of eating; and how doe they preserve their provisions?

• What time do they generally consume in Sleep?

• What are their acute diseases?

• Is rheumatism, Pluricy or bilious fevers known among them? &
  does the latter ever terminate in a vomiting of black matter?

• What are their chronic diseases—are palsy, apoplexy, Epilepsy,
  Madness, the goiture (or Swelled Neck) and the Venereal disease
  known among them?

• What is their mode of treating the Small pox particularly?

• Have they any other disease amongst them, and what are they?

• What are their remidies for their different diseases?

• Are artificial discharges of blood used among them?

• In what manner do they generally induce evacuation?

• Do they ever use Voluntary fasting?

• What is the nature of their baths, and at what time of the day
  do they generally use them

• at what age do their women begin and cease to menstruate?

2″nd Relative to Morrals

• What are the Vices most common among the Indians?

• Do they ever resort to Suicide under the Influence of their passions,
  particularly love?

• Is murder common among them, and do their Laws punish it by
  Death?

• Are the lives of the Wife and Children subject to the Capprice
  of the husband, and father, and in case of the murder by him
  of either do their Laws punish the Culprit with Death?

• Can the crime of murder be paliated by precuniary Considerations?

• do they use any liquor or Substitute to premote intoxication, besides
  ardent Spirits?

• Are they much attached to Spiritous liquors, and is intoxication
  deemed a Crime among them?

• Have they any and what are the punishments of Which their usuages
  admit of—for either crimes

3″rd Relative to Religion

• What affinity is there between their religious ceremonies and those
  of the ancient Jews?

• do they use animal sacrifices in their Worship?

• What are the principal objects of their Worship?

• Do they Consider Mannatoe or the good Spirit & Michimannatoe
  or the bad Spirit as two distinct powers, neither haveing the
  power of Controling the other?

• Do they ever petition the Good Spirit to interfere with his power
  to avert or relieve them from the evils which the bad Spirit
  meditates or is practicing against them

• Do they sacrifice to, or petition the bad Spirit in order to avert
  the pernicious design which they may conceive he has formed
  against them.

• How do they dispose of their dead?

• and with what ceremonies do they inter them?

• do they ever use human sacrifices in any case

• do they Mourn for their disceased friends and what [is] their cerimony
  on Such occasions.

4″th Traditions or National History

• From what quarter of the earth did they emigrate as related to
  them by their ansisters.

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285





• What the cause of their removal and the circumstancies attending
  their peregrination.

• With what savage nations have they formed stricte allyance, or
  those of offensive and Defensive war

• Have they any Monuments to perpetuate national events or the
  memory of a distinguished Chief—and if so what are they?

5″th Agriculture and Domestic economy

• do they obtain by the Cultivation of the Soil their principal
  mantainence?

• what species of grain or pulse do they cultivate?

• what are their implements of husbandry, and in what manner do
  they use them?

• have they any domestic anamals & what are they?

• do their men engage in agriculture or any other domestic employments.

• How do they prepare their culinary and other domistic utensils,
  and what are they?

• At what time do they usually relinquish their hunt and return to
  their Village?

• * What are the esculent plants, and how do they prepare them

• * What are those that are Commonly used by them?

• In what form and of what materials are their Lodges or Houses
  usially built

• Of what does the furniture of those lodges Consist, for the accommodation
  of the necessary avocations of human life eating
  Drinking & Sleeping

• What materials compose, and in what form do they erect their
  temperary tents

• do more that [than] one family inhabit the same lodge and in such
  case, is the furniture of the lodge considered as the common
  property of the inhabitants of it.

6″th Fishing & Hunting

• do those furnish their principal employment?

• do their [tear in MS. probably the word is women] participate in
  the fatigues of either?

• How do they persue, and how take their game?

• What are the employments used for those purposes, how prepare
  [d] & in what manner do they use them?

• How do they preserve, and how prepare the Skins & furs of their
  games when taken for raiment or for Market.

7″th War

• What is the cerimony of declareing war, and making peace; or
  forming alliancies?

• What the cerimony of setting out and the return of the War
  Party?

• do their women ever accompany them on those th[e]ir hostile
  experditions.

• at what season of the year do they usially go to war?

• In what manner are those War parties organized?

• What is their Disipline and die regulations by which they are
  governed?

• do they burn or torture their prisoners?

• do they eat the flesh of their prisoners?

• do they ever adopt their Prisoners as Members of their Nation?

• What are their implements of war, how do they prepare and how
  use them?

8″th Amusements.

• Have they any and what are they?

• do they with a view to amusement only make a feest

• do they play at any games of risk, & what are they?

• Have their women any games particularly to themselves, or do
  they ever engage in those common to the Men

• do they ever dance and what is the cerimony of their Dance

• Have they any music, and what are their musical instruments

9″th Clothing Dress & Orniments

• What garments do their dress usially Consist, in both Sexes?

• What are the Shapes & Materials of those garments?

• In what manner are they Worn?

• What orniments do they use to decorate their person?

• do they use paints of Various Colours on the surface of their
  Skins, and what are the most usial Colours thus used?

• do they tattoe (or scarify) their bodys and on what parts?

• do they imprint with the aids of a sharp pointed instrument and
  some colouring matter any figures on their Skins, and what are
  the part of the body on which they are usially imprinted.

• Which are the usial figures?

Customs & Manners Generally

• In what 'particularly do they differ from those nations in our
  neighbourhood.

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287





• Have they any & what are their festivals or feasts

• What is the cerimony of reciving a Stranger at their Village?

• When publickly recived at the Lodge of the Chief of the Village
  is there any Cerimony afterwards necessary to your admission
  in any other Lodge

Any information of the Indians of Louisiania so far as you may be
inabled, at your Leasure dureing this winter either from Materials which
may be in your possession, or Such as you may have it in your power to
acquire would be most sinceerly acknowledged by me; the Interest you
feel for the extention of General science would I have no doubt more
than any other consideration form your inducement to comply with this
request, and

XXXVIII. XXXVIII

LEWIS TO CLARK

XXXVIII. [From original MS. In possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Captain: Drewyer arrived here last evening from Tennissee
with eight men. I do not know how they may answer on experiment
but I am a little disappointed, in finding them not possessed of more of
the requisite qualifications; there is not a hunter among them. I send
you by Drewyer your cloaths portmanteau and a letter which I received
from St. Louis for you and which did not reach me untill an hour after
Floyd had set out. Drewyer and myself have made no positive bargain,
I have offered him 25$ pr. month so long as he may chuise to continue
with us. Among the party from Tennissee is a blacksmith and House-joiner
—these may be of service in our present situation. If two men
could be spared from building the hutts would it not be better to set
them at sawing of boards. Hennebury informed me that he would be
at Morrison's farm to-day or To-morrow, and that he knew a person in
the neighbourhood who had a whip-saw, and that he would go with any
person you might send to this gentleman and prevail on him to let us
have the uce of the saw. You can obtain corn for the horses by application
to Hennebury or any person who has the care of Morrison's farm.

I shall be obliged to go by St. Louis but will be with you as soon as
possible.

XXXIX. XXXIX

LEWIS TO AUGUSTE CHOUTEAU

XXXIX. [From Billon's Annals of St. Louis(St. Louis, 1886), pp. 384, 385.]

Sir: I have taken the liberty to add to this, additional questions of
a mixed nature relating to Upper Louisiana, your answers to which will
be extremely gratifying, and very gratefully acknowledged.

Your friend and Ob't Servant,

Meriwether Lewis,
Capt. 1st U. S. Regt. Infy.

Mr. Aug's. Chouteau,

Mixed questions relating to Upper Louisiana.

1.

• What is the present population?

2.

• What is the number of Emigrants from the United States into
  this country since the last year, ending Oct. 31, 1803, and what is the
  proportion of this kind of people, to the other free white population of
  Upper Louisiana?

3.

• What number of slaves and other people of colour?

4.

• What is the quantity of land granted, or which is claimed by
  individuals? The nature of the right, or pretensions by which the
  present possessors hold these lands? and the probable proportions of
  the whole amount which is separately held by these respective titles?

5.

• What is the condition of the inhabitants in general in regard to
  wealth? and what kind of property generally constitutes that wealth?

6.

• What is the situation and extent of the several settlements? and
  what is the prospect of each to become the most peopled? that is to
  say (allowing as a rule a family for each mile square) what proportion
  does the remaining population of each settlement bear to the remaining
  number of square miles she contains.

7.

• What is the condition of Agriculture? and what improvements,
  and to what extent, have been made on newly inhabited lands?

8.

• What is the probable amount in dollars of goods annually brought
  into Upper Louisiana? What proportion of them is intended for the
  consumption of her people, and what proportion for her Indian Trade?
  What proportion of all her entries arrives by way of Canada, New
  Orleans, or the United States?

9.

• What is the amount in dollars of the annual exports of Upper
  Louisiana? Of what articles do they consist in, and what proportion
  goes out by each of the routes, Canada, New Orleans, or the United
  States?

10.

• What are the names and nick-names of all the villages of Upper
  Louisiana? Where are they situated? When established, and the
  number of houses and people they contain at present?

11.

• What are your mines and minerals? Have you lead, iron,
  copper, pewter, gypsum, salts, salines, or other mineral waters, nitre,
  stone-coal, marble, lime-stone, or any other mineral substance? Where
  are they situated, and in what quantities found?

12.

• Which of those mines or salt springs are worked? and what
  quantity of metal or salt is annually produced?

13.

• What are the animals, birds and fish of Louisiana? and what
  their form, appearance, habits, dispositions, of those especially that are
  not abundant in the inhabited parts of the country?

XL. XL

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XL. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 1, vol. 10, doc. 1.]

Dear Sir: I wrote you last on the 16th. of Nov. since which I have
recieved no letter from you. the newspapers inform us you left
Kaskaskia about the 8th. of December. I hope you will have recieved
my letter by that day, or very soon after; written in a belief it would
be better that you should not enter the Missouri till the spring; yet not
absolutly controuling your own judgment formed on the spot. we have
not heard of the delivery of Louisiana to us as yet, tho' we have no
doubt it took place about the 20th. of December, and that orders were at
the same time expedited to evacuate the upper posts, troops of ours
being in readiness & under orders to take possession. the change will
probably have taken place before you recieve this letter, and facilitate
your proceeding. I now inclose you a map of the Missouri as far as
the Mendans, 12 or 1500 miles I presume above it's mouth. it is said
to be very accurate having been done by a mr Evans by order of the
Spanish government, but whether he corrected by astronomical observation
or not we are not informed. I hope this will reach you before
your final departure. the acquisition of the country through which you
are to pass has inspired the public generally with a great deal of interest
in your enterprise. the enquiries are perpetual as to your progress.
The Fed.[eralists] alone still treat it as philosophism and would rejoice
in it's failure. their bitterness increases with the diminution of their
numbers and despair of a resurrection. I hope you will take care of
yourself, and be the living witness of their malice and folly. present
my salutations to mr Clarke, assure all your party that we have our
eyes turned on them with anxiety for their safety & the success of their
enterprise. accept yourself assurances of sincere esteem & attachment.

XLI. XLI

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

XLI. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 1, vol.10, doc. 8.]

Dear Sir: My letters since your departure have been July 11 & 15,
Nov. 16, and Jan. 13, yours recieved are of July 8, 15, 22, 25, Sept.
25, 30, & Oct. 3, since the date of the last we have no certain information
of your movements, with mine of Nov. 16, I sent you some
extracts made by myself from the journal of the agent of the trading
company of St. Louis up the Missouri. I now inclose a translation of
that journal in full for your information. in that of the 13t. inst. I inclosed
you the map of a mr Evans, a Welshman, employed by the
Spanish government for that purpose, but whose original object I believe
had been to go in search of the Welsh Indians said to be up the
Missouri. on this subject a mr Rees of the same nation established in
the Western part of Pennsylvania, will write to you. N. Orleans was
delivered to us on the 20th. of Dec. and our garrisons & government
established there. the order for the delivery of the Upper posts were
to leave N. Orleans on the 28th. and we presume all those posts will be
occupied by our troops by the last day of the present month. when
your instructions were penned, this new position was not so authentically
known as to effect the complection of your instructions. being
now become sovereigns of the country, without however any diminution
of the Indian rights of occupency we are authorised to propose to them
in direct terms the institution of commerce with them. it will now be
proper you should inform those through whose country you will pass, or
whom you may meet, that their late fathers, the Spaniards have agreed
to withdraw all their troops from all the waters & country of the
Missisipi and Missouri, that they have surrendered to us all their subjects
Spanish and French settled there, and all their posts & lands:
that henceforward we become their fathers and friends, and that we
shall endeavor that they shall have no cause to lament the change:
that we have sent you to enquire into the nature of the country & the

nations inhabiting it, to know at what places and times we must establish
stores of goods among them, to exchange for their peltries: that
as soon as you return with the necessary information we shall prepare
supplies of goods and persons to carry them and make the proper establishments:
that in the meantime, the same traders who reside among
or visit them, and who are now a part of us, will continue to supply
them as usual: that we shall endeavor to become acquainted with them
as soon as possible and that they will find in us faithful friends and
protectors. although you will pass through no settlements of the Sioux
(except seceders) yet you will probably meet with parties of them. on
that nation we wish most particularly to make a friendly impression,
because of their immense power, and because we learn they are very
desirous of being on the most friendly terms with us.

I inclose you a letter which I believe is from some one on the part
of the Philosophical society. they have made you a member, and your
diploma is lodged with me: but I suppose it safest to keep it here &
not to send it after you. mr Harvie departs tomorrow for France as
the bearer of the Louisiana stock to Paris. Capt. William Trent takes
his place with me. Congress will probably continue in session through
the month of March. your friends here and in Albemarle as far as I
recollect are well. Trist will be the Collector of N. Orleans, & his
family will go to him in the spring. Dr. Bache[1] is now in Philadelphia
& probably will not return to N. Orleans.

Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of affectionate esteem &
respect.

XLII. XLII

LEWIS TO CLARK

XLII. [From original MS. In Possession of Mrs. John Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

My Dear Friend: Not anything of moment has occurred since
you left us. My detention has been caused by a visitation on the 13th
& 14 inst. from a principal Chief of the Kickapoo nation, whom I
have been anxious to see for some time past for several reasons, as also
the arrival of the contractor with whom some little arrangements were
necessary; being disappointed in geting down to the ball on the 14th
and finding more to do when I began to look about me than I had
previously thought of I determined it would be as well to go to work
and postpone my visit to Cahokia & St. Louis a few days.

If Mr. Manuei [Lisa] will let us have the men you mention, pray
engage them immediately, if you think from their appearance and
characters they will answer the purpose.

My complyments to Mr. C. Chouteau and inform him if you pleasce
that nothing has given me more pleasure than the proposition he has
made to you on the subject of the Osages—that as he wishes every
circumstance in relation to this affair shall be kept a profount secret. I
wish him not only to bring in some of those Chiefs (the number hereafter
to be agreed on) but wish him to attend them to the seat of the
Government of the U. States provided he can make it convenient to do
so; I presume the Chiefs would come more readily provided Mr.
Chouteau would make them a promise to that effect; I am as anxious
as Mr. C. can be that he should set out on this mission as early as
possible, and shall therefore be with you the day after tomorrow for
the purpose of conscerting the necessary measures. My complyments
to the Govr., Lassuse and Monsr.. Dabuke & Mon rs- Gratiott and A.
Chouteau—not foregetting my most profound respects to Meam Manuel.

XLIII. XLIII

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

XLIII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 106.]

Dear Sir: I send you herewith inclosed, some slips of the Osages
Plum, and Apple. I fear the season is too far advanced for their success.
had I earlyer learnt that these fruits were in the neighbourhood, they
would have been forwarded at a more proper time. I would thank you
to send a part of them to Messrs. John Mason, & William Hamilton.
should they not succeed, Mr. Charles Gratiot, a gentleman of this place,
has promised me that he would with pleasure attend to the orders of
yourself, or any of my acquaintancies, who may think proper to write
him on the subject. Mr. Gratiot can obtain the young plants at the
proper season, and send them very readily to Mr. Trist if requested to
do so. I obtained the cuttings, now sent you, from the garden of Mr.
Peter Choteau, who resided the greater portion of his time for many
years with the Osage nation. it is from this gentleman, that I obtained
the information I possess with respect to these fruits.

The Osage's Plum appears to be a native of the country bo[r]dering on
the vilages of that nation, situated on the Osage river, a south branch
of the Missouri, about two hundred and sixty miles West from St. Louis.
the shrub, which produces this fruit is remakably small, seldom rising to
a greater hight than five feet; it is much branc[h]ed and the smaller
boughs are armed with long thorn-like or pinated twigs; in their native
state they grow very thickly together, and I think from their appearance.
might with a little attention, be made to form an ornimental and usefull
hedg. they produce their fruit every year, and generally in great
abundance. the fruit is a large oval plum, of a pale yellow colour and
exquisite flavor. with other fruits of this family it's matrix is comparitively
small; it comes to maturity about the begining of July, and begins
to ripen in succession on the same plant until the 20th. or last of that
month.

The Osage Apple is a native of the interior of the continent of North
America, and is perhaps a nondiscript production, the information I
have obtained with respect to it is not so minute as I could wish, nor
such as will enable me to discribe it in a satisfactory manner. Mr. Peter
Coteau, who first introduced this tree in the neighbourhood of St. Louis,
about five years since, informed me, that he obtained the young plants
at the great Osage vilage from an Indian of that nation, who said he
procured them about three hundred miles west of that place. the
general contour of this tree, is very much that of the black haw, common
to most parts of the U States, with these diferences however,
that the bark is of a lighter colour, less branced and arrives to a larger
size, somtimes rising to the hight of thirty feet. it's smaller branches
are armed with many single, long, & sharp, pinated thorns. the particular
form of the leaf or flower I have been unable to learn. so
much do the savages esteem the wood of this tree, for the purpose of
making their bows, that they travel many hundred miles in quest of it.
The particulars with respect to the fruit, is taken principally from the
Indian discription;—my informant never having seen but one specimen
of it, which was not full ripe, and much shrivled and mutilated before
he saw it. the Indians give an extravigant account of the exquisite
odour of this fruit when it has obtained maturity, which takes place the
latter end of summer, or the begining of Autumn. they state, that at
this season they can always tell by the scent of the fruit when they
arrive in the neighbourhod of the tree, and usually take advantage of
this season to obtain the wood; as it appears not be a very abundant
growth, even in the country where it is to be found an opinion prevails
among the Osages, that the fruit is poisonous, tho' they acknowledge
they have never tasted it. They say that many anamals feed on it, and
among others, a large species of Hare,[1] which abounds in that country.
This fruit is the size of the largest orange, of a globular form, and a
fine orange colour. the pulp is contained in a number of conacal
pustules, covered with a smooth membranous rind, having their smaller
extremities attached to the matrix, from which they project in every
direction, in such manner, as to form a compact figure. the form and
consistancy of the matrix and germ, I have not been able to learn. the
trees which are in the possession of Mr Choteau have as yet produced
neither flowers nor fruit.—

I have the honour to be with sincere esteem

XLIV. XLIV

SERGEANT JOHN ORDWAY TO HIS PARENTS

XLIV. [Original MS. in possession of his grand-niece, Mrs. E. Ordway, whose transcript is here followed.
Apparently the original has been closely adhered to.]

Honored Parents: I now embrace this oportunity of writing to
you once more to let you know where I am and where I am going. I
am well thank God and in high Spirits. I am now on an expedition to
the westward, with Capt Lewis and Capt Clark, who are appointed by
the President of the united States to go on an Expedition through the
interior parts of North America, we are to ascend the Missouri River
with a boat as far as it is navigable and then go by land to the western
ocean, if nothing prevents. This party consists of 25 picked men of
the armey and country likewise and I am so happy as to be one of them
picked men from the armey and I and all the party are if we live to
return to receive our discharge when ever we return again to the united
States if we choose it. This place is on the Mississippi River opposite
to the mouth of the Missouri River and we are to start in ten days
up the Missouri River, this has been our winter quarters, we expect
to be gone 18 months or two years, we are to receive a great
reward for this expedition 15 dollars a month and at least 400 ackers
of first rate land and if we make great discoveries as we expect the
united States has promised to make us great rewards, more than we
are promised, for fear of accidents I wish to inform you that [then
follow personal matters].

I have received no letters since Betseys yet but will write next
winter if I have a chance.

XLV. XLV

LEWIS TO CLARK

XLV. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Friend: I cannot hear of or find the hair pipes. The articles
you sent by Sergt. Floyd wer duly received. The mail has not arrived.
The Osages will set out about the 10th.. I return you the memorandum
you inclosed me with remarks on several particulars therein contained.
I send you 19 small flaggs, 16 musquetoe nets and our shirts—pray send
down as soon as possible 13 Ells of the brown linin purchased of
Morrison to replace that quantity borrowed of Mr. Gratiott, also the
case with the maps, and the specimines of salt which you will find in
my writing desk, on the shelves where our books are, or in the drawer
of the instrument case.

The pay of the men will commence from the dates of their last
inlistments and will be made up to the last of November 1804 at the
regular wages of soldiers & Sergts. &c—including the bounty of such
as are intitled to it which is not the case with those whose former
inlistments did not expire before the said 31st of November. Other
receipt rolls will be made out for 5 dollars pr month as an advance on
the score of Cloathing and provisions not furnished by the government
—this to commence with those inlisted in Kentucky from the dates of
their inlistments, all others from the 1st of January 1804. Mr. Choteau
has procured seven engaged to go as far as the Mandanes—but they
will not agree to go further, and I found it impossible to reduce them to
any other engagement than that usually made with those people.

XLVI. XLVI

ARTICLES FORWARDED TO JEFFERSON

XLVI. [From original MS. by Lewis, in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 105.]

The following is a list of Articles forwarded you by Mr. Peter
Chouteau.

Minerals

No. 1.

• A specimen of Silver Oar from Mexico

No. 2.

• ditto of lead, supposed to contain a
  considerable quantity of Silver,—
  from Mexico

  These were presented
  me by Mr.
  Peter Chouteau,
  who received them
  from the Osage Indians.
  They having
  collected them
  in some of their
  War excursions into
  that Country.

No. 3.

• An elegant Specimen of Rock Chrystal,
  also from Mexico—

Nos. 4. & 5.

• Specimens of led Oar from the Bed of the Osage
  River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

  Presented by Mr.
  Boilevin and Mr.
  Peter Chouteau

Nos 6, 7–8–9–10–11–12 14–& 15.

• Specimens of led oar from
  the mine of Berton, Situate on the Marimec River,
  now more extensively Wrought than any other led Mine
  in Louisiana

Miscellanious
Articles—

• A horned Lizzard, a native of the Osage Plains, on
  the Waters of the Arkansas River, from five to six
  hundred miles West of Saint Louis, in a small Trunk—

  presented by
  Mrs. Charles
  Gratiott

• A Specimen of Salt formed by concretion, procured at
  the great Saline of the Osage Nation, Situate on a
  Southern branch of the Arkansas River, about six hundred
  Miles West of St. Louis.—

  presented by
  Mr. August
  Chouteau

Maps &c

• A Chart of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the Missouri,
  to New Orleans compiled from the observations
  of Mr. August [Chouteau? MS. trimmed off at this
  point.—Ed.]

  August

XLVII. XLVII

CLARK TO MAJOR WILLIAM CROGHAN[1]

XLVII. [From transcript furnished by Mrs. Eva Emery Dye, Oregon City, Oregon.]

Dear Sir: By Captain Lewis who arrived from St. Louis today I
had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 2nd inst. and am happy
to hear of the recovery of your family and my brother whom I was
much concerned about. I am sorry to hear that the negroes of the
estate of Wm. Thruston's hired so low, perhaps they may hire for
more the next year. My friend Captain Lewis expressed some sorrow
that you happened not to be at home at the time he passed down, but
hopes to see you on his return to the United States. As to myself I
have and shall always have that brotherly affection for you which you
are well assured I always professed and hope in less than two years
to see you and that family of yours whom I have every affection for,
at your own home. My route is uncertain. I think it more than
probable that Captain Lewis or myself will return by sea, the other
by the same route we proceed. the time is uncertain, all the alterations
which I did not inform you of have been made since I saw you and
the law authorizing the president to explore the country &c. has just
come to my knowledge. I have been at this place five days waiting
for Captain Lewis who has been detained at St. Louis to fix off the
Osage chiefs. he has just arrived and we shall leave this village
immediately and proceed on our journey. We have had a great deal
of rain, thunder and lightning, with wind for several days, past which
discommodes us a little in setting out.

The politeness of the gentlemen of the place and about 12 or 15
who came from St. Louis to see us set out and are constantly with us

prevents me giving you at this time a description of the country, river
or the occurrences which have or may happen.

Captain Lewis joins me in this most sincere wish for your, my sister
and the families health and happiness for many years.

XLVIII. XLVIII

INDIAN SPEECHES AND DATA

XLVIII. [From original MSS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow
Voorhis. Loose sheets in Clark's handwriting, interesting as notes evidently taken during the progress
of councils, and afterwards expanded in the text of the journals.]

(Ricary)

October the 11th Thursday 1804 we met in Council to hear what
the Grand Chief Kakawissassa had to say in answer to the speech of
yesterday.[1]

The Grand Chief rose and spoke as follows i, e. My Fathers! My
heart is glader than it ever was before to see my fathers, a repetition.
If you want the road open no one can provent it It will always be
open for you. Can you think any one Dare put their hands on your
rope of your boat.[2] No ! not one dar When you get to the Mandans
we wish you to speak good words with that nation for us. We wish to
be at peace with them. It gives us pain that we do not know how to
work the Beaver. We will make Buffalow roabs the best we can.
When you return if I am living you will see me again the same man.
The Indian in the prarie know me and listen to my words, when you
[come] they will meet to see you. We shall look at the river with
impatience for your return. Finishd

2nd. Chief Ricarey[3]

My Father, I am glad to see this is a fine Day to here [hear] the good
Councils & talk good talk. I am glad to See you & that your intentions
are to open the road for all We See that our Grand [great] father has
sent you to open the roads we See it Our Grand father by sending
you means to take pity on us Our Grand father has sent you with

tobacco to make peace with all nations, we think [we are] The first
nation who has recommended the road to be clear and open. You
come here & have Directed all nations which you have met to open
& clear the road. If you come to see the Water & roads to clear them
as clear as possible You just now come to see us, & we wish you to
tell our Grand far that we wish the road to be kept clear & open I
expect the Chief in the next Town will tell you the same to move on
& open the road I think when you have saw the nation below the[y]
wish you to open the road, or something to that amount When you
pass'd the Souix they told you the same I expect. We See you here
to day we are pore our women have no strouds [4] & knives to Cut
their meats take pitty on us when you return You Come here &
Derect us to stay at home & not to go to war, we shall do so, we
hope you will when you get to the Mandins you will tell them the same
& cleer the road, no one Dar to stop you, you go when you please,
you tell us to go down, we will go and see our grand father & here
& receve his gifts, and think fully that our nation will be covered after
our return, our people will look for us with the same impatience that
our Grand father looks for your return, to Give him. If I am going
to See my grand father many bad nations on the road, I am not afraid
to Die for the good of my people (all Cried around him.) The Chief
By me will go to the Mandans & hear what they will Say. (we agreed)
The verry moment we Set out to go down we will send out my Brother
to bring all the Nation in the open prarie to see me part on this great
mission to see my Great father Our people hunters shall be glad to
here of your being here & they will all come to see as you Cannot
stay they must wate for your return to see you. We are pore take
pity on our wants.

The road is for you all to go on who do you think will injure a
white man when they come to exchange for our Roabes & Beaver
After you set out many nations in the open plains may come to make
war against us, we wish you to stop their guns & prevent it if possible.
(Finished)

3d. Chief of Ricares.[5]

My father—I will see the Indians below & see if they have the
hart as they tell you. The nation below is the Mandan Maha &
Otteau but one nation, the Souix has not a good heart I always look
at the 1t Chief & the 2d where they go I will also follow ther example

& go on also. You see those 2 men they are chiefs, when I go they
will take care, they beleve your words. Mabie we will not tell the
trooth as to the Child perhaps they will not wish to go. My Childen
the old women & men when I return I can then give them, some a
knife some powder & others Ballse. What is the matter if we was to
go for nothing my great Chief wish to go, I wish to go also. When
I go to See my Grand father I wish to return sune for fear of my people
being uneasy. My children are small & perhaps will be uneasy when
I may be safe. I must go. I also wish to go, perhaps I may when I
return make my people glad.

I will Stay at home & not go to War even if my people are struck
We will believ your word but I fear the Indians above will not believe
your word. I will think that ½ of the men who will return will stay
in this Village ½ below in the other villages.

What did the Seaus tell you (We informed them)

Ricare Name for Dift Nations.[6]

Shar ha or Dog [Cheyenne] Indians 3 in the open Prarie Work
Ki a wah Kun na war wish Wa na sar wer War too che work
koo Au nah how Te pah cus Car tar kah All those nations live
the West & South West of the Rickery nation.

Mandans.

Ka gar no mogh ge[7] the 2d Chief of the 2d Village of Mandam came
the 30t of Oct. and spoke to us as follows. Viz Will you be so good
as to go to the Village the Grand Chief will speek and give some
corn, if you will let some men take bags it will be well. I am going
with the Chief of the ricares to smoke a pipe with that nation I concluded
to go down.[8]

Mockeson Indians[9]

The principal Chief of the Wau te soon came and spoke a fiew words
on Varios subjects not much to the purpose. We smoked and after
my shooting the air gun he departed. Those nations know nothing
of regular councils, and know not how to proceed in them, they are
useless.

Black Cat or Pose. cop-sa-he! 1st.. Chief of the Mandans & [chief of]
2d Village.[10]

"I believe what you have told us in Council, & that peace will be
general, which not only gives me pleasure, but satisfaction to all the
nation, thy now can hunt without fear, and our women can work in
the fields without looking everry moment for the enimey" as to the
Ricares we will show you that we wish piace with all, and do not make
[war] on any with out cause, that Chief (pointing to the 2d of the
Village) and some young men will accompany the Ricrea Chief home
to his Nation to smoke with that people. When the Indian of the
Different Villages heard of your comeing up they all came in from
hunting to see they expected Great presents. they were disapointed
and some dissatisfied. as to my self I am not much so, but my village
are– He believed the roade was open: and he would go and See his
great father. he Delivered up 2 Traps which had been taken from the
french, & gave me a roabe & about 12 bushels of corn & smoked.

I answered the speech as explained, many parts which he could not
understand—of the speech of yesterday.

The 1 of Nov. Mandins 1st Village[11]

The Main Chief Big White & 2 others i. e. the Big Man or Sha-ha-ca
and Oh-hee-nar came early to talk, and spoke as follows, after smoking
viz.

Is it certain that the ricares intend to make good [peace] with us
our wish is to be at peace with all, we will send a Chief with the
pania Chief and some young men to smoke and make good peace?
are you going to stay abov or below [during] this Cold [season?]
answer by C.[aptain]L We are going down a few miles to look
[for] a place we can find no place abov proper

The panias know's we do not begin the war, they allway begin,
we sent a Chief and a pipe to the Pania to smoke and they killed them.
We have killed enough of them We kill them like the birds, we do
not wish to kill more, we will, make a good peace

We were sorry when we heard of your going up but now you are
going down, we are glad, if we eat you shall eat, if we Starve you
must Starve also, our village is too far to bring the corn to you, but
we hope you will call on us as you pass to the place you intend to stop.
C[aptain] L[ewis] answered the above.

XLIX. XLIX

LEWIS AND CLARK TO THE NORTH WEST COMPANY

XLIX. [Letter sent by Lewis and Clark through Hugh M'Cracken, the trader met at the Mandan
villages. The original came into the possession of Roderic McKenzie, of Assiniboin; he sent a
copy to Jason Chamberlain, of the University of Vermont, who in February, 1812, forwarded it
to the editor of the Philadelphia Portfolio, in which it was published in May following—vol. vii,
no. 5, pp. 448, 449. Obviously, the document as published has been editorially "improved "over
the original.]

Sir: On our arrival at this Mandane Village, the 26th instant, we
met with Mr. Hugh M'Crachen, who informed us that he was in some
measure employed by you in behalf of the North West Company, to
traffic with the natives of this quarter; the return of the man to your
parts affords us the means of making, thus early, the present communication;
the contents of which we would thank you to make known, as
early as possible, to those engaged, and traders immediately under your
direction, as also, if convenient, to the principal representatives of any
other company of his Britannic Majesty's subjects, who may reside or
trade in this quarter.

We have been commissioned and sent by the government of the
United States for the purpose of exploring the river Missouri, and
the western parts of the continent of North America, with a view to the
promotion of general science. Your government have been advised of
the voyage and its objects, as the enclosed copy of a passport, granted
by Mr. Edward Thornton, his Britannic Majesty's charge d'affaires to
the United States, will evidence.

The cold season having now nearly arrived, we have determined to
fortify ourselves, and remain the ensuing winter, in the neighbourhood
of this place. During our residence here, or future progress on our
voyage, we calculate that the injunctions contained in the passport
before mentioned will, with respect to ourselves, govern the conduct of
such of his Brintannic Majesty's subjects as may be within communicative
reach of us. As individuals, we feel every disposition to cultivate

the friendship of all well-disposed persons; and all that we have at this
moment to ask of them, is a mutual exchange of good offices. We
shall, at all times, extend our protection as well to British subjects as
American citizens, who may visit the Indians of our neighbourhood,
provided they are well-disposed; this we are disposed to do, as well
from the pleasure we feel in becoming serviceable to good men, as
from a conviction that it is consonant with the liberal policy of our
government, not only to admit within her territory the free egress and
regress of all citizens and subjects of foreign powers with which she is
in amity, but also to extend to them her protection, while within the
limits of her jurisdiction.

If, sir, in the course of the winter, you have it in your power to
furnish us with any hints in relation to the geography of the country,
its productions, either mineral, animal, or vegetable, or any other
information which you might conceive of utility to mankind, or which
might be serviceable to us in the prosecution of our voyage, we should
feel ourselves extremely obliged by your furnishing us with it.

L. L

LEWIS TO HIS MOTHER

L. [Original MS. is in possession of the oldest living representative of Meriwether Lewis's family,
C. Harper Anderson, of Ivy Depot, Virginia. The following is from his transcript thereof, which
has evidently been modernized in several particulars.]

Dear Mother:—I arrived at this place on the 27th. of Oct. last,
with party under my command destined to the Pacific Ocean, by way of
the Missouri and Columbia rivers. The near approach of winter, the
low state of the water and the known scarcity of timber which exists
on the Missouri for many hundred miles above the Mandans, together
with many other considerations equally important, determined my friend
and companion Capt. Clark and myself to fortify ourselves and remain
for the winter in the neighborhood of the Mandans, Minetares and
Ahwaharways, who are the most friendly and well disposed savages that
we have yet met with. Accordingly we sought and found a convenient
situation for our purposes a few miles below the villages of these people
on the north side of the river in an extensive and well timbered bottom,
where we commenced the erection of our houses on the 2d. of
Nov. and completed them so far as to put ourselves under shelter on
the 21st. of the same month, by which time the season wore the aspect
of winter. Having completed our fortify [cation] early in Dec. we
called it Fort Mandan, in honor of our friendly neighbors. So far we
have experienced more difficulties from the navigation of the Missouri
than danger from the savages. The difficulties which oppose themselves
to the navigation of this immense river arise from the rapidity
of its currents, its falling banks, sand bars and timber which remains
wholly or partially concealed in its bed, usually called by the navigators
of the Missouri, and the Mississippi "sawyer "or "planter," one of
these difficulties the navigator never ceases to contend with from the
entrance of the Missouri to this place; and in innumerable instances
most of these obstructions are at the same instant combined to oppose

his progress or threaten his destruction. To these we may also add a
fifth, and not much less inconsiderable difficulty—the turbed quality of
the water—which renders it impracticable to discover any obstruction,
even to the depth of a single inch. Such is the velocity of the current
at all seasons of the year, from the entrance of the Missouri to the
mouth of the great river Platte, that it is impossible to resist its force
by means of oars or poles in the main channel of the river; the eddies
which therefore generally exist on one side or the other of the river, are
sought by the navigators, but these are almost universally encumbered
with concealed timber, or within reach of the falling banks, but notwithstanding,
are usually preferable to that of passing along the edges of the
sand bars, over which the water, tho' shallow, runs with such violence
that if your vessel happens to touch the sand, or is by any accident
turned sidewise to the current, it is driven on the bar and overset in an
instant, generally destroyed, and always attented with the loss of the
cargo. The base of the river banks being composed of a fine light
sand, is easily removed by the water. It happens when this capricious
and violent currents set against its banks, which are usually covered with
heavy timber, it quickly undermines them, sometimes to the depth of 40
or 50 paces, and several miles in length. The banks being unable to
support themselves longer tumble into the river with tremendous force,
destroying everything within their reach. The timber thus precipitated
into the water with large masses of earth about their roots are seen drifting
with the stream, their points above the water, while the roots, more
heavy, are dragged along the bottom until they become firmly fixed in
the quick sand, which forms the bed of the river, where they remain for
many years, forming an irregular tho' dangerous chevaux-de-frise to
oppose the navigator. This immense river, so far as we have yet ascended,
waters one of the fairest portions of the globe, nor do I believe
there is in the universe a similar extent of country equally fertile, well
watered, and intersected by such a number of navigable streams. The
country as high up the river as the mouth of the river Platte, a distance
of 630 miles, is generally well timbered. At some little distance above
this river the open or prairie country commences. With respect to this
open country, I have been agreeably disappointed. From previous information
I had been led to believe that it was barren, sterile and sandy;
but, on the contrary, I found it fertile in the extreme, the soil being
from one to twenty feet in depth, consisting of a fine black loam, intermixed
with a sufficient quantity of sand only to induce a luxuriant
growth of grass and other vegetable productions, particularly such as are
not liable to be much injured, or wholly destroyed by the ravages of the
fire. It is also generally level, yet well watered, in short, there can
exist no other objection to it, except that of the want of timber, which
is truly a very serious one. This want of timber is by no means attributable
to a deficiency in the soil to produce it, but owes its origin to
the ravages of the fires, which the natives kindle in these plains at all
seasons of the year. The country on both sides of the river, except
some of its bottom lands, for an immense distance is one continued open
plain, in which no timber is to be seen except a few detatched and scattered
copse, and clumps of trees, which, from their moist situation, or
the steep declivities of hills, are sheltered from the effects of fire. The
general aspect of the country is level so far as the perception of the
spectator will enable him to determine, but from the rapidity of the
Missouri, it must be considerably elevated, as it passes to the N. West;
it is broken only on the borders of the water courses. Game is very
abundant, and seems to increase as we progress—our prospect of
starving is therefore consequently small. On the lower portion of the
Missouri, from its junction with the Mississippi to the entrance of the
Osage river we met with some deer, bear and turkeys. From thence
to the Kancez river the deer were more abundant. A great number of
black bear, some turkeys, geese, swan and ducks. From thence to the
mouth of the great river Platte an immense quantity of deer, some bear,
elk, turkeys, geese, swan and ducks. From thence to the river S[ioux]
some bear, a great number of elks, the bear disappeared almost entirely,
some turkeys, geese, swan and ducks. From thence to the mouth of
the White river vast herds of buffalo, elk and some deer, and a greater
quantity of turkeys than we had before seen, a circumstance which I
did not much expect in a country so destitute of timber. Hence to
Fort Mandan the buffalo, elk and deer increase in quantity, with the
addition of the cabie [cabra], as they are generally called by the French
engages, which is a creature about the size of a small deer. Its flesh is
deliciously flavored. The ice in the Missouri has now nearly disappeared.
I shall set out on my voyage in the course of a few days. I
can foresee no material obstruction to our progress and feel the most
perfect confidence that we shall reach the Pacific ocean this summer.
For myself, individually, I enjoy better health than I have since I commenced
my voyage. The party are now in fine health and excellent
spirits, are attached to the enterprise and anxious to proceed. Not a
whisper of discontent or murmur is to be heard among them. With
such men I feel every confidence necessary to insure success. The
party, with Capt. Clark and myself, consists of thirty-one white persons,
one negro man, and two Indians. The Indians in this neighborhood
[assert] that the Missouri is navigable nearly to its source, and that
from a navigable part of the river, at a distance not exceeding a half a
days march, there is a large river running from south to north along the
western base of the Rocky Mountains, but as their war excursions have
not extended far beyond this point, they can give no account of the
discharge or source of this river. We believe this stream to be the
principal South Fork of the Columbia river, and if so, we shall probably
find but little difficulty in passing to the ocean. We have subsisted
this winter on meat principally, with which our guns have furnished us
an ample supply, and have, by that means, reserved a sufficient stock
of the provisions we brought with us from the Illinois to guard us
against accidental want during the voyage of the present year. You
may expect me in Albemarle about the last of next Sept.—twelve
months. I request that you will give yourself no uneasiness with respect
to my fate, for I assure you that I feel myself perfectly as safe as
I should do in Albemarle, and the only difference between three or
four thousand miles and 130 is that I can not have the pleasure of seeing
you as often as I did while at Washington.

I must request of you before I conclude this letter, to send John
Marks[1] to the college of Williamsburgh as soon as it shall be thought
that his education has been sufficiently advanced to fit him for that seminary;
for you may rest assured that as you regard his future prosperity
you had better make any sacrifice of his property than suffer his education
to remain neglected or incomplete. Give my love to my brothers
and sisters and all my neighbors and friends, and rest assured yourself
of the most devoted filial affection of yours,

LI. LI

CLARK TO JEFFERSON

LI. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Sir—It being the wish of Capt. Lewis I take the liberty to send you
for your own perusal the notes which I have taken in the form of a
journal in their original state. You will readily perceive in reading over
those notes that many parts are incorrect, owing to the variety information
received at different times. I most sincerely wish that leasure had
permited me to offer them in a more correct form. Receive I pray you
my unfained acknowledgments for your friendly recollection of me in
your letters to my friend and companion Capt. Lewis, and be assured
of the sincere regard with which I have the honor to be your most Obt
& Humble Servt.

[Endorsed:] Copy to the President.

LII. LII

CLARK TO WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON

LII. [From the Baltimore Telegraphe and Daily Advertiser, July 25, 1805.][1]

Dear Sir, By the return of a party which we send from this place
with dispatches, I do myself the pleasure of giving you a summary view
of the Missouri, &c.

In ascending as high as the Kanzas river, which is 334 miles up the
Missouri on the S.W. side, we met a strong current, which runs from
five to seven miles an hour, the bottoms extensive, and covered with
timber; the high country is interspersed with rich handsome prairies;
well watered, and abounds in dear and bear. In ascending as high as
the river Plate, we met a current less rapid, not exceeding 6 miles an
hour; in this distance we pass several small rivers on each side which
water some fine diversified country principally prairie as between the
Vincennes and Illinois, the bottomed continued wide, and covered with
timber, this river is about 600 yards wide, at the mouth, not navigable,
it heads the rocky mountains, with the North River, and Yellow Stone
River, and passes through an open country; 15 leagues up this river
the Ottoes, and thirty Missouries lives in one village, and can raise
200 men, 15 leagues h[i]gher up the Paneas and Penea republicans live
in one village, and can raise 700 men; up the Wolf Fork of this river,
the Pania Lousis live in one village, and can raise 280 men. The
Indians have partial rupture frequently. River Plate is 630 miles up
the Missouri, on the south west side: Here we find the antelope or
goat. The next river of size ascending, is the Stone river, commonly
called by the Indians, Little River Desioux: it takes its rise in lake
Despice, 15 miles from the river Demoir, and is 64 yards wide. Here

commences the Sioux country. The next river of note is the Big
Sioux river, which heads with St. Peters and waters of lake Winnepic,
in some high wooded country. About 90 miles higher up, the river
Jaque falls on the same side, and about one hundred yards wide. This
river heads with the waters of lake Winnepic, at no great distance east
from this place. The head of the River Demon is in Pilican lake,
between the Sioux rivers and the St. Peters. The country on both
sides of the Missouri, from the river Plate to that place, has very much
the same appearance: extensive fertile plains, with but very little
timber, and that little principally confined to the river bottoms and
streams. The country east of this place, and off from the Missouri as
low as Stone river, contains a number of small lakes, many of which
are said to be so much impregnated with glauber salts, as to produce all
its effects; certain it is, that the water in the small streams from the
hills below, on the south west side, possesses this quality. About the
river Jacque, Bruffala county contains great quantities of mineral, cobalt,
cinnebar, alum, copperas, and several other things; the stone coal which
is on the Missouri is very indifferent. Ascending 52 miles above the
Jacque, the river Quicum falls in on the south west side. This river is,
1026 miles up, 150 yards wide, not navigable; it heads in the black
mountains, which run nearly parallel to the Missouri, from about the
head of the Kanzas river, and end S. W. of this place. Quicum waters
a broken country, 122 miles by water higher. White river falls in on
the south west side, and is 300 yards wide, and navigable, as all the
other streams are, which are not particularly mentioned. This river
heads in some small lakes short of the black mountains. The Mahan
and Poncan nations rove on the heads of this river and the Quicum
and Can raise 250 men, they were very numerous a few years ago, but
the small-pox and the Sioux have reduced them to their present state
—the Sioux possess the south west of the Missouri, above White river;
132 miles higher, and on the west side.—Teton river falls into it, it
is small, and heads in the open plains; here we met a large band of
Sioux. and the second which we had seen called Tetons, those are
great rascals, and may be justly termed the pirates of the Missouri;
they made two attemps to stop us; they are subdivided and stretched on
the river to near this place, having reduced the Ruaras and Mandans,
and drove them from the country they now occupy, the Sioux bands
rove in the country to the Mississippi. About 47 miles above the
Teton river, the Chyenne river falls in from the south west, 400 yards
wide, and navigable to the Black mountains, in which it takes its rise,
in the 3d range. Several bands of Indians but little known, rove on
the heads of this and the river Plate, and are stated to be as follows;
Chayenne, 300 men, Staetan 100 men; Canenaviech, 400 men;
Cavanwa and Wetabato, 200 men; Catoha, 70 men; Detain, 30 men:
Memetoon, 50 men; Castah na, 1300 men; it is probable that some
of these bands are the remains of the Paducar nation; at 1440 miles up
the Missouri, (and a short distance above two handsome rivers which
take their rise in the Black mountains) the Rickaras live in three
villages, and are the remains of ten different tribes of Paneas, who have
been reduced and drove from their country lower down, by the Sioux,
their number is about 500 men, they raise corn, beans, &c. and appear
friendly and well disposed, they were at war with the nations of this
neighborhood, we have brought about a peace between the Recars and
this place, two rivers fall in on the south west, and one on the north
east, not very long, and take their rise in the open country; this
country abounds in a great variety of wild animals but a few of which
the Indians take, many of those animals are uncommon in the U. States,
such as white, red and grey bears, long ear'd male or black tailed deer,
(black at the end of the tail only) large hare, antelope or goat, the red
fox, the ground praire dog, (burrows in the ground) the braroca, which
has a head like a dog, and the size of a small dog, the white brant,
magpye, calumet eagle, &c and many other are said to inhabit the rocky
mountains.

I have collected the following account of the rivers and country in
advance of this, to wit: at two days march in advance of this the Little
Missouri, falls in on the side and heads in at the north extremity of the
Black mountains; six days further a large river joins the Missouri,
affording as much water as the main river, this river is rapid, without a
fall, and navagable to the Rocky mountains; its branches head with the
waters of the river Plate; the country in advance is said to be broken.

The trade of the nations at this place is from the N. W. and Hudsons
bay establishments on the Assinneboin river, distant about 150 miles;
those traders are nearly at open war with each other, and better calculated
to destroy then promote the happiness of those nations to whom
they have latterly extended their trade, and intend to form an establishment
near this place in the course of this year.

LIII. LIII

CLARK TO CROGHAN

LIII. [From original MS. in library of Wisconsin Historical Society—Draper MSS., 12J4.]

Dear Major: By the return of a party of Soldiars and french men
who accompanied us to this place for the purpose of assisting in transporting
provisions &c. I have the pleasure of Sending you this hasty
scrawl which will do little more than inform you where I am. My
time being entirely taken up in preparing information for our government
and attending to those duties which is absolutely necessary for the
promotion of our enterprise and attending to Indians deprives me the
Satisfaction of giveing you a Satisfactory detail of this Countrey. I
must therefore take the liberty of refuring you to my brother to whome
I have inclosed a Map and Some sketches relative to the Indians. Our
party has enjoyed a great Share of health and are in high Spirits. We
shall leave this place in two days on our journey Country and River
above this is but little Known our information is altogether from
Indians collected at different times and entitled to some credit. My
return will not be So Soon as I expected, I fear not sooner than about
June or July 1806 every exertion will be made to accomplish this
enterprise in a Shorter period, please to present me most respectfully to
my Sister Lucy & the family and accept the assurance of my sincere
affections &c Wm. Clark

I send my sister Croghan Some Seed of Several Kinds of Grapes.

LIV. LIV

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

LIV. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 107. First
printed, in revised form, in connection with Jefferson's message to Congress, Feb. 19, 1806; and
later, in other places. It is generally misdated "April 17th" instead of 7th.]

Dear Sir: Herewith inclosed you will receive an invoice of certain
articles, which I have forwarded to you from this place. among other
articles, you will observe by reference to the invoice, 67. specimens of
earths, salts and minerals; and 60 specimens of plants: these are
accompanyed by their rispective labels expressing the days on which
obtained, places where found, and also their virtues and properties when
known. by means of these labels, reference may be made to the Chart
of the Missouri forwarded to the Secretary at War, on which, the
encampment of each day has been carefully marked; thus the places at
which these specimens have been obtained may be easily pointed out, or
again found, should any of them prove valuable to the community on
further investegation. (these have been forwarded with a view of their
being presented to the Philosophical society of Philadelphia, in order
that they may under their direction be examined or analyzed. after
examining these specimens yourself, I would thank you to have a copy
of their labels made out, and retained untill my return. the other articles
are intended particularly for yourself, to be retained, or disposed off as
you may think proper.)

You will also receive herewith inclosed a part of Capt. Clark's private
journal, the other part you will find inclosed in a separate tin box. this
journal (is in it's original state, and of course incorrect, but it) will serve
to give you the daily detales of our progress, and transactions. (Capt.
Clark dose not wish this journal exposed in it's present state, but has
no objection, that one or more copies of it be made by some confidential
person under your direction, correcting it's gramatical errors &c. indeed
it is the wish of both of us, that two of those copies should be made, if
convenient, and retained untill our return; in this state there is no
objection to your submitting them to the perusal of the heads of the

departments, or such others as you may think proper. a copy of this
journal will assist me in compiling my own for publication after my
return.) I shall dispatch a canoe with three, perhaps four persons, from
the extreem navigable point of the Missouri, or the portage betwen this
river, and the Columbia river, as either may first happen; by the return
of this canoe, I shal send you my journal, and some one or two of the
best of those kept by my men. I have sent a journal kept by one of
the Sergeants,[1] to Capt Stoddard, my agent at St. Louis, in order as
much as possible to multiply the chances of saving something. we
have encouraged our men to keep journals, and seven of them do so, to
whom in this respect we give every assistance in our power.

I have transmitted to the Secretary at War, every information relative
to the geography of the country which we possess, together with a
view of the Indian nations, containing information relative to them, on
those points with which, I conceived it important that the government
should be informed. (If it could be done with propriety and convenience,
I should feel myself much obliged by your having a copy taken
of my dispatches to the Secretary at War, on those subjects, retaining
them for me untill my return.) By reference to the Muster-rolls forwarded
to the War Department, you will see the state of the party; in
addition to which, we have two Interpreters, one negroe man, servant
to Capt. Clark, one Indian woman, wife to one of the interpreters, and
a Mandan man, whom we take with a view to restore peace between
the Snake Indians, and those in this neighborhood amounting in total
with ourselves to 33 persons. by means of the Interpreters and Indians,
we shall be enabled to converse with all the Indians that we shall
probably meet with on the Missouri.

I have forwarded to the Secretary at War, my public Accounts
rendered up to the present day. they have been much longer delayed
than I had any idea that they would have been, when we departed from
the Illinois, but this delay, under the circumstances which I was compelled
to act, has been unavoidable.[2] The provision peraque and her
crew, could not have been dismissed in time to have returned to
St. Louis last fall without evedently in my opinion, hazarding the fate
of the enterprise in which I am engaged, and I therefore did not hesitate
to prefer the sensure that I may have incurred by the detention of

these papers, to that of risking in any degree the success of the expedition.
to me, the detention of those papers have formed a serious source
of disquiet and anxiety; and the recollection of your particular charge
to me on this subject, has made it still more poignant. I am fully
aware of the inconvenience which must have arrisen to the War Department,
from the want of these vouchers previous to the last session of
Congress, but how to divert[3] it was out of my power to devise.—

From this plase we shall send the barge and crew early tomorrow
morning with orders to proceed as expeditiously as possible to St. Louis,
by her we send our dispatches, which I trust will get safe to hand. Her
crew consists of ten ablebodied men well armed and provided with a
sufficient stock of provision to last them to St. Louis. I have but little
doubt but they will be fired on by the Siouxs; but they have pledged
themselves to us that they will not yeald while there is a man of them
living.

Our baggage is all embarked on board six small canoes and two
perogues; we shall set out at the same moment that we dispatch the
barge. one or perhaps both of these perogues we shall leave at the falls
of the Missouri, from whence we intend continuing our voyage in the
canoes and a perogue of skins, the frame of which was prepared at
Harper's ferry. this perogue is now in a situation which will enable
us to prepare it in the course of a few hours. as our vessels are now
small and the current of the river much more moderate, we calculate on
traveling at the rate of 20 or 25 miles pr. day as far as the falls of the
Missouri. beyond this point, or the first range of rocky Mountains
situated about 100 miles further, any calculation with rispect to our
daily progress, can be little more than bare conjecture. the circumstance
of the Snake Indians possessing large quantities of horses, is
much in our favour, as by means of horses, the transportation of our
baggage will be rendered easy and expeditious over land, from the
Missouri, to the Columbia river. should this river not prove navigable
where we first meet with it, our present intention is, to continue our
march by land down the river untill it becomes so, or to the Pacific
Ocean. The map, which has been forwarded to the Secretary at War,
will give you the idea we entertain of the connection of these rivers,
which has been formed from the corresponding testimony of a number
of Indians who have visited that country, and who have been seperately
and carefully examined on that subject, and we therefore think it entitled
to some degree of confidence.

Since our arrival at this place we have subsisted principally on meat,

with which our guns have supplyed us amply, and have thus been enabled
to reserve the parched meal, portable Soup, and a considerable
proportion of pork and flour, which we had intended for the more
difficult parts of our voyage. if Indian information can be credited,
the vast quantity of game with which the country abounds through
which we are to pass leaves us but little to apprehend from the want
of food.

We do not calculate on completeing our voyage within the present
year, but expect to reach the Pacific Ocean, and return, as far as the
head of the Missouri, or perhaps to this place before winter. you may
therefore expect me to meet you at Montochello in September 1806.

On our return we shal probably pass down the yellow stone river,
which from Indian informations, waters one of the fairest portions of
this continent.

I can foresee no material or probable obstruction to our progress, and
entertain therefore the most sanguine hopes of complete success. As
to myself individually I never enjoyed a more perfect state of good
health, than I have since we commenced our voyage. my inestimable
friend and companion Capt. Clark has also enjoyed good health generally.
At this moment, every individual of the party are in good health,
and excellent sperits; zealously attatched to the enterprise, and anxious
to proceed; not a whisper of discontent or murmur is to be heard
among them; but all in unison, act with the most perfect harmoney.
with such men I have every thing to hope, and but little to fear.

Be so good as to present my most affectionate regard to all my
friends, and be assured of the sincere and unalterable attatchment of

LV. LV

INVOICE OF ARTICLES FORWARDED TO JEFFERSON
FROM FORT MANDAN

LV. [From original MS. by Clark, in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, L, series 2, vol. 51, doc.
105 a. Italics within brackets are the comments of the person who checked up the invoice, on
receipt of the articles; the natural-history specimens were sent by Jefferson to Peale's Museum,
Philadelphia—the "P" of the check-list; the mineralogical specimens went to the American
Philosophical Society.]

[April 7, 1805]

Invoice of articles forwarded from Fort Mandan to the President of
the United States through Captn. Stoddard at St. Louis and Mr. H. B.
Trist, the Collector of the Port of New Orleans.[1]

                         

No.	Package	Contents
1	Box	Skins of the Male and female Antelope, with their Skeletons. [came. P.]
"	do	2 Horns and ears, of the Blacktail, or Mule Deer. [came]
"	"	A Martin Skin [came] containing the Skin of a weasel [came. P.] and three Small squirels of the Rocky Mountains & the tail of a Mule deer fully grown. [came.]
"	"	Skeletons of the Small, or burrowing wolf of the Praries, the Skin haveing been lost by accedent. [some skeletons came, not distinguishable. sent to P.]
"	"	2 Skeletons of the White Hair. [as above. P.]
"	"	A Mandan bow with a quiver of Arrows [came] the quiver containing Some Seed of the Mandan tobacco. [came]
"	"	A carrot of Ricara tobacco. [came].
2	Box	4 Buffalow Robes [came] and an ear of Mandan corn.
3	Box	Skins of the Male and female Antelope, with their Skeletons [undistinguishable] and the Skin of a brown, or Yellow Bear.
4	Box	Specimens of earths, Salts, and minerals, numbered from 1 to 67. [came A. Ph. Society.]
"	"	Specimens of plants numbered from 1 to 60. [came]
"	"	1 earthen pot, Such as the Mandans manufacture, and use for culinary purposes. [came]

                               

No	Package	Contents
4	Box	1 tin box containing insects, mice &c
"	"	a Specimen of the fur of the Antilope.
"	"	a Specimen of a plant, and a parsel of its roots, highly prized by the natives as an efficatious remidy in the cure of the bite of the rattle snake, or Mad dog.
"	{Large Trunk}	Skins of a Male and female Braro, or burrowing Dog of the Praries, with the Skeleton of the female. [came. P.]
"	in a large Trunk	1 Skin of a red fox containing a Magpie. [came]
"	"	2 Cased Skins of the white hare. [came. P.]
"	"	1 Minitarre Buffalow robe, [came] containing Some articles of Indian dress. [came]
"	"	1 Mandan Buffalow robe, [came] containing a dressed Skin of the Lousiv[ir]e [came] and two cased Skins of the burrowing Squirels of the praries[came]
"	"	13 red fox skins [came]
"	"	4 horns of the mountain ram, or big horn [came]
"	"	1 Buffalow robe painted by a Mandan man representing a battle which was fought 8 years since, by the Sioux & Ricaras, against the Mandans, Minitarras & Ahwahharways [came]
6	Cage	Containing four liveing Magpies. [1. came P.]
7	do.	Containing a liveing burrowing Squirel of the praries. [came, P.]
9	do.	Containing one liveing hen of the Prarie.
10	—	1 large par of Elk's horns connected by the frontal bone.

LVI. LVI

A NEWSPAPER ACCOUNT

LVI. [From the Boston Centinel, July 13, 1805.]

The party of discovery, under the command of Capt. Lewis and
Clark, left the mouth of the Missouri on the 19th day of May, 1804.
An express with dispatches from their winter quarters, which left them
the 14th April, has returned to St. Louis. By the express, letters were
received from Captain Clark to his correspondents in Kentucky. A
gentleman from Jefferson county, has obligingly favored the Editor of
the Kentucky Gazette with the following account, which he obtained
from one of the men who returned with the express, and from letters
from some of the party. They fortified themselves in November last,
on the bank of the Missouri, 1609 miles from the mouth, by actual
measurement, in latitude 47, 21, N; called then Fort Mandane, after a
nation of Indians, who reside in the neighborhood, and who have been
very friendly to them.—On their passage up, they were delighted with
the beautiful appearance of the country for about 200 leagues, or to the
mouth of the river La Plata, which comes in from the South; after
which, to their winter quarters, it is described not to be so fertile.
The person who brought the dispatches, speaks of the opening made by
the river, being about one mile wide with high cliffs on each side.—
The bed of the river occupies about a fourth part of it, the remainder
of the bottom entirely composed of coarse sand, covered with cotton
wood. This bottom is continually giving way either on one side or
the other, and gaining on the opposite side.—The cliffs in some places
are covered with red cedar, which, with the cotton and a few small
black ash trees, is the only timber described to be in that country.
From the height, there is not a tree or twig to be seen, as far as the
sight can extend, or as they have explored. Out from the river the
land goes off perfectly level, with but few exceptions—and their plains
covered with grass. They passed the mouths of a number of streams,

the most of which had names given by the French. One they have
named Floyd's river, to perpetuate the name of a young man of their
party, named Charles Floyd, who died much regretted on the 20th
August. They represent the Indians to have been friendly, with but a
few exceptions. The Soux are the most numerous, are organized in
bands bearing different names, move about from place to place, from the
banks of the river out to the plains, in pursuit of game and plunder
having no fixed place of residence and in a continual state of warfare.
These were the most troublesome Indians to the party of discovery, as
they expressed a jealousy, least they would supply their enemies higher
up with arms &c.—The higher up they went, the more friendly they
found the savages, and the better armed.—They have a more regular
trade with the North West Company, and the Hudson bay company;
which supplies come to them by the way of Lake Winnepeck. The
Mandanes cultivate corn, which is of a small kind, from whom the
party was supplied during the winter, and their hunters kept them in
abundance of meat.

Buffaloes are said to be in great numbers, and of a large size—two
description of deer are described; those resembling the common kind of
this country being larger, and the tails 18 inches long, and the hair
much longer on their bodies; the other kind having a black tail. Elks
and goats are numerous. The grouse, or praire hen are in plenty; and
before the closing of the river in the fall, water fowls in abundance.
Fish scarce, and those principally of the cat kind. Some of the white
bear-skins, had been brought to the fort by visiting Indians from higher
up; but the party had seen none of those animals. The Indians keep
horses, which are used entirely for the chase, and in war.

From such information as they have received of the country above
there, it is about 600 miles to the great falls, which are made by a ledge
of mountains, called Rocky Mountain, in which it is presumed the
Missouri terminates. At their winter quarters the river is nearly a mile
wide; is equally as muddy as at its mouth, and has continued its rapidity
with very little alteration, as high as they have gone, though it has
became considerably more shallow, so that they will not be able to take
their large barge any higher. From what information they have obtained
of the course of the upper part of the river, the most are at the
northwardly part.—From where they wintered to the falls, is nearly a
south course. The description given by McKenzie of the head waters
of the river, is accurate.

They have sent on to the President of the United States an accurate
journal, with a map of the country through which they passed. Six of

party were sent back—she party now consists of 28 men, exclusive of
the two officers. They have enjoyed perfect health—not one having
been sick, except the unfortunate young man before mentioned, and he
was taken off in a few hours by the cramp in his stomach. The greatest
friendship has existed with the party; and the men who have returned,
speak in the highest terms of the humanity, and uncommon
pains and attention of both Captains, Lewis and Clark, toward the
whole of them; and that they left them in good spirits, fully convinced
that they would winter on the Pacific Ocean.

They were told of six nations of Indians they would have to pass,
before they would arrive at the falls from only one of which they apprehended
any difficulty—they are called the Snake tribe; and reside
high up.

Curiosities of different kinds, live beasts, birds, several boxes of
minerals, a pair of uncommon ram's horns, from the rocky mountains,
scions of a new discovered berry, called the buffaloe berry, &c. have
been brought on by the returned party, and deposited with the commanding
officer at St. Louis, to be sent by him to the President.

We expect in a few days further particulars relative to this interesting
voyage.

LVII. LVII

JEFFERSON TO CONSTANTIN FRANÇOIS DE CHASSEBŒUF
COMTE DE VOLNEY[1]

LVII. [Extract—Ford, viii, p. 419.]

[Feb. 11, 1806]

Our last news of Captn Lewis was that he had reached the upper
part of the Missouri, & had taken horses to cross the Highlands to
the Columbia river.[2] He passed the last winter among the Mandans
1610 miles above the mouth of the river. So far he had delineated it
with as great accuracy as will probably be ever applied to it, as his
courses & distances by mensuration were corrected by almost daily observations
of latitude and longitude. With his map he sent us specimens
or information of the following animals not before known to the northern
continent of America. 1. The horns of what is perhaps a species of
Ovis Ammon. 2. A new variety of the deer having a black tail. 3.
An antelope. 4. The badger, not before known out of Europe. 5. A
new species of marmotte. 6. A white weasel. 7. The magpie.
8. The Prairie hen, said to resemble the Guinea hen (peintade). 9.
A prickly lizard. To these are added a considerable collection of
minerals, not yet analyzed. He wintered in Lat. 47° 20′ and found the
maximum of cold 43° below the zero of Fahrenheit. We expect he
has reached the Pacific, and is now wintering on the head of the Missouri,
and will be here next autumn.

LVIII. LVIII

PART OF PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S MESSAGE
TO CONGRESS, 1806

LVIII. [From Richardson's Messages and Papers of the Presidents, i, p. 398.]

In pursuance of a measure proposed to Congress by a message of
January 18, 1803, and sanctioned by their approbation for carrying it
into execution. Captain Meriwether Lewis, of the First Regiment of infantry,
was appointed, with a party of men, to explore the river Missouri
from its mouth to its source, and, crossing the highlands by the
shortest portage, to seek the best water communication thence to the
Pacific Ocean; and Lieutenant Clarke was appointed second in command.
They were to enter into conference with the Indian nations on
their route with a view to the establishment of commerce with them.
They entered the Missouri May 14, 1804, and on the 1st of November
took up their winter quarters near the Mandan towns, 1,609 miles above
the mouth of the river, in latitude 47° 21′ 47″ north and longitude
99° 24′ 45″ west from Greenwich. On the 8th of April, 1805, they
proceeded up the river in pursuance of the objects prescribed to them.
A letter of the preceding day, April 7th, from Captain Lewis is herewith
communicated. During his stay among the Mandans he had been
able to lay down the Missouri according to courses and distances taken
on his passage up it, corrected by frequent observations of longitude
and latitude, and to add to the actual survey of this portion of the river
a general map of the country between the Mississippi and Pacific from
the thirty-fourth to the fifty-fourth degree of latitude. These additions
are from information collected from Indians with whom he had opportunities
of communicating during his journey and residence with them.
Copies of this map are now presented to both Houses of Congress.
With these I communicate also a statistical view, procured and forwarded
by him, of the Indian nations inhabiting the Territory of
Louisiana and the countries adjacent to its northern and western
borders, of their commerce, and of other interesting circumstances
respecting them.

LIX. LIX

CLARK TO CHARBONNEAU

LIX. [From original MS., probably the draft retained by Clark, in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis
and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Sir: Your present Situation with the Indians givs me Some concern—
I wish now I had advised you to come on with me to the Illinois where
it most probably would be in my power to put you in Some way to do
Something for your Self—I was so engaged after the Big White had
concluded to go down with Jessomme as his Interpreter, that I had not
time to talk with you as much as I intended to have done. You have
been a long time with me and have conducted your Self in Such a manner
as to gain my friendship, your woman who accompanied you that
long dangerous and fatigueing rout to the Pacific Ocean and back, diserved
a greater reward for her attention and Services on that rout than
we had in our power to give her at the Mandans. As to your little Son
(my boy Pomp) you well know my fondness for him and my anxiety to
take and raise him as my own child. I once more tell you if you will
bring your son Baptiest to me I will educate him and treat him as my
own child—I do not forget the promis which I made to you and Shall
now repeet them that you may be certain—Charbono, if you wish to
live with the white people, and will come to me I will give you a piece
of land and furnish you with horses cows & hogs—If you wish to visit
your friends in Montreall I will let you have a horse, and your family
Shall be taken care of untill your return—if you wish to return as an
Interpreter for the Menetarras when the troops come up to form the
establishment, you will be with me ready and I will procure you the
place—or if you wish to return to, trade with the indians and will leave
your little Son Pomp with me, I will assist you with merchendize for that
purpose and become my self conserned with you in trade on a Small
scale that is to say not exceeding a perogue load at one time—. If you
are desposed to accept either of my offers to you and will bring down

your Son your famn Janey had best come along with you to take care of
the boy untill I get him—let me advise you to keep your Bill of Exchange
and what furs and pelteries you have in possession, and get as
much more as you can—, and get as many robes, and big horn and Cabbra
Skins as you can collect in the course of this winter. and take them
down to St. Louis as early as possible in the Spring—When you get to
St Louis enquire of the Govorner of that place for a letter which I shall
leave with him for you—in the letter which I shall leave with the governer
I shall inform you what you had best do with your firs pelterees
and robes &c and derect you where to find me—If you should meet with
any misfortune on the river &c. when you get to St Louis write a letter
to me by the post and let me know your Situation—If you do not intend
to go down either this fall or in the Spring, write a letter to me
by the first oppertunity and inform me what you intend to do that I may
know if I may expect you or not. If you ever intend to come down
this fall or the next Spring will be the best time—this fall would be best
If you could get down before the winter—. I shall be found either in
St. Louis or in Clarksville at the Falls of the Ohio.

Wishing you and your family great suckcess & with anxious expectations
of seeing my little dancing boy Baptiest I shall remain your
friend

LX. LX

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON (A FRAGMENT)

LX. [From original incomplete MS. in Lewis and Clark journals—Codex S. Apparently the
commencement of a draft of the "sketch of the Most prominent perigrinations since we left the
Mandans," promised in the succeeding letter; but it does not appear to have been completed.]

Sir: Having acquired information & provisions of the Mandans
On the evening of the 7th of Apl. 1805 we embarked with our baggage
on board 2 large perogues and six small canoes at Fort Mandan on a
Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean. The party consisted of the
following persons my friend and Colleague Capt. Wm.. Clark, Interpreters
George Drewyer and Touasant Charbono, Sergts. John Ordway,
Nathanial Pryor, and Patric Gass, privates John Shields &c a Shoshone
Woman and child wife and Infant of Touts Charbono and York a black
man servant to Capt. Clark making a total with myself of 33 persons.
A Man of the Mandan nation also set out with us under promis to
accompany us to the Rocky Mountains with a view to reestablish peace
between the Minnetares & Ahwahaways and the Shoshones and others
at the head of the Missouri, but becoming very early tired of his mission
he abandoned us on the 8th. and returned to his village. the river was
full and the water excessively cold the ice which confined it from the
[blank space in MS.]th of November 1804 had departed only within
a few days previously in this navigating we employed the oar cord
and sail the water being too high to permit the uce of the seting pole
which in the latter part of summer and autumn may be employed to great
advantage on a large proportion of every part of the Missouri, (and
when the state of the river is such as to permit the uce of the pole it is
always to be prefered to the oar in resisting the forse of it's currant).
we ascended with as little difficulty as we had previously met with, found
the river equally wide deep and navigable as below fort Mandan.

it may not be amis to premise that the distances herein stated are
those from the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi from which
you will recollect that Fort Mandan is 1609 miles distant. we have

through the whole course of the voyage taken a chart of the several
rivers which we have navigated on a large scale as well as delienated
our several tracts by land marking our dayly encampments the entrance
of watercourses points of celestial observation, and all other places and
objects worthy of notice.

at the distance of 1699 mile from the confluence of the Missouri and
Mississippi we arrived on the 13th of Apl at the entrance of the little
Missouri a handsom river of [blank space in MS.] yds. in width discharging
itself on the S. side, navigable for canoes [blank space in MS.]
Ms. here we remained untill the 15th on pursuing our rout we passed
the entrance of the white earth river on the [blank space in MS.] Apr.
at 1. Ms. this river discharged itself on the N. E. side is [blank space
in MS.] yds in width and appears as if it might be navigated with small
canoes many miles it's course is due north through an open level plain.
a small party of white men, residing with the Mandans, had ascended
the Missouri within [blank space in MS.] miles of the entrance of this
river about 4 years before but we have no certain account of any white
persons reaching its entrance previous to ourselves. from hence therefore
our footsteps were on unkno[wn] ground. here the beaver become
very abundant on the R. at the distance of 1888 miles we reached the
entrance of the Yellow Rock river on the 27th of Apl. this noble
branch of the Missouri discharges itself on the S.W. side. it is nearly
as wide as the Missouri has from 6 to 8 feet water with an even gentle
currant it discharges much more water than any other branch of the
Missouri, at least twice as much at many seasons of the year as the great
river Platte which has been hitherto considered the most conspicuous
among the branches of the Missouri. we examined the country minutely
in the vicinity of the entrance of the River Rochejone and found it
possessed of every natural advantage necessary for an establishment, it's
position in a geographical point of view has destined it for one of the
most important establishments both as it reguards the fur trade and
the government of the natives in that quarter of the continent. having
made the necessary observations at this place we left it on the [blank
space in MS.] of Apr. determining to explore this river on our return.
still ascending we passed the entrances of two handsome rivers on the
N.E. side the 1st at 1944 ms to which we gave the name of Marthy's
river the 2d. at 53 miles further which we called Porcupine river, the
1st is 50 yds. wide and the 2ed. 112, both discharge considerable quantities
of water; the latter we believe to be navigable many miles for canoes
the latter not so far. on the [blank space in MS.] of May we arrived
at the entrance of a bold river on the N. E. side 150 yds. wide which

from the colour of it's water we called milk river. the currant is
gentle stream deep and is probably navigable for large perogues or boats
for 150 miles, that is judging from streams of similar size which like it
pass through an open country. it's course as far as we could discover
it from an eminence or about 30 ms. was due north and I am [MS.
here ends.—Ed.]

LXI. LXI

LEWIS TO JEFFERSON

LXI. [From original MS. in Lewis and Clark journals—Codex S, which consists of leaves cut from
the regular note-books. Apparently the first draft of the document which is found in the
Jefferson Papers (Bureau of Rolls), series 6, vol. II, doc. 103. We have, in the present publication,
preferred to follow this draft.]

Sir: It is with pleasure that I anounce to you the safe arrival of
myself and party at this place on the [blank space in MS.] inst. with
our papers and baggage. no accedent has deprived us of a single
member of our party since I last wrote you from the Mandans in April
1804. In obedience to your orders we have penetrated the Continent
of North America to the Pacific Ocean and suficiently explored the
interior of the country to affirm that we have discovered the most
practicable communication which dose exist across the continent by
means of the navigable branches of the Missouri and Columbia Rivers;
this is by way of the Missouri to the foot of the rapids five miles below
the great falls of that river a distance of 2575 Miles, thence by land
passing the Rocky mountains to the Kooskooske 340 and from thence
by way of the Kooskooske, the S. E. branch of the Columbia and the
latter river to the Ocean of 640 Miles making a total of 3555 Miles.
the Missouri possesses sufficient debth of water as far as is specifyed for
boats of 15 tons burthen, but those of smaller capacity are to be prefered,
the navigation may be deemed safe and good. of 340 Miles land
carriage 200 Miles is along a good road and 140 over tremendious
mountains which for 60 Miles are covered with eternal snows. notwithstanding
the Rocky Mountains thus present a most formidable
barrier to this tract across the continent a passage is practicable from
the last of June to the last of September, and the expence of transportation
over land may be reduced to a mere trifle by means of horses which
can be procured in immence numbers and for the most trivial considerations
from the natives inhabiting the rocky Mountains and Plains of
Columbia West of those Mountains. the Navigation of the Columbia
and it's branches is good from the 1st. of April to the middle of August

when their waters subside and leave their beds obstructed by a great
number of difficult and dangerous shoals and rapids. the Columbia in
every stage of it's water has three portages. the first in decending is a
portage of 1200 paces at the great falls, a pitch of 37 feet 8 inches being
261 Miles from it's mouth, the second of 2 Miles at the long narrows
6 miles below the falls, and the third of 2 miles at the great rapids 65
miles still lower down. the tides flow within 7 miles of these rapids or
183 miles up the Columbia. thus far large sloops might ascend the
river with safety and ships of 300 tons burthen might ascend 125 miles
to the entrance of Multnomah river a large Southen branch of the
Columbia which takes its rise on the confines of Mexico with the
Collorado and Apostles R. from the head of tidewater to the foot of
the long narrows the river would be most advantageously navigated
in large batteauxs, and from thence upwards in light perogues we vew
this passage across the continent as affording immence advantages to the
fir trade but fear that advantages wich it offers as a communication
for the productions of the East Indias to the United States and thence
to Europe will never be found equal on an extensive scale to that by the
way of the Cape of good hope. still we beleive that many articles not
bulky brittle nor of a perishable nature may be conveyed to the
U'. States by this rout with more facility and less expence than by that
at present practiced. That portion of the Continent watered by the
Missouri and all it's branches from the Cheyenne upwards is richer in
beaver and Otter than any country on earth particularly that proportion
of it's subsiduary streams lying within the Rocky mountains; the furs
of all this immence tract of country including such as may be collected
on the upper portion of the river St. Peters, the Assinniboin & Red
rivers may be conveyed to the mouth of the Columbia by the 1st of
August in each year and from thence be shiped to and arrive at Canton
earlier than the furs which are annually shiped from Montreal arrive in
England. The N West Company of Canada were they permited by
the U.S. might also convey their furs collected in the Athebaske on
the Saskashawan and South and West of lake Winnipicque by that
rout within the same period. in the infancy of this trade across the
Continent or during the period that the trading establishments shall be
confined to the branches of the Missouri the men employed in this
trade will be compelled to convey the furs collected in that quarter as
low on the Columbia as tide water in which case they could not return
to the falls of the Missouri untill about the 1st. of October which would
be so late in the season that there would be considerable danger of the
river being obstructed by ice before they could reach St. Louis and the
comodities of the East Indias thus detained untill the following spring.
but this dificulty will vanish when establishments are made on the
Columbia and a sufficient number of men employed at them to convey
the East India commodities to the upper establishment on the
Kooskooske and there exchanging them with the men of the Missouri
for their furs in the begining of July. by these means the furs not
only of the Missouri but those of the Columbia may be shiped to Canton
by the season before mentioned and the comodit[i]es of the East Indias
arrive at St. Louis by the last of September in each Year. altho' the
Columbia dose not as much as the Missouri abound in beaver and
Otter yet it is by no means despicable in this respect and would furnish
a profitable fur trade, in addition to the otter and beaver considerable
quantities of the finest bear of three species affording a great variety of
colours, the Tyger catt, several species of fox, the Martin and Sea Otter
might be procured beside the rackoon and some other animals of an
inferior class of furs. If the government will only aid even on a
limited scale the enterprize of her Citizens I am convinced that we
shall soon derive the benifits of a most lucrative trade from this source.
and in the course of 10 or 12 Years a tour across the Continent by this
rout will be undertaken with as little concern as a voyage across the
Atlantic is at present.

The British N. West company of Canaday have for several years
past carried on a partial trade with the Mandans Minnetares and
Avahaways on the Missouri from their establishments on the Assinniboin
near the entrance of Mouse R. at present I have every reason to
believe that they intend forming an establishment very shortly on the
Missouri near those nations with a view to ingroce the fir trade of that
River. the known enterprize and resou[r]ces of this Company latterly
stre[n]gthened by an union with its powerfull rival the X. Y. Company
have rendered them formidable in that distant part of the continent to
all other traders, and if we are to regard the trade of the missouri as an
object of importance to the U. States the strides of this company towards
that river cannot be too vigelently watched nor too firmly and spedily
opposed by our government. the imbarrasment under which the navigation
of the Missouri at present labours from the unfriendly dispositions
of the Cancezs the several bands of Tetons, Assiniboins and those tribes
that resort the British establishments on the Suskashawan is also a
subject which requires the earliest attention of our government. as I
shall shortly be with you I have deemed it unnecessary here to detail
the several ideas which present themselves to my mind on those subjects
more especially when I consider that a thorough knoledge of the geography

of the country will be absolutely necessary to their being understood,
and leasure has not yet permited us to make but one general Map
of the country which I am unwilling to wrisk by the Mail. As a sketch
of the Most prominent features of our perigrinations since we left the
Mandans may not be uninteresting I shall indeavour to give it to you
by way of letter from this place, where I shall necessarily be detained
for some days in order to settle with and discharge the men who
accompanied me on the voige as well as to prepare for my rout to
Washington. (not sending a party from the falls) We left fort Clatsop
where we wintered on the pacific Ocean the 27th of [Mar]ch last and
arrived at the foot of the Rocky Mts. on the 10th of May here we were
detained untill the 24th of June in consequence of the snow rendering
those mountains impassable, had it not been for this detention I should
have joined you at Montechello in this month agreeably to the promise
made you previous to our departure from the Mandans. I have brought
with me several skins of the Sea Otter 2 skins of the native Sheep of
N. America. 5 skins and skelitons complete of the Bighorn or mountain
ram, and a skin of the mule deer besides the skins of several other
quadrupeds and birds natives of the country through which we have
passed; I have also preserved a pretty extensive collection of pla[n]ts
in Horteo have obtained 10 vocabularies. have also prevailed on the
principal Chief of the Mandans to accompany me to washington, he is
now with my worthy friend and Colleague Capt. C. and myself at this
place, in good health and spirits. With rispect to the exertions and
services rendered by this estimable man Capt. Wm. Clark on this expedicion
I cannot say too much, if sir, any credit be due to the success of
the arduous enterprize in which we have been engaged he is equally with
myself entitled to the consideration of yourself and that of our common
Country. The anxiety which I feel to return once more to the bosom
of my friends is a sufficient guarantee that no time will be expended unnecessarily
in this quarter. the rout by which I purpose travelling is
from hence by Cahokia Vincennes LouisVill Kty. the Craborchard
Abington Fincastle, Stanton and Charlotsville to Washington. any
letters directed to me at Louisvill 10 days after the receipt of this will
most proba[b]ly meet me at that place. I am very anxious to learn
the state of my friends in Albemarle particular[l]y whether my mother
is yet living. I am with every sentiment of esteem your most Obt.
Servt.

LXII. LXII

CLARK TO GEORGE ROGERS CLARK[1]

LXII. [From original MS., apparently Clark's draft, in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss
Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Dear Brother, We arrived at this place on the 23 inst. from the
pacific Ocean where we remained during the last winter near the
entrance of the Columbia river. this station we left on the 23rd. of
March last and should have reached St. Louis early in August had we
not been detained by the snow which bared our passage across the
Rocky mountains untill the 24th. of June. in returning through those
mountains we divided ourselves into several parties, digressing from the
rout by which we went out in order the more effectually to explore the
country and discover the most practicable rout which dose exist across
the continent by way of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, in this we
were completely successful and have therefore no hesitation in declaring
that such as nature has permitted it we have discovered the best rout
which dose exist across the Continent of North America in that direction
—such is that by way of the Missouri to the foot of the rapids below
the great falls of that River a distance of 2575 miles thence by land
passing the Rocky Mountains to a navigable part of the Kooskee 340.
and with the Kooskooskee 73 miles Lewis's river 154 miles and the

Columbia 413 miles to the Pacific Ocean making the total distance
from the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi to the discharge
of the columbia into the Pacific Ocean 3555. miles. the navigation
of the Missouri may be deemed good; it's difficulties arise from its
falling banks, timber embeded in the mud of it's channel, it's sandbars
and steady rapidity of it's current all which may be overcome with a
great degree of certainty by using the necessary precautions. the passage
by land of 340 miles from the Missouri to the Kooskooskee is the most
formidable part of the tract proposed across the continent. of this
distance 200 miles is along a good road, and 140 over tremendious
mountains which for 60 miles are covered with eternal snows. a
passage over the mountains is however practicable from the latter part
of June to the last of september and the cheep rate at which horses are
to be obtained from the indians of the Rocky mountains and west of
them reduces the expences of transportation over this portage to a mere
trifle. the navigation of the Kooskooske Lewis's R and the Columbia
is safe and good from the 1st. of april to the middle of August by making
3 portages on the latter river. the first of which in decending is 1200
paces at the falls of the Columbia, 261 mils up that river, a second of
2 miles at the long narrows 6 miles below the falls and then a third also
of 2 ms. at the great rapids 65 miles still lower down. the tide flows up
the Columbia 183 miles and within 7 miles of the great rapids. large
sloops may with safety ascend as high as tide water and vessels of 300
tons burthen may reach the entrance of the Multnawah R. a large
Southern branch of the Columbia which taking its rise on the confines
of Mexico with the Callarado and Apostles rivers discharges itself into
the Columbia 125 miles from its mouth.—I consider this tract across
the continent of immense advantage to the fur trade, as all the furs
collected in 9/10 parts of the most valuable fur country in America
may be conveyed to the mouth of the Columbia and shiped thence to
the East Indies by the 1st. of August in each year. and will of course
reach Canton earlyer than the furs which are annually exported from
Montreal arrive in great Britain.—

In our outward bound voyage wee ascended to the foot of the rapids
below the great falls of the Missouri where we arrived on the 14th. of
June 1805. not having met with any of the natives of the Rocky
mountains we were of course ignorant of the passes by land which
existed through that country to the Columbia river, and had we even
known the rout we were destitute of horses which would have been
indispensibly necessary to enable us to transport the requisite quantity
of amunition and other stores to ensure the success of the remaining

part of our voyage down the Columbia; we therefore determined to
navigate the Missouri as far as it was practicable or untill we met with
some of the natives from whom we could obtain horses and information
of the country. accordingly we undertook a most laborious portage at
the falls of the Missouri of 18 miles which we effected with our
canoes and baggage by the 3rd. of July. from hence ascending the
Missouri we entered the Rocky mountains at the distance of 71 miles
above the upper part of the portage and penetrated as far as the three
forks of that river a distance of 181 miles further; here the Missouri
divides itself into three nearly equal branches at the same point the two
largest branches are so nearly of the same dignity that we did not
conceive that either of them could with propryety retain the Name
of the Missouri and therefore called these three streams Jefferson's
Madisons and Gallitin's rivers. the confluence of these rivers is 2848
miles from the mouth of the Missouri by the meanders of that river.
we arrived at the three forks of the Missouri 27th. of July. not having
yet been so fortunate as to meet with the natives although I had
previously made several excurtions for that purpose we were compelled
still to continue our rout by water. the most Northwardly of the three
forks, that to which we had given the name of Jefferson's river was
deemed the most proper for our purposes and we accordingly ascended
it 248 miles to the upper forks it's extreem navigable point, making the
total distance to which we had navigated the waters of the Missouri
3096 miles of which 429 lay within the Rocky Mountains. on the
morning of the 17th of August 1805 I arrived at the forks of Jefferson's
river where I met Capt. Lewis who had previously penitrated with a
party of three men to the waters of the Columbia discovered a band of
Shashones and had found means to induce thirty five of them Chiefs
and warriors to accompany him to that place. from these people we
learned that the river on which they resided was not navigable and that
a passage through the Mountains in that direction was impracticable;
being unwilling to confide in the unfavourable account of the natives
it was concerted between Capt. Lewis and myself that I should go
forward immediately with a small party and explore the river while he
in the interem would lay up the canoes at that place and engage the
natives with their horses to assist in transporting our stores and baggage
to their camp accordingly I set out the next day passed the dividing
mountains between the waters of the Missouri and Columbia and
descended the river which I have since called the East fork of Lewis's
R. about 70 miles. finding that the Indian account of the country in
the direction of this river was correct I returned and joined Capt. Lewis
on the 29th. of August at the Shashone Camp excessively fatigued having
been compelled to subsist on berries during the greater part of my rout.
we now purchased 27 horses of these indians and hired a guide who
assured us that he could in 15 days take us to a large river in an open
country west of these mountains by a rout some distance to the North
of the river on which they lived and that by which the nations west of
the Mountains visited the plains of the Missouri for the purpose of
hunting buffaloe. every preparation being made we set forward with
our guide on the 31st. of August through those tremendious mountains.
in which we continued until the 22nd. of September before we reached
the level country beyond them; on our way we met with the Ootslashshoot
a band of the Tushepahs from whom we obtained an accession of
seven horses and exchanged eight or ten others this proved of infinite
service to us as we were compelled to subsist on horse beef about eight
days before we reached the Kooskooske. during our passage over these
mountains we suffered everything which hunger cold and fatigue could
impose; nor did our difficulties with rispect to provision cease on our
arrival at the Kooskooske for although the Palletepallers a numerous
nation inhabiting that country were extremly hospitable and for a few
trifling articles furnished us with an abundance of roots and dryed
salmon the food to which they were accustomed we found that we
could not subsist on those articles and almost all of us grew sick on
eating them we were obliged therefore to have resourse to the flesh
of horses and dogs as food to supply the deficiency of our guns which
produced but little meat as game was scarce in the vicinity of our camp
on the Kooskooske where we were compelled to remain in order to
construct our perogues to decend the river at this season the salmon
are meagre and form but indifferent food. while we remained here I
was myself sick for several days and my friend Capt. Lewis suffered
a severe indisposition. Having completed 4 large perogues and a small
canoe we gave our horses in charge to the Pallotepallers untill we
returned and on the 7 of Octr. reimbarked for the Pacific Ocean. we
decended by the rout which I have already mentioned. the water of
the rivers being low at this season we experienced much difficulty in
decending, we found them obstructed by a great number of difficult and
dangerous rapids in passing of which our perogues several times filled
and the men escaped narrowly with their lives. however this difficulty
dose not exist in high water which happens within the period which I
have previously mentioned. we found the natives extremly numerous
and generally friendly though we have on several occasions owed our
lives and the fate of the expedition to our number which consisted of 31
men. On the 17th. of November we reached the Ocean where various
considerations induced us to spend the winter we therefore searched for
an eligible situation for that purpose and selected a spot on the S. side
of a little river called by the natives the Natul which discharges itself
into a small bay on the S. E. side of the Columbia. 14 miles within
point Adams. here we constructed some log houses and defended them
with a common stoccade work; this place we called Fort Clatsop after
a nation of that name who were our nearest neighbours in this country
we found an abundance of Elk on which we subsisted principally during
the last winter. on our homeward bound voyage being much better
acquainted with the country we were enabled to take such precautions
as have in a great measure secured us from the want of provision at any
time, and greatly lessened our fatigues when compared with those to
which we were compelled to submit in our outward bound journey.
We left Fort Clatsop on the 23rd. of March we have not lost a man
since we left the Mandans a circumstance which I assure you is a
pleasing consideration to me. As I shall shortly be with you I deem it
unnecessary to here to attempt minutely to detail the occurrances of the
last eighteen months—Adieu &c.

LXIII. LXIII

LAND WARRANTS ISSUED TO EXPLORERS

LXIII. [From original MS. draft, in Clark's handwriting, in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and
Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

We the undersigned having on the 1st. of October 1804, engaged
Robert Frazier to accompany us on a voyage of discovery through the
Continent of North America to the Pacific Ocean, did then in behalf of
the United States bind ourselves to allow the said Robert Frazier for his
services on that expedition a compensation in lands equal to that granted
by the said States to a soldier of the Revolutionary Army. Now know
ye, that the said Frazier having faithfully complyed with the several
stipulations of his engagement, the undersigned in their said capacity,
do hold themselves bound to the said Frazier his heirs or assigns, for
the quantity of lands above stipulated;—given under our hands and
seals the day and date above mentioned.

[Unsigned]

Received of Meriwether Lewis the land warrants severally issued and
granted at the War-Office by virtue of an Act of Congress entitled
"An Act making compensation for Messieurs Lewis & Clarke and
their companions" in favor of the following persons (to wit) Nathaniel
Pryor, Patrick Gass, William Bratton, John Collins, John Colter,
Pierre Cruzatte, Joseph Field, Reuben Field, Robert Frazier, George
Gibson, Thomas P. Howard, Hugh Hall, Francis Labinche, Hugh
McNeal, John Shields, George Shannon, John Potts, John B. Thompson,
Richard Windsor, Peter M[MS. mutilated] nder Willard, & Joseph
Whitehouse; which said warrants I promise and engage to deliver to
the several proprietors of the same on application.

LXIV. LXIV

BRATTON'S DISCHARGE PAPER

LXIV. [From photograph of original MS., in Wheeler, On the Trail of Lewis and Clark, pp. 113, 285.]

Know ye, that the bearer hereof William Bratton, private in a corps
distined for the discovery of the interior of the continent of North
America, having faithfully discharged his duty in said capacity so long
as his services have been necessary to complete the objects of a Voyage
to the Pacific Ocean, is in virtue of the authority vested in me by the
President of the United States hereby discharged from the military
service of the said States; and as a tribute justly due the merits of the
said Willm. Bratton, I with cheerfullness declare that the ample support
which he gave me under every difficulty, the manly firmness which he
evinced on every necessary occation, and the fortitude with which
he boar the fatugues and painfull sufferings incident to that long Voyage,
entitles him to my highest confidence and sincere thanks; while it
eminently recommends him to the consideration and rispect of his
fellow Citizens

LXV. LXV

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

LXV. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 2, vol. 51, doc. 117.]

I recieved, my dear Sir, with unspeakable joy your letter of Sep.
23 announcing the return of yourself, Capt Clarke & your party in good
health to St. Louis. The unknown scenes in which you were engaged
& the length of time without hearing of you had begun to be felt
awfully. Your letter having been 31 [27?] days coming, this cannot
find you at Louisville, & I therefore think it safest to lodge it at
Charlottesville, it's only object is to assure you of what you already
know, my constant affection for you & the joy with which all your
friends here will receive you, tell my friend of Mandane also that I have
already opened my arms to recieve him. Perhaps, while in our neighborhood,
it may be gratifying to him, & not otherwise to yourself to
take a ride to Monticello and see in what manner I have arranged the
tokens of friendship I have received from his country particularly, as
well as from other Indian friends: that in fact I am preparing a kind of
Indian hall. mr Dinsmore, my principal workman will shew everything
there. had you not better bring him [Mandan] by Richmond, Fredericksburg
& Alexandria? he will thus, see what none of the others have
visited, & and the convenience of the public stages will facilitate your
taking that route.

LXVI. LXVI

PART OF JEFFERSON'S MESSAGE TO
CONGRESS, DEC. 2, 1806

LXVI. [From Ford, viii, p. 492.]

The expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, for exploring the river
Missouri, and the best communication from that to the Pacific Ocean,
has had all the success which could have been expected. They have
traced the Missouri nearly to its source, descended the Columbia to the
Pacific ocean, ascertained with accuracy the geography of that interesting
communication across our continent, learned the character of the country,
of its commerce, and inhabitants; and it is but justice to say that
Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, and their brave companions, have by this
arduous service deserved well of their country.

LXVII. LXVII

CONTEMPORARY NEWSPAPER NOTICES

The first newspaper notices of the return of the expedition
appear to have been based on letters from residents of St.
Louis, or others who were personally interested in the affair.
The following are excerpts from and summaries of the most
important of these notices:

Extract from letter to editors of the Baltimore Federal Gazette, under
date of St. Louis, September 23, 1806:[1]

Concerning the safe arrival of Messrs. Lewis and Clark, who went 2 years and
4 months ago to explore the Missouri, to be anxiously wished for by everyone, I
have the pleasure to mention that they arrived here about one hour ago, in good
health, with only the loss of one man who died. They visited the Pacific
Ocean, which they left on the 27th of March last. They would have been
here about the 1st of August, but for the detention they met with from snow and
frost in crossing mountains on which are eternal snows. Their journal will no
doubt be not only importantly interesting to us all, but a fortune for the worthy
and laudable adventurers. When they arrived 3 cheers were fired. They really
have the appearance of Robinson Crusoes—dressed entirely in buckskins. We
shall know all very soon—I have had no particulars yet.

Letter in the Philadelphia Register for October 28, 1806, taken from
"a Kentucky paper" of October 4:[2]

Dear Sir—Captains Lewis and Clark are just arrived, all in good health.
They left the Pacific Ocean the 23d of March last—they wintered there.

They arrived there in last November; there was some American vessels there
just before their arrival. They had to pack one hundred and sixty miles from
the head of the Missouri to Columbia river.—One of the hands, an intelligent
man, tells me that Indians are as numerous on Columbia as the whites are in any
part of the U States—They brought but one family of Indians, of the Mandan
nation. They have brought several curiosities with them from the ocean. The
Indians are represented as being very peaceable. The winter was very mild on
the Pacific.

Extract from "a letter from a gentleman at St. Charles, to a gentleman
in this town, dated 23d September, 1806," in the Frankfort (Ky.)
Palladium for October 9, 1806:[3]

I have the pleasure to inform you of the arrival of Captains Lewis and Clark.

They were the first white people that ever visited that country. By the best
accounts they could get there are about ninety or one hundred thousand inhabitants,
(Indians) on the west side of the Rocky mountains; horses without number.
It Is thought to be a very poor Indian that did not own 300 horses. Not
an iron tool among them.—They erected a fort on the sea shore and engraved
their names. They have a number of curiosities; among which is a wild sheep;
its head and horns weigh about 80 or 90 pounds. He was caught on the Rocky
Mountains.

Summary of official report, in the National Intelligencer for October
27, 1806:[4]

It is a pleasure to announce the arrival of Captain Lewis with his exploring
party at St. Louis. They wintered near the mouth of the Columbia river;
leaving thence Mar. 27, were detained by snows in the mountains until June 24.
He found it 2575 miles from the mouth of Missouri to the great falls; thence by
land over the Rocky mountains 340 miles, of which 200 would admit a good
road, the rest over tremendous mountains. Then 73 miles down the Kooskooske
into a south eastwardly branch of the Columbia, 154 miles down that to the
Columbia, and then 413 miles to the Pacific; 3555 miles in all. Speaks of the
whole country furnishing valuable furs. Says it was fortunate he sent no men
back, since they owed their lives more than once to their numbers. Captain
Lewis will remain a few days in St. Louis, and then proceed to Washington accompanied
by the Mandan chief. He speaks of his colleague Captain Clark in
the most affectionate terms, and ascribes to him an equal share in the success of
this enterprise.

Summary of article from the New York Gazette:[5]

Have lately been told that Mr. Lewis and party passed last winter near mouth
of Columbia, this is in lat. 46, 19′ N. and long. 123°, 38′ W. from London; it
was named by Captain Gray in 1791 or '92, for his ship, and the southern cape
for the late president Adams. The bay is some miles broad and 20 or 30 long;
the tide rises 12 feet at the mouth of the river, but the current is so strong it does
not run up it more than 60 miles. The river and its tributary streams abound in
salmon. The timber is pine, maple, ash, poplar, and oak. The natives are
badly armed, though some have copper swords.

The head of Columbia river lies south of the 45th degree; the distance from
the mouth of the Missouri to that of the Columbia is 1440 miles in a direct
course, which will probably never be travelled.

Letter in the Philadelphia Aurora, December 22, 1806:

Captain Lewis arrived at this place on Thursday last, and on Saturday morning
proceeded on his journey to the city of Washington, by way of the old wilderness
road. He was accompanied by the chief of the Mandane Indians; and a
party of the Osages. Mr. Choteau, with the latter, took their route through
Lexington.

Note in the Philadelphia Aurora, December 24, 1806:

Mr. Choteau with a party of the Osage Indians has arrived in Washington.
Captain Lewis, accompanied by the Mandane chief is also expected every day.

Note in Relf's Philadephia Gazette and Daily Advertiser, January
5, 1807:

Captain Lewis and the Indians who came with him on his return from the
Pacific, were, it is said, at the President's levee day.

LXVIII. LXVIII

AN ADDRESS FROM CITIZENS OF FINCASTLE AND
VICINITY, AND CLARK'S REPLY THERETO

LXVIII. [From original MSS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

[I. THE ADDRESS]

An address from the Citizens of Fincastle & its vicinity to
Captains Meriwether Lewis & William Clarke—8th of January
1807

Gentlemen: Sentiments of esteem and gratitude induce us to offer
you our sincere congratulations, upon your safe return to the bosom
of your country. During your absence upon a perilous & laborious
service, we have reflected with the deepest solicitude, on the dangers
which you must necessarily encounter. Our anxiety for your safety,
and that of the party under your command, is now happily terminated.
Your prudence, courage and good conduct have afforded us an oppertunety
of yielding, without restraint to those emotions of Joy so natural
to the mind, after having experienced a painful suspence. To those,
who have acted so distinguished & honorable apart on the theatre of
human affairs, future life cannot but afford the most soothing recollections.
In whatever situation it may hereafter please the Supreme Being
to place you, it will be a source of unmixed gratification to remember
that in order to meet the just expectations, which your appointment by
Government had excited, you have navigated bold & unknown rivers,
traversed Mountains, which had never before been impressed with the
footsteps of civilized man, and surmounted every obstacle, which
climate, Nature, or ferocious savages could throw in your way. You
have the further satisfaction to reflect that, you have extended the
knowledge of the Geography of your country; in other respects enriched
Science; and opened to the United States a source of inexhaustable
wealth, no event, which occurred during the expedition, can, in
the smallest degree, impair the force of those solacing reflections. You

have uniformly respected the rights of humanity, actuated by principles
of genuine philanthropy, you have not sprinkled your path with the
blood of unoffending savages. Your fame will be as pure and unsullied,
as of that great man to whom Europe is indebted for a knowledge of
our continent; the extent and importance of which, it has been reserved
for you to disclose to the world.

We concieve it to be a signal proof of the wisdom and attention with
which you have conducted the expedition, that but one man has been
lost to your country. This fact will afford to future travellers the
most salutary instruction. It will teach them, that, discoveries (apparently
the most difficult) may be effected without the effusion of human
blood.

You will, Gentlemen, indulge us in declaring it as our opinion, that
the rewards, which a grateful country may think proper to bestow,
ought not to be apportioned to common merit or services; but that the
recompence to yourselves and to each individual under your command
should be such as, in some measure, to atone for past Perils, difficulties
and Privations.

[II. CLARK'S REPLY THERETO]

Gentlemen: Those sentiments of esteem and solicitude for our
personal safety expressed in your affectionate address has excited in me
the livelyest sencibility.—To meet with the approbation of our country
for the attempt which has been made to render services to the government
by Capt. Lewis Myself and the party that accompanied us, is a
source of the highest gratification. It will be a pleasing reflection in
future life to find that the expedition has been productive of those
advantages to our Country, Geography, and science that you are willing
to imagine. To respect the rights of humanity has and ever will be
the leading principal of my life, and no reflection is more pleasing to
me than that of effecting the object we had in view with the effusion
of so small a portion of human blood.

Gentlemen we ought to assign the general safety of the party to a
singular interposition of providence, and not to the wisdom of those

who commanded the expedition. Your anxiety that our country should
reward our services with liberality, produces in me those emmotions
natural to the mind, at the same time acknowledging our uniform confidence
not only in the justice but the liberality of our Country.

The friendly attention manifested towards us by many of our fellow
citizens is highly flattering, but the distinguished attention shewn to me
by the Citizens of Fincastle & its vicinity produces those emmotions
which I am unable to discribe. I will do my self the Honor to hand
Capt. Lewis and make known to the faithfull party that accompanied
us your friendly address, which I will undertake to say for them will
be justly appreciated.

You will please Gentlemen except of the best wishes of your most
obedient Humble Servant

LXIX. LXIX

GRATUITIES TO THE OFFICERS AND MEN IN THE
EXPEDITION TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN, UNDER
LEWIS AND CLARK

LXIX. [From American State Papers, Military Affairs, i, no. 68, pp. 207–209.]

Sir: The committee to whom has been referred a resolution of the
House of Representatives, to inquire what compensation ought to be
made to Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, and their brave companions, for
their late service in exploring the Western waters, have instructed me
to request that you will furnish them with such information, in the
possession of the Department of War, as you may deem necessary to
guide the committee in establishing their rate of compensation; also a list
of the names of the officers, and their respective grades, and the names of
the soldiers under their command.

Sir: Agreeably to the request of the committee, as expressed in
your letter of the 12th inst., I herewith transmit a list of the officers,
non-commissioned officers, and privates, who formed the party recently
returned from an enterprise, which they commenced and prosecuted
with a degree of boldness, perseverance, judgment, and success, that has
rarely, if ever, occurred, in this or any other country.

The officers and soldiers will receive their usual compensations from
this Department, up to the time of their return to St. Louis.

The quantum of gratuity, either in land or money, or in both, to
which such meritorious and unusual services may be entitled, on the
score of national justice, or on the principles of sound policy and

national liberality, being principally a matter of opinion, it is with diffidence
I take the liberty of proposing, for the consideration of the committee,
a grant to each non-commissioned officer and private, of 320
acres of land; to Lieut. Clarke, of 1000; and to Captain Lewis, of
1,500; with the addition of double pay to each while engaged in the
enterprise; and that each one should have permission to locate his grant
on any lands that have been surveyed, and are now for sale by the
United States.

It may be proper for me to remark, that, in a conversation with
Captain Lewis, he observed, that whatever grant of land Congress might
think proper to make, to himself and Lieutenant Clarke, it was his wish
there should be no distinction of rank so noticed as to make a difference
in the quantity granted to each; and that he would prefer an equal
division of whatever quantity might be granted to them.

I also transmit, herewith, the letter from Captain Lewis to the Secretary
of War, which accompanied said list.

Sir: Herewith enclosed I transmit you the roll of the men who
accompanied me on my late tour to the Pacific Ocean, through the interior
of the continent of North America.

In addition to the men whose names are entered on this roll, there
are two others who have some claims to a gratuity, as connected with
the expedition; but as I cannot consider them, in all respects, as of the
permanent party, I have thought their pretensions more properly
the subjects of this detached communication, than of the roll which
accompanies it.

Richard Warfington was a corporal in the infantry of the United
States' army, whom I had occasion to take with me on my voyage as
far as the Mandan nation. His term of service expired on the 4th of
August, 1804, nearly three months previous to my arrival at that place.
Knowing that it would become necessary for me to send back my boat
in the spring of 1805, with a party of soldiers, whose terms of service
had not expired; that it was of some importance that the Government
should receive, in safety, the despatches which I was about to transmit
from thence; that there was not one of the party, destined to be returned
from thence, in whom I could place the least confidence, except himself;

and that, if he was discharged at the moment of the expiration of
his term of service, he would necessarily lose his military standing, and
thereby lessen the efficiency of his command among the soldiery; I was
induced, under these considerations, to make an arrangement with him,
by which it was agreed between us, that he should not receive his discharge
from the military service until his return to St. Louis, and that
he should, in the interim, retain his rank, and receive only for his services
the accustomed compensation. Accordingly, he remained with me
during the winter, and was, the next spring, in conformity to my plan,
placed in command of the boat, and charged with my despatches to the
Government. The duties assigned him on this occasion, were performed
with a punctuality which uniformly marked his conduct while
under my command. Taking into view the cheerfulness with which he
continued in the service after every obligation had ceased to exist from
his enlistment; the fatigues, labor, and dangers, incident to that service;
and, above all, the fidelity with which he discharged his duty; it would
seem, that when rewards were about to be distributed among those of
the party who were engaged in this enterprise, that his claim to something
more than his pay of seven dollars per month, as corporal, cannot
be considered unreasonable.

John Newman was a private in the infantry of the United States'
army, who joined me as a volunteer, and entered into an enlistment, in
common with others, by which he was held and mustered as one of the
permanent party. In the course of the expedition, or shortly before we
arrived at the Mandan village, he committed himself by using certain
mutinous expressions, which caused me to arrest him, and to have him
tried by a court martial, formed of his peers: they, finding him guilty,
sentenced him to receive seventy-five lashes, and to be discharged from
the permanent party. This sentence was confirmed by me, and the
punishment took place. The conduct of this man, previous to this
period, had been generally correct; and the zeal he afterwards displayed
for the benefit of the service, was highly meritorious. In the course of
the winter, while at Fort Mandan, from an ardent wish to atone for the
crime which he had committed at an unguarded moment, he exerted
himself, on every occasion, to become useful. This disposition induced
him to expose himself too much to the intense cold of that climate, and
on a hunting excursion, he had his hands and feet severely frozen, with
which he suffered extreme pain, for some weeks. Having recovered
from this accident by the 1st of April, 1805, he asked forgiveness for
what had passed, and begged that I would permit him to continue with
me through the voyage; but deeming it impolitic to relax from the sentence,

although he stood acquitted in my mind, I determined to send
him back, which was accordingly done. Since my return I have been
informed that he was extremely serviceable as a hunter, on the voyage
to St. Louis, and that the boat, on several occasions, owed her safety, in
a great measure, to his personal exertions, being a man of uncommon
activity and bodily strength. If, under these circumstances, it should
be thought proper to give Newman the remaining third which will be
deducted from the gratuity awarded Baptiste Le Page, who occupied his
station in the after part of the voyage, I should feel myself much
gratified.

I have the honor to be, with due consideration, and much respect,

A Roll of the men who accompanied Captains Lewis and Clarke on
their late tour to the Pacific Ocean, through the interior of the
continent of North America, showing their rank, with some remarks
on their respective merits and services.

                                                           

No.	Names.	Rank.	Remarks.
1	John Ordway,	Sergeant.
2	Nathaniel Pryor,	Do.
3	Charles Floyd,	Do.	{Deceased the 20th of August, 1804. A young man of much merit. His father, who now resides in Kentucky, is a man much respected, though possessed of but moderate wealth. As the son has lost his life whilst on this service, I consider his father entitled to some gratuity, in consideration of his loss; and also, that the deceased being noticed in this way, will be a tribute but justly due to his merit.
4	Patrick Gass,	Do.	{Promoted to sergeant, 20th of August, 1804, in the place of Charles Floyd, deceased; in which capacity he continued until discharged at St. Louis, November 10, 1806.
5	William Bratton,	Private,
6	John Collins,	Do.
7	John Colter,	Do.
8	Pierre Cruzatte,	Do.
9	Joseph Field,	Do.	{Two of the most active and enterprising young men who accompanied us. It was their peculiar fate to have been engaged in all the most dangerous and difficult scenes of the voyage, in which they uniformly acquitted themselves with much honor.
10	Reuben Field,	Do.
11	Robert Frazier,	Do.
12	Silas Goodrich,	Do.
13	George Gibson,	Do.
14	Thomas P. Howard,	Do.
15	Hugh Hall,	Do.
16	Francis Labuiche,	Do.	{He has received the pay only of a private, though, besides the duties performed as such, he has rendered me very essential services as a French and English interpreter; therefore, I should think it only just that some small addition to his pay, as a private, should be added, though no such addition has, at any time, been promised by me.
17	Hugh M'Neal,	Do.
18	John Sheilds,	Do.	{Has received the pay only of a private. Nothing was more peculiarly useful to us, in various situations, than the skill and ingenuity of this man as an artist, in repairing our guns, accoutrements, &c. and should it be thought proper to allow him something as an artificer, he has well deserved it.
19	George Shannon,	Do.
20	John Potts,	Do.
21	John Baptiste Le Page,	Do.	{Entitled to no peculiar merit: was enlisted at Fort Mandan, on the 2d of November, 1804, in order to supply the deficiency in my permanent party, occasioned by the discharge of John Newman. He performed the tour to the Pacific Ocean, and returned to St. Louis, where he was discharged, in common with others, on the 10th of November last. As he did not perform the labors incident to the summer of 1804, it would be proper to give him the gratuity only of two-thirds as much as is given to others of his rank.
22	John B. Thompson,	Do.
23	William Werner,	Do.
24	Richard Windsor,	Do.
25	Peter Wiser,	Do.
26	Alexander Willard,	Do.
27	Joseph Whitehouse,	Do.
28	George Drulyard,	Interpreter.	{A man of much merit; he has been peculiarly useful from his knowledge of the common language of gesticulation, and his uncommon skill as a hunter and woodsman; those several duties he performed in good faith, and with an ardor which deserves the highest commendation. It was his fate also to have encountered, on various occasions, with either Captain Clarke or myself, all the most dangerous and trying scenes of the voyage, in which he uniformly acquitted himself with honor. He has served the complete term of the whole tour, and received only 25 dollars per month, and one ration per day, while I am informed that it is not unusual for individuals, in similar employments, to receive 30 dollars per month.
29	Touisant Charbono,	Interpreter.	{A man of no peculiar merit; was useful as an interpreter only, in which capacity he discharged his duties with good faith, from the moment of our departure from the Mandans, on the 7th of April, 1805, until our return to that place in August last, and received, as a compensation, 25 dollars per month, while in service.

General Remark.

With respect to all those persons whose names are entered on this
roll, I feel a peculiar pleasure in declaring, that the ample support which
they gave me under every difficulty; the manly firmness which they
evinced on every necessary occasion; and the patience and fortitude
with which they submitted to, and bore, the fatigues and painful sufferings
incident to my late tour to the Pacific Ocean, entitles them to my
warmest approbation and thanks; nor will 1 suppress the expression
of a hope, that the recollection of services, thus faithfully performed,
will meet a just reward, in an ample remuneration on the part of our
Government.

LXX. LXX

DRAFT OF RECEIPT FOR COMPENSATION

LXX. [From original MS. in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

We the Subscribers do acknowledge to have received of the several sums set opposit to our names, the same being due us from the
War department pursuant to an Act of Congress bearing date March the 3rd.. 1807. entitled "an Act makeing compensation to Messrs. Lewis
& Clark and their companions."—Signed Duplicates.

                                                                 

No.	Names	Rank	Commencement of Service, and settlement as per pay Roll	Ending of pay as per pay Roll at the expiration of Service	Time paid for		Pay per Month	Amount of Pay Received		Signers Names	Witneſs
					Months	Days		Dollars	cents
1	John Ordway	Sergeant	1st. of January 1804	10th. of October 1806	33	10	8	266	66 ⅔
2	Nathaniel Pryor	ditto	20th. of October 1803	10th. of October 1806	35	20	5 & 8	278	50–
3	Charles Floyd	ditto	1st. of August 1803	20th. of August 1804	12	20	5 & 8	86	33 ⅓
4	Patrick Gass	ditto	1st. of January 1804	10th. of October 1806	33	10	5 & 8	243	66 ⅔
5	William Bratton	private	20th. of October 1803	10th. of October 1806	35	20	5	178	33 ⅓
6	John Collins	do	1st. of January 1804	ditto ditto	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
7	John Colter	do	15th. of October 1803	do do	35	26	5	179	33. ⅓
8	Pierre Cruzatte	do	16th. of May 1804	do do	28	25	5	144	16. ⅔
9	Joseph Fields	do	1st. of August 1803	do do	38	10	5	191	66. ⅔
10	Reubin Fields	do	1st. of August 1803	do do	38	10	5	191	66. ⅔
11	Robert Frazier	do	1st. of January 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
12	Silas Goodrich	do	1st. of Jany. 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
13	George Gibson	do	19th. of October 1803	do do	35	21	5	178	50.
14	Thomas Proctor Howard	do	1st. January 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
15	Hugh Hale	do	1st. of Jany. 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
16	Francis Labieche	do	16th. of May 1804	do do	28	25	5	144	66. ⅔
17	Hugh Mc..Neal	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
18	John Shields	do	19th. of Octob: 1803	do do	35	21	5	178	50.
19	George Shannon	do	19th. of Octr. 1803	do do	35	21	5	178	50.
20	John Potts	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
21	John Baptiest la page	do	2nd. Novr. 1804	do do	22	9	5	111	50.
22	John B. Thompson	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66 ⅔
23	William Werner	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66. ⅔
24	Richard Windser	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66 ⅔
25	Peter Wiser	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66 ⅔
26	Alexander Willard	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66 ⅔
27	Joseph Whitehouse	do	1st. of Jany: 1804	do do	33	10	5	166	66 ⅔
28	Richard Warfington	Corporal	14th. of May 1804	1st. of June 1805	12	17	7	99	96 ⅔
29	John Newmon	Private	14th. of May 1804	1st. of June 1805	12	17	5	62	83 ⅓
30	George Drullier	Interpreter	1st. of January 1804	10th. of October 1806	33	10	25	833	33 ⅓
31	Touiasant Charbono	ditto	7th. of April 1805	17th. of August 1806	16	11	25	409	16 ⅔

LXXI. LXXI

CLARK TO MAJOR EDMUND CLARK[1]

LXXI. [From original MS. in library of Wisconsin Historical Society—Draper MSS., 2L60.]

Dear Brother: I have not had the pleasure of more than one
letter from you since I arrived at this place, congress adjourned last
night at 11 p.m. Mr. J. Randolph being unwell no debate interesting
took place as usial at the last of the Session. a Bill has passed allowing
Lewis & Clark and their companions compensation to Capt. L.
& myself each 1600 acres, and to each man 320 acres to be laid off on
the West Side of the R Mississippi; and double pay to all. Capt. Lewis
is Appointed Govr. of Louisiana. Col. Tho: Todd of Frankfort is
ap. Supreme Judge of the Kentucky Ohio & Tenissee Circuit. The
President thought proper to nomonate me as Lt. Col: to one of the
regiments which was rejected by the Senate on the Grounds of braking
through a Principal. I am truly gratified to find that in this decision of
the Senate they as I am told unanimussly agreed that they would confirm
any other nomonation in the gift of the government. A copy of
the British treaty was receved by the british minister last evening.
I shall leave this place for the Western Country on Monday and Shall
go by the Southern rout, Stay a fiew days in Kentucky and proceed on
to St Louis. to Send off the Mandan Chief to his nation. I have become
quit[e] a galant and Somewhat taken with the fair creatures.
please to present me to all friends. I expect my brother Jona: is now
on his way to Virginia. no news worth your attention which can be
relyed on.

LXXII. LXXII

LEWIS'S PROSPECTUS, 1807[1]

LXXII. [From original broadside in possession of Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis.]

Prospectus of Lewis and Clark's Tour to the Pacific Ocean
Through the Interior of the Continent of North America,
performed by order of the government of the United States, during
the years 1804, 1805, & 1806.

This work will be prepared by Captain Meriwether Lewis, and will
be divided into two parts, the whole comprised in three volumes octavo,
the first containing at least seven hundred pages, the second and third
from four to five hundred each, printed on good paper, and a fair Pica

type. The several volumes in succession will be put to press at as early
periods as the avocations of the author will permit him to prepare
them for publication.

Part the First: in two volumes.

Will contain a narrative of the voyage, with a description of some of
the most remarkable places in those hitherto unknown wilds of America,
accompanied by a map of good size, a large chart of the entrance of the
Columbia river, embracing the adjacent country, coast and harbours,
and embellished with views of two beautiful cataracts of the Missouri;
the plan, on a large scale, of the connected falls of that river, as also of
those of the falls, narrows, and great rapids of the Columbia, with their
several portages. For the information of future voyagers, there will be
added in the sequel of this volume, some observations and remarks on
the navigation of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, pointing out the
precautions which must necessarily be taken, in order to ensure success,
together with an itinerary of the most direct and practicable route across
the continent of North America, from the confluence of the Missouri
and Mississippi rivers to the discharge of the Columbia into the Pacific
Ocean.

Volume Second.

Whatever properly appertains to geography, embracing a description
of the rivers, mountains, climate, soil and face of the country; a view
of the Indian nations distributed over that vast region, showing their
traditions, habits, manners, customs, national characters, stature, complexions,
dress, dwelling, arms, and domestic utensils, with many other
interesting particulars in relation to them: also observations and reflections
on the subjects of civilizing, governing and maintaining a friendly
intercourse with those nations. A view of the fur trade of North
America, setting forth a plan for its extension, and showing the immense
advantages which would accrue to the mercantile interests of the United
States, by combining the same with a direct trade to the East Indies
through the continent of North America. This volume will be embellished
with twenty plates illustrative of the dress and general appearance
of such Indian nations as differ materially from each other; of their
habitations; their weapons and habiliments used in war; their hunting
and fishing apparatus, domestic utensils, &c. In an appendix there will
also be given a diary of the weather, kept with great attention throughout

the whole of the voyage, showing also the daily rise and fall of the
principal water-courses which were navigated in the course of the same.

Part the Second: in one volume.

This part of the work will be confined exclusively to scientific research,
and principally to the natural history of those hitherto unknown regions.
It will contain a full dissertation on such subjects as have fallen within
the notice of the author, and which may properly be distributed under
the heads of Botany, Mineralogy, and Zoology, together with some
strictures on the origin of Prairies, the cause of the muddiness of the
Missouri, of volcanic appearances, and other natural phenomena, which
were met with in the course of this interesting tour. This volume will
also contain a comparative view of twenty three vocabularies of distinct
Indian languages, procured by Captains Lewis and Clark on the voyage,
and will be ornamented and embellished with a much greater number of
plates than will be bestowed on the first part of the work, as it is intended
that every subject of natural history which is entirely new, and
of which there are a considerable number, shall be accompanied by an
appropriate engraving illustrative of it.

This distribution of the work has been made with a view to the
accommodation of every description of readers, and is here offered to
the patronage of the public in such shape, that all persons wishing to
become subscribers, may accommodate themselves with either of the
parts, or the entire work, as it shall be most convenient to them.

*** Subscriptions received by C. and A. Conrad and Co. (late
John Conrad and Co.) No. 30, Chestnut-street, Philadelphia.

Detached from this work, there will be published,

Lewis and Clark's Map of North America, from longitude 9° west
to the Pacific Ocean, and between 36° and 52° north latitude, with
extensive marginal notes, dimensions five feet eight inches by three
feet ten inches,

Embracing all their late discoveries, and that part of the continent
heretofore the least known. This Map will be compiled from the best
maps now extant, as well published as in manuscript; from the collective
information of the best informed travellers through the various portions
of that region, and corrected by a series of several hundred celestial
observations, made by Captain Lewis during his late tour.

For the convenience of subscribers, these several works will be delivered
at the most respectable commercial towns, and at the seats of
government of the respective states and territories within the Union:
no advance is required, nor will payment be demanded until such
delivery is made.

The price of part the first, in two volumes, will be ten dollars, and
that of part the second, in one volume, eleven dollars, delivered in
boards. Price of the Map, ten dollars.

*** Any persons who may have subscribed for these works, to lists
which contained no stipulated prices for the same, and who may be dissatisfied
with the terms now proposed, are at liberty to withdraw their
names from such lists, at any time prior to the first day of December
next.

M. Lewis.

Philadelphia, June 3d, 1807.

   

SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES	Lewis and Clark's Tour. No. of Copies.	Lewis & Clark's Map of North America.
	Part 1st Part 2d	No. of Copies.

LXXIII. LXXIII

JEFFERSON TO LEWIS

LXXIII. [From original MS. in Bureau of Rolls—Jefferson Papers, series 5, vol. 16, doc. 7 k.]

Dear Sir This will be handed you—mr̄ Bradbury, an English
botanist, who proposes to take St. Louis in his botanising tour. he
came recommended to me by mr̄ Roscoe of Liverpool. so well known
by his histories of Lorenzo of Medicis & Leo X. & who is president
of the Botanical society of Liverpool. mr̄ Bradbury comes out in their
employ, & having kept him here about ten days, I have had an opportunity
of knowing that besides being a botanist of the first order, he is a
man of entire worth & correct conduct. as such I recommend him to
your notice, advice & patronage, while within your government or it's
confines. perhaps you can consult no abler hand on your Western
botanical observations. I am very often applied to to know when your
work will begin to appear; and I have so long promised copies to my
literary correspondents in France, that I am almost bankrupt in their
eyes. I shall be very happy to receive from yourself information of
your expectations on this subject. every body is impatient for it.

You have seen by the papers how dirty a trick has been played us
by England. I consider all amicable arrangement with that nation as
desperate during the life of the present king. there is some ground to
expect more justice from Napoleon. & this is perhaps favored by the
signal defeat he has suffered in the battle of the Danube, which has
obliged him to retreat & remain stationary at Vienna, till his army,
literally cut up, can be reinforced. in the mean time, the spell of his
invincibility being broken, he is in danger of an universal insurrection
against him in Europe. your friends here are well, & have been long
in expectation of seeing you. I shall hope in that case to possess a due
portion of you at Monticello, where I am at length enjoying the never
before known luxury of employing myself for my own gratification only.
present my friendly salutations to Genl. Clarke, and be assured yourself
of my constant & unalterable affections.

LXXIV. LXXIV

LEWIS TO MAJOR AMOS STODDARD

LXXIV. [From original MS. in possession of Missouri Historical Society.]

Dear Majr: I must acknowledge myself remiss in not writing you
in answer to several friendly epistles which I have received from you
since my return from the Pacific Ocean. continued occupation in the
immediate discharge of the duties of a public station will I trust in some
measure plead my apology.

I am now on my way to the city of Washington and had contemplated
taking Fort Adams and Orlianes in my rout, but my indisposition
has induced me to change my rout and shall now pass through
Tennessee and Virginia, the protest of some bills which I have lately
drawn on public account form the principal inducement for my going
forward at this moment. an explanation is all that is necessary I am
sensible to put all matters right, in the mean time the protest of a draught
however just has drawn upon me at one moment all my private debts
which have excessively embarrassed me. I hope you will therefore
pardon me for asking you to remit as soon as is convenient the sum
of $200 which you have informed me you hold for me I calculated
on having the pleasure to see you at Fort Adams as I passed, but am
Informed by Capt Russel the commanding officer of this place that you
are stationed on the West side of the Mississippi.

You will direct to me at the City of Washington untill the last of
December after which I expect I shall be on my return to St. Louis.

LXXV. LXXV

LEWIS'S OBSERVATIONS AND REFLECTIONS ON
UPPER LOUISIANA, 1809

LXXV. [Appendix to Biddle version (1814), ii, pp. 435–461.]

Observations and reflections on the present and future state
of Upper Louisiana, in relation to the government of the Indian
nations inhabiting that country, and the trade and intercourse
with the same. By captain Lewis.

With a view to a more complete development of this subject, I have
deemed it expedient in the outset, to state the leading measures pursued
by the provincial government of Spain, in relation to this subject; the
evils which flowed from those measures, as well to the Indians as to
the whites, in order that we may profit by their errors, and be ourselves
the better enabled to apply the necessary correctives to the remnant of
evils which their practice introduced.

From the commencement of the Spanish provincial government in
Louisiana, whether by the permission of the crown, or originating in the
pecuniary rapacity of their governors general, this officer assumed to
himself exclusively the right of trading with all the Indian nations
in Louisiana; and therefore proceeded to dispose of this privilege to
individuals, for certain specific sums: his example was imitated by the
governors of Upper Louisiana, who made a further exaction. Those
exclusive permissions to individuals varied as to the extent of country
or nations they embraced, and the period for which granted; but in all
cases the exclusive licenses were offered to the highest bidder, and, consequently,
the sums paid by the individuals purchasing, were quite as
much as the profits of the trade would bear, and in many instances,
from a spirit of opposition between contending applicants, much more
was given than ever the profits of the traffic would justify. The individual,
of course, became bankrupt. This, however, was among the
least of the evils flowing from this system to the Indian; it produced
the evil of compelling him to pay such enormous sums for the articles he

purchased, that his greatest exertions would not enable him to obtain
as much as he had previously been in the habit of consuming, and which
he therefore conceived necessary to him; for as this system progressed
the demands of the governors became more exorbitant, and the trader, to
meet his engagements, exacted higher prices from the Indians, though
the game became scarcer in their country. The morals of the Indian
were corrupted by placing before him the articles which he viewed as
of the first necessity to him, at such prices, that he had it not in his
power to purchase; he was therefore induced, in many instances, to take
by force that which he had not the means of paying for; consoling himself
with the idea, that the trader was compelled of necessity to possess
himself of the peltries and furs, in order to meet his engagements
with those from whom he had purchased his merchandise, as well as
those who had assisted him in their transportation. He consequently
could not withdraw himself from their trade, without inevitable ruin.
The prevalence of this sentiment among the Indians, was strongly
impressed on my mind by an anecdote related to me by a gentleman,
who had for several years enjoyed, under the Spanish government, the
exclusive privilege of trading with the Little Osages. It happened,
that after he had bartered with them for all their peltries and furs which
they had on hand, that they seized forcibly on a number of guns and a
quantity of ammunition which he had still remaining; he remonstrated
with them against this act of violence, and finally concluded by declaring
that he would never return among them again, nor would he suffer any
person to bring them merchandise thereafter. They heard him out very
patiently, when one of their leaders pertly asked him; if he did not return
the next season to obtain their peltries and furs, how he intended to pay
the persons from; whom he had purchased the merchandise they had
then taken from him?

The Indians believed that these traders were the most powerful
persons in the nation; nor did they doubt their ability to withhold
merchandise from them; but the great thirst displayed by the traders
for the possession of their peltries and furs, added to the belief that they
were compelled to continue their traffic, was considered by the Indians
a sufficient guarantee for the continuance of their intercourse, and
therefore felt themselves at liberty to practise aggressions on the traders
with impunity: thus they governed the trader by what they conceived
his necessities to possess their furs and peltries, rather than governing
themselves by their own anxiety to obtain merchandise, as they may
most effectually be by a well regulated system. It is immaterial to the
Indians how they obtain merchandise; in possession of a supply they

feel independent. The Indians found by a few experiments of aggression
on the traders, that as it respected themselves, it had a salutary
effect; and although they had mistaken the legitimate cause of action
on the part of the trader, the result being favourable to themselves,
they continued their practice. The fact is, that the trader was compelled
to continue his trade under every disadvantage, in order to make
good his engagements to the governors; for having secured their protection,
they were safe, both in person and property from their other
creditors, who were, for the most part, the merchants of Montreal.

The first effect of these depredations of the Indians, was the introduction
of a ruinous custom among the traders, of extending
to them a credit. The traders, who visited the Indians on the
Missouri, arrived at their wintering stations from the latter end of
September to the middle of October: here they carried on their traffic
until the latter end of March or beginning of April. In the course
of the season they had possessed themselves of every skin the Indians
had procured, of course there was an end of trade; but previous to their
return, the Indians insist upon a credit being given on the faith of payment
when he returned the next season. The trader understands his
situation, and knowing this credit was nothing less than the price of his
passport, or the privilege of departing in safety to his home, of course
narrowed down the amount of this credit, by concealing, as far as he
could, to avoid the suspicions of the Indians, the remnant of his merchandise.
But the amount to be offered must always be such as they
had been accustomed to receive; and which, in every case, bore a considerable
proportion to their whole trade; say the full amount of their
summer or redskin hunt. The Indians well knew that the traders were
in their power, and the servile motives which induced them to extend
their liberality to them, and Were therefore the less solicitous to meet
their engagements on the day of payment; to this indifference they
were further urged by the traders distributing among them, on those
occasions, many articles of the last necessity to them. The consequence
was, that when the traders returned the ensuing fall, if they
obtained only one half of their credits they were well satisfied, as this
covered their real expenditure.

Again: if it so happen, in the course of the winter's traffic, that the
losses of the trader, growing out of the indolence of the Indians, and
their exorbitant exactions under the appellation of credit, should so
reduce his stock in trade that he could not pay the governor the price
stipulated for his license, and procure a further supply of goods in order
to prosecute his trade, the license was immediately granted to some

other individual, who, with an ample assortment of merchandise, visits
the place of rendezvous of his predecessor, without the interpolation of
a single season. It did not unfrequently happen, that the individuals
engaged in this commerce, finding one of their number failing from the
rapacity of the Indian nation, with which he had been permitted to trade,
were not so anxious to possess themselves of the privilege of trading
with that nation; the governor, of course, rather than lose all advantages,
would abate of his demands considerably. The new trader thus
relieved of a considerable proportion of the tax borne by his predecessor,
and being disposed to make a favourable impression on the minds of the
Indians, to whom he was about to introduce himself, would, for the first
season at least, dispose of his goods to those Indians on more moderate
terms than his predecessor had done. The Indians now find that the
aggressions they have practised on their former trader, so far from
proving detrimental to them, has procured not only their exoneration
from the payment of the last credit given them by their former trader,
but that the present trader furnished them goods on better terms than
they had been accustomed to receive them. Thus encouraged by the
effects of this rapacious policy, it was not to be expected that they would
alter their plan of operation as it respected their new trader; or that they
should appreciate the character of the whites in general in any other
manner, than as expressed in a prevailing sentiment on this subject, now
common among several nations on the Missouri, to wit: "that the white
man are like dogs, the more you beat them and plunder them, the more
goods they will bring you and the cheaper they will sell them." This
sentiment constitutes, at present, the rule of action among the Kanzas,
Sioux, and others; and if it be not broken down by the adoption of some
efficient measures, it needs not the aid of any deep calculation to determine
the sum of advantages which will result to the American people
from the trade of the Missouri. These aggressions on the part of the
Indians, were encouraged by the pusillanimity of the engagees, who
declared that they were not engaged to fight.

The evils which flowed from this system of exclusive trade, were
sensibly felt by the inhabitants of Louisiana. The governor, regardless
of the safety of the community, sold to an individual the right of vending
among the Indians every species of merchandise; thus bartering, in
effect, his only efficient check on the Indians. The trader, allured by
the hope of gain, neither shackled with discretion, nor consulting the
public good, proceeded to supply the Indians, on whom he was dependent,
with arms, ammunition, and all other articles they might require.
The Indian, thus independent, acknowledging no authority but his own,

will proceed without compunction of conscience or fear of punishment,
to wage war on the defenceless inhabitants of the frontier, whose lives
and property, in many instances, were thus sacrificed at the shrine of an
inordinate thirst for wealth in their governors, which in reality occasioned
all those evils. Although the governors could not have been ignorant
that the misfortunes of the people were caused by the independence
of the Indians, to which they were accessary, still they were the more
unwilling to apply the corrective; because the very system which gave
them wealth in the outset, in the course of its progress, afforded them
many plausible pretexts to put their hands into the treasury of the king
their master. For example; the Indians attack the frontier, kill some
of the inhabitants, plunder many others, and agreeably to their custom
of warfare, retire instantly to their villages with their booty. The
governor informed of this transaction, promptly calls on the inhabitants
to aid and assist in repelling the invasion. Accordingly a party assemble
under their officers, some three or four days after the mischief had been
done, and the Indians, one hundred, or one hundred and fifty miles from
them, they pursue them, as they usually did, at no rapid pace, three or
four days, and returned without overtaking the enemy, as they might
have well known before they set out. On their return the men were
dismissed, but ordered to hold themselves in readiness at a moment's
warning. When at the end of some two or three months, the governor
chose to consider the danger blown over, he causes receipts to be made
out for the full pay of two or three months service, to which the signatures
of the individuals are affixed; but as those persons were only
absent from their homes ten or twelve days, all that was really paid
them, did not amount to more than one fourth or one fifth of what they
receipted for, and the balance of course was taken by the governor, as
the reward for his faithful guardianship of the lives and property of his
majesty's subjects.

The Spaniards holding the entrance of the Missouri, could regulate
as they thought proper the intercourse with the Indians through that
channel; but from what has been said, it will be readily perceived, that
their traders, shackled with the pecuniary impositions of their governors,
could never become the successful rivals of the British merchants on the
west side of the Mississippi, which, from its proximity to the United
States, the latter could enter without the necessity of a Spanish passport,
or the fear of being detected by them. The consequence was that the
trade of the rivers Demoin, St. Peter's, and all the country west of
the Mississippi nearly to the Missouri, was exclusively enjoyed by the
British merchants. The Spanish governors, stimulated by their own

sordid views, declared that the honour of his majesty was grossly compromitted
by the liberty that those adventurers took in trading with the
natives within his territory, without their permission, and therefore took
the liberty of expending his majesty's money by equipping and manning
several galleys to cruise in the channels of the Mississippi in order to
intercept those traders of the St. Peter's and Demoin rivers, in their
passage to and from the entrance of the Oisconsing river; but after
several unsuccessful cruises, and finding the Indians so hostile to them
in this quarter, that they dare not land nor remain long in the channel
without being attacked, they therefore retired and gave over the project.
The Indians were friendly to the British merchants, and unfriendly to
the Spanish, for the plain reason that the former sold them goods at a
lower rate. The Ayaways, Sacks, Foxes, and Yanktons of the river
Demoin, who occasionally visited the Missouri, had it in their power
to compare the rates at which the Spanish merchant in that quarter, and
the British merchant on the Mississippi sold their goods; this was
always much in favour of the latter; it therefore availed the Spaniards
but little, when they inculcated the doctrine of their being their only
legitimate fathers and friends, and that the British merchants were mere
intruders, and had no other object in view but their own aggrandizement.
The Indians, deaf to this doctrine, estimated the friendship of
both by the rates at which they respectively sold their merchandise;
and of course remained the firm friends of the British. In this situation
it is not difficult for those to conceive who have felt the force of their
machinations, that the British merchants would, in order to extend their
own trade, endeavour to break down that of their neighbors on the
Missouri. The attachments of the Indians to them, afforded a formidable
weapon with which to effect their purposes, nor did they suffer it
to remain unemployed.

The merchants of the Dog prairie, rivers Demoin and Ayaway,
stimulated the nations just mentioned to the commission of acts of
rapacity on the merchants of the Missouri, nor was Mr. Cameron and
others, merchants of the river St. Peter's, less active with respect to the
Cissitons, Yanktons of the plains, Tetons, &c. who resort the Missouri
occasionally still higher up. War parties of those nations were consequently
found lying in wait on the Missouri, to intercept the boats of
the merchants of that river at the seasons they were expected to
pass, and depredations were frequently committed, particularly by the
Ayaways, who have been known in several instances to capture boats
on the Missouri, in their descent to St. Louis, and compelled the crews
to load themselves with heavy burdens of their best furs across the

country to their towns, where they disposed of them to the British
merchants. In those cases they always destroyed the periogues, and
such of the peltries and furs as they could not carry off. It may be
urged, that the British merchants knowing that the United States, at
present, through mere courtesy, permit them to extend their trade to
the west side of the Mississippi; or rather that they are mere tenants
at will, and that the United States possess the means of ejecting them
at pleasure; that they will, under these circumstances, be induced to act
differently towards us than they did in relation to the Spanish government;
but what assurance have we that this will be the effect of the
mere change of governments without change of measures in relation to
them. Suffer me to ask what solid grounds there are to hope that their
gratitude for our tolerance and liberality on this subject, will induce
them to hold a different policy towards us. None, in my opinion,
unless we stimulate their gratitude by placing before their eyes the
instruments of our power in the form of one or two garrisons on the
upper part of the Mississippi. Even admit that the people were
actuated by the most friendly regard towards the interests of the United
States, and at this moment made a common cause with us to induce the
Indians to demean themselves in an orderly manner towards our government,
and to treat our traders of the Missouri with respect and friendship,
yet, without some efficient check on the Indians, I should not
think our citizens nor our traders secure; because the Indians, who
have for ten years and upwards, derived advantages from practice on
lessons of rapacity taught them by those traders, cannot at a moment
be brought back to a state of primitive innocence, by the united persuasions
of all the British traders. I hold it an axiom, incontrovertible,
that it is more easy to introduce vice into all states of society than it is to
eradicate it; and that this is still more strictly true, when applied to
man in savage than in his civilized state. If, therefore, we wish, within
some short period, to devest ourselves of the evils which flowed from
the inculcation of those doctrines of vice, we must employ some more
active agent than the influence of the same teachers who first introduced
them. Such an agent, in my opinion, is the power of withholding their
merchandise from them at pleasure; and to accomplish this, we must
first provide the means of controlling the merchants. If we permit the
British merchants to supply the Indians in Louisiana as formerly, the
influence of our government over those Indians is lost. For the Indian
in possession of his merchandise, feels himself independent of every
government, and will proceed to commit the same depredations which
they did when rendered independent by the Spanish system.

The traders give themselves but little trouble at any time to inculcate
among the Indians a respect for governments; but are usually content
with proclaiming their own importance. When the British merchants
give themselves trouble to speak of governments, it is but fair to
presume that they will teach the natives to respect the power of their
own. And at all events, we know from experience that no regard for
the blood of our frontier inhabitants will influence them at any time to
withhold arms and ammunitions from the Indians, provided they are to
profit by furnishing them.

Having now stated, as they have occurred to my mind, the several
evils which flowed from that system of intercourse with the Indians,
pursued by the Spanish government, I shall next endeavour to point out
the defects of our own, and show its incompetency to produce the
wished for reform; then, with some remarks on the Indian character,
conclude by submitting for the consideration of our government, the
outlines of a plan which has been dictated as well by a sentiment of
philanthropy towards the aborigines of America, as a just regard to the
protection of the lives and property of our citizens; and with the
further view also of securing to the people of the United States, exclusively,
the advantages which ought of right to accrue to them from the
possession of Louisiana.

We now permit the British merchants of Canada, indiscriminately
with our own, to enter the Missouri, and trade with the nations in that
quarter. Although the government of the U. States has not yielded the
point that, as a matter of right, the British merchants have the privilege
of trading in this quarter; yet from what has been said to them, they
are now acting under a belief, that it will be some time before any
prohibitory measures will be taken with respect to them; and are therefore
making rapid strides to secure themselves in the affection of the
Indians, and to break down, as soon as possible, the American adventurers,
by underselling them, and thus monopolize that trade: this
they will effect to an absolute certainty in the course of a few years.
The old Northwest company of Canada have, within the last two
years, formed a union with the Newyork company, who had previously
been the only important rivals in the fur trade; this company, with the
great accession of capital brought them by the Newyork company,
have, with a view to the particular monopoly of the Missouri, formed
a connexion with a British house in Newyork, another at New
Orleans, and have sent their particular agent, by the name of Jacob
Mires, to take his station at St. Louis. It may be readily conceived
that the union of the Northwest and Newyork companies, who have

previously extended their trade in opposition to each other, and to the
exclusion of all unassociated merchants on the upper portion of the
Mississippi, the waters of lake Winnipec, and the Athebaskey country,
would, after their late union, have a surplus of capital and a surplus
of men, which they could readily employ in some other quarter: such
was the Missouri, which, from the lenity of our government, they saw
was opened to them; and I do believe, could the fact be ascertained
that the hope of future gain from the fur trade of that river, was one
of the principal causes of the union between those two great rivals in
the fur trade of North America. That this trade will be nurtured and
protected by the British government, I have no doubt, for many
reasons, which it strikes me could be offered, but which, not falling
immediately within the purview of these observations on the fur trade
of Louisiana, I shall forbear to mention.

As the Missouri forms only one of four large branches of the commerce
of this united, or as it is still called, the Northwest company, they
will have it in their power, not only to break down all single adventurers
on the Missouri, but in the course of a few years to effect the same
thing with a company of merchants of the United States, who might
enter into a competition with them in this single branch of their
trade. Nor is it probable that our merchants, knowing this fact, will
form a company for the purpose of carrying on this trade, while they
see the Northwest company permitted by our government to trade on
the Missouri, and on the west side of the Mississippi: therefore, the
Northwest company, on the present plan, having driven the adventurers
of small capitals from these portions of our territory, will most probably
never afterwards have a rival in any company of our own merchants.
By their continuance they will acquire strength, and having secured the
wished for monopoly, they will then trade with the Indians on their
own terms; and being possessed, of the trade, both on the Mississippi
and Missouri, they can make the price of their goods in both quarters
similar, and though they may be excessively high, yet being the same
they will run no risk of disaffecting the Indians by a comparison of the
prices at which they receive their goods at those places. If then
it appears, that the longer we extend the privilege to the Northwest
company of continuing their trade within our territory, the difficulty
of excluding them will increase: can we begin the work of exclusion
too soon ? For my own part I see not the necessity to admit, that our
own merchants are not at this moment competent to supply the Indians
of the Missouri with such quantities of goods as will, at least in the
acceptation of the Indians themselves, be deemed satisfactory and

sufficient for their necessities. All their ideas relative to their necessities
are only comparative, and may be tested by a scale of the quantities
they have been in the habit of receiving. Such a scale I transmitted to
the government from fort Mandan. From a regard to the happiness
of the Indians, it would give me much pleasure to see this scale liberally
increased; yet I am clearly of opinion, that this effect should be caused
by the regular progression of the trade of our own merchants, under the
patronage and protection of our own government. This will afford
additional security to the tranquillity of our much extended frontier,
while it will give wealth to our merchants. We know that the change
of government in Louisiana, from Spain to that of the United States,
has withdrawn no part of that capital formerly employed in the trade
of the Missouri; the same persons still remain, and continue to prosecute
their trade. To these there has been an accession of several
enterprising American merchants, and several others since my return
have signified their intention to embark in that trade, within the present
year; and the whole of those merchants are now unembarrassed by the
exactions of Spanish governors. Under those circumstances is it fair
for us to presume that the Indians are not now supplied by our own
merchants, with quite as large an amount in merchandise as they had
been formerly accustomed to receive? Should the quantity thus supplied
not fully meet our wishes on liberal views, towards the Indians, is
it not sounder policy to wait the certain progress of our own trade, than
in order to supply this momentary deficiency, to admit the aid of the
Northwest company, at the expense of the total loss of that trade;
thereby giving them a carte blanch on which to write in future their
own terms of traffic with the Indians, and thus throwing them into
their hands, permit them to be formed into a rod of iron, with which, for
Great Britain, to scourge our frontier at pleasure.

If the British merchants were prohibited from trading in upper Louisiana,
the American merchants, with the aid of the profits arising from
the trade of the lower portion of the Missouri, and the western branches
of the Mississippi, would be enabled most probably to become the
successful rivals of the Northwest company in the more distant parts
of the continent; to which we might look, in such case, with a well-founded
hope of enjoying great advantages from the fur trade; but if
this prohibition does not shortly take place, I will venture to predict
that no such attempts will ever be made, and, consequently, that we
shall for several generations be taxed with the defence of a country, which
to us would be no more than a barren waste.

About the beginning of August last, two of the wintering partners

of the Northwest company, visited the Mandan and Minnetarees villages
on the Missouri, and fixed on a scite for a fortified establishment. This
project once carried into effect, we have no right to hope for the trade
of the upper portion of the Missouri, until our government shall think
proper to dislodge them.

This season there has been sent up the Missouri, for the Indian trade,
more than treble the quantity of merchandise that has ever been previously
embarked in that trade at any one period. Of this quantity, as
far as I could judge from the best information I could collect, two-thirds
was the property of British merchants, and directly or indirectly that of
the Northwest company. Not any of this merchandise was destined for
a higher point on the Missouri than the mouth of the Vermillion river,
or the neighbourhood of the Yanktons of the river Demoin; of course,
there will be a greater excess of goods beyond what the Indians can purchase,
unless they sell at one-third their customary price, which the
American merchant certainly cannot do without sacrificing his capital.

On my return this fall, I met on the Missouri an American merchant
by the name of Robert M'Clellan, formerly a distinguished partisan in
the army under general Wayne: in a conversation with this gentleman,
I learned that during the last winter, in his trade with the Mahas, he had
a competitor by the name of Joseph La Croix (believed to be employed
by the Northwest company, but now is an avowed British merchant)—
that the prices at which La Croix sold his goods, compelled him to reduce
the rates of his own goods so much as to cause him to sink upwards of
two thousand dollars of his capital, in the course of his trade, that season;
but that as he had embarked in this trade for two years past, and
had formed a favourable acquaintance with the Mahas and others, he
should still continue it a few seasons more, even at a loss of his time and
capital, in the hope that government seeing the error would correct it,
and that he might then regain his losses, from the circumstance of his
general acquaintance with the Indians.

I also met in my way to St. Louis, another merchant, by the same
name, a captain M'Clellan, formerly of the United States' corps of artillerists.
This gentlemen informed me that he was connected with one
of the principal houses in Baltimore, which I do not how recollect, but
can readily ascertain the name and standing of the firm, if it is considered
of any importance; he said he had brought with him a small but well
assorted adventure, calculated for the Indian trade, by way of experiment;
that the majority of his goods were of the fine high-priced kind,
calculated for the trade with the Spanish province of New Mexico, which
he intended to carry on within the territory of the United States, near

the border of that province; that connected with this object, the house
with which he was concerned was ready to embark largely in the fur
trade of the Missouri, provided it should appear to him to offer advantages
to them. That since he had arrived in Louisiana, which was last
autumn, he had endeavoured to inform himself of the state of this trade,
and that from his inquiries, he had been so fully impressed with the disadvantages
it laboured under from the free admission of the British
merchants, he had written to his house in Baltimore, advising that they
should not embark in this trade, unless these merchants were prohibited
from entering the river.

I have mentioned these two as cases in point, and which have fallen
immediately under my own observation: the first shows the disadvantages
under which the trade of our own merchants is now actually labouring;
and the second, that no other merchants will probably engage
in this trade, while the British fur traders are permitted by our government
to continue their traffic in Upper Louisiana. With this view of
the subject, it is submitted to the government, with whom it alone rests
to decide whether the admission or non-admission of those merchants
is at this moment most expedient.

The custom of giving credits to the Indians, which grew out of the
Spanish system, still exists, and agreeably to our present plan of intercourse
with these people, is likely to produce more pernicious consequences
than it did formerly. The Indians of the Missouri, who have
been in the habit of considering these credits rather as a present, or
the price of their permission for the trader to depart in peace, still continue
to view it in the same light, and will therefore give up their expectations
on that point with some reluctance; nor can the merchants
well refuse to acquiesce, while they are compelled to be absent from the
nations with which they trade five or six months in the year. The
Indians are yet too vicious to permit them in safety to leave goods at
their trading houses, during their absence, in the care of one or two persons;
the merchant, therefore, would rather suffer the loss by giving the
credit, than incur the expense of a competent guard, or doubling the
quantity of his engagees, for it requires as many men to take the peltries
and furs to market as it does to bring the goods to the trading establishment,
and the number usually employed are not found at any time, more
than sufficient to give a tolerable security against the Indians.

I presume that it will not be denied, that it is our best policy, and will
be our practice to admit, under the restrictions of our laws on this subject,
a fair competition among all our merchants in the Indian trade.
This being the case then, it will happen, as it has already happened, that

one merchant having trade with any nation, at the usual season gives
them a credit and departs: a second knowing that such advance has
been made, hurries his outfit and arrives at that nation, perhaps a month
earlier in the fall than the merchant who had made this advance to the
Indians: he immediately assembles the nation and offers his goods in
exchange for their redskin hunt; the good faith of the Indians, with respect
to the absent merchant, will not bind them to refuse; an exchange,
of course, takes place; and when the merchant to whom they are
indebted arrives, they have no peltry, either to barter or to pay him for
the goods which they have already received: the consequences are, that
the merchant who has sustained the loss becomes frantic; he abuses the
Indians, bestows on them the epithets of liars and dogs, and says a
thousand things only calculated to sour their minds, and disaffect them to
the whites: the rival trader he accuses of having robbed him of his
credits (for they never give this species of artifice among themselves a
milder term) and calls him many opprobrious names; a combat frequently
ensues, in which the principals are not only the actors, for their
men will, of course, sympathise with their respective employers. The
Indians are the spectators of those riotous transactions, which are well
calculated to give them a contempt for the character of the whites, and
to inspire them with a belief of the importance of their peltries and furs.
The British traders have even gone further in the northwest, and
even offered bribes to induce the Indians to destroy each other; nor have
I any reason to doubt but what the same thing will happen on the Missouri,
unless some disinterested person, armed with authority by government,
be placed in such a situation as will enable him to prevent such
controversies. I look to this custom of extending credits to the Indians,
as one of the great causes of all those individual contentions, which will
most probably arise in the course of this trade, as well between the Indians
and whites, as between the whites themselves; and that our agents
and officers will be always harrassed with settling these disputes, which
they never can do in such a manner as to restore a perfect good understanding
between the parties. I think it would be best in the outset, for
the government to let it be understood by the merchants, that if they
think proper to extend credits to the Indians, it shall be at their own
risk, dependent on the good faith of the Indians for voluntary payment;
that the failure of the Indians to comply with their contracts, shall not
be considered any justification for their maltreatment of holding abusive
language to them, and that no assistance shall be given them in any
shape by the public functionaries to aid them in collecting their credits.
If the government interfere in behalf of the traders by any regulation,
then it will be the interest of every trader individually to get the Indians
indebted to him, and to keep them so in order to secure in future their peltries
and furs exclusively to himself. Thus, the Indians would be compelled
to exchange without choice of either goods or their prices, and the
government would have pledged itself to make the Indians pay for goods,
of which they cannot regulate the prices. I presume the government
will not undertake to regulate the merchant in this respect by law.

The difficulties which have arisen, and which must arise under existing
circumstances, may be readily corrected by establishing a few posts,
where there shall be a sufficient guard to protect the property of the
merchants in their absence, though it may be left with only a single
clerk: to those common marts, all traders and Indians should be compelled
to resort for the purposes of traffic.

The plan proposed guards against all difficulties, and provides for a fair
exchange, without the necessity of credit: when the Indian appears with
his peltry and fur, the competition between the merchants will always
insure him his goods on the lowest possible terms, and the exchange
taking place at once, there can be no cause of controversy between the
Indian and the merchant, and no fear of loss on the part of the latter,
unless he is disposed to make a voluntary sacrifice, through a spirit of
competition with others, by selling his goods at an under value.

Some of the stipulations contained in the licenses usually granted our
Indian traders, are totally incompatible with the local situations, and
existing customs and habits of almost all the Indian nations in Upper
Louisiana. I allude more particularly to that clause in the license,
which compels them to trade at Indian towns only. It will be seen
by referrence to my statistical view of the Indian nations of Upper
Louisiana, that the great body of those people are roving bands, who
have no villages, or stationary residence. The next principal division
of them, embracing the Panias, Ottoes, Kanzas, &c. have not their
villages on the Missouri, and they even pass the greater portion of
the year at a distance from their villages, in the same roving manner.
The third, and only portion of those Indians, who can with propriety
be considered as possessed of such stationary villages as seems to have
been contemplated by this clause of the license, is confined to the Ayaways,
Sioux, and Foxes of the Mississippi, and the Ricaras, Mandans,
Minnetarees, and Ahwahaways of the Missouri. The consequence is,
that until some further provision be made, that all the traders who have
intercourse with any nations except those of the last class, will form
their establishments at the several points on the Missouri, where it will
be most convenient to meet the several nations with whom they wish to

carry on commerce. This is their practice at the present moment, and
their houses are scattered on various parts of the Missouri. In this
detached situation, it cannot be expected that they will comply with any
of the stipulations of their licenses. The superintendant of St. Louis,
distant eight hundred or a thousand miles, cannot learn whether they
have forfeited the penalty of their licenses or not: they may, therefore,
vend ardent spirits, compromit the government, or the character of the
whites, in the estimation of the Indians, or practice any other crimes in
relation to those people, without the fear of detection or punishment.
The government cannot with propriety, say to those traders, that they
shall trade at villages, when in reality they do not exist; nor can they
for a moment, I presume, think of incurring the expense of sending
an Indian agent with each trader, to see that he commit no breach
the stipulations of his license. These traders must of course be brought
together, at some general points, where it will be convenient for several
nations to trade with them, and where they can be placed under the eye
of an Indian agent, whose duty it should be to see that they comply with
the regulations laid down for their government. There are crimes which
may be committed without a breach of our present laws, and which
make it necessary that some further restrictions than those contained in
the present licenses of our traders, should either be added under penalties
in those licenses, or punished by way of a discretionary power, lodged
in the superintendent, extending to the exclusion of such individuals from
the Indian trade. Of this description I shall here enumerate three:

First, That of holding conversation with the Indians, tending to bring
our government into disrepute among them, and to alienate their affections
from the same.

Second, That of practising any means to induce the Indians to
maltreat or plunder other merchants.

Third, That of stimulating or exciting by bribes or otherwise, any
nations or bands of Indians, to wage war against other nations or
bands; or against the citizens of the United States, or against citizens
or subjects of any power at peace with the same.

These appear to me to be crimes fraught with more real evil to the
community, and to the Indians themselves, than vending ardent spirits,
or visiting their hunting camps for the purpose of trade; yet there are
no powers vested in the superintendents, or agents of the United States,
to prevent their repeated commission; nor restrictions or fines imposed
by our laws, to punish such offences.

It is well known to me that we have several persons engaged in
the trade of the Missouri, who have, within the last three years, been

adopted as citizens of the United States, and who are now hostile
to our government. It is not reasonable to expect, that such persons
will act with good faith towards us. Hence, the necessity of assigning
metes and bounds to their transactions among the Indians. On my
way to St. Louis, last fall, I received satisfactory evidence that a
Mr. Robideau, an inhabitant of St. Louis, had, the preceding winter,
during his intercourse with the Ottoes and Missouris, been guilty of
the most flagrant breaches of the first of those misdemeanors above
mentioned. On my arrival at St. Louis, I reported the case to
Mr. Broom, the acting superintendent, and recommended his prohibiting
that person from the trade of the Missouri, unless he would give
satisfactory assurances of a disposition to hold a different language to
the Indians. Mr. Broom informed me, that the laws and regulations
of the United States on this subject, gave him no such powers; and
Mr. Robideau and sons still prosecute their trade.

The uncontrolled liberty which our citizens take of hunting on
Indian lands, has always been a source of serious difficulty, on every
part of our frontier, and is evidently destined to become quite as much
so in upper Louisiana, unless it be restrained and limited within consistent
bounds. When the Indians have been taught, by commerce,
duly to appreciate the furs and peltries of their country, they feel
excessive chagrin at seeing the whites, by their superior skill in
hunting, fast diminishing those productions, to which they have been
accustomed to look as the only means of acquiring merchandise; and
nine-tenths of the causes of war are attributable to this practice. The
Indians, although well disposed to maintain a peace on any other terms,
I am convinced will never yield this point; nor do I consider it as of
any importance to us that they should; for with what consistency of
precept and practice can we say to the Indians, whom we wish to
civilize, that agriculture and the arts are more productive of ease,
wealth, and comfort, than the occupation of hunting, while they see
distributed over their forests a number of white men, engaged in the very
occupation which our doctrine would teach them to abandon. Under such
circumstances, it cannot be considered irrational in the Indians, to conclude,
that our recommendations to agriculture are interested, and flow
from a wish on our part to derive the whole emolument arising from
the peltries and furs of their country, by taking them to ourselves.

These observations, however, are intended to apply only to such
Indian nations as have had, and still maintain a commercial intercourse
with the whites: such we may say are those inhabiting the western
branches of the Mississippi, the eastern branches of the Missouri, and

near the main body of the latter, as far up as the Mandans and Minnetarees.
Here it is, therefore, that it appears to me expedient we should
draw a line; and temporarily change our policy. I presume it is not
less the wish of our government, that the Indians on the extreme
branches of the Missouri to the west, and within the Rocky mountains,
should obtain supplies of merchandise equally with those more immediately
in their vicinity. To effect this, the government must either
become the merchant themselves, or present no obstacles to their
citizens, which may prevent their becoming so with those distant
nations; but as the former cannot be adopted (though I really think it
would be best for a time) then it becomes the more necessary to encourage
the latter. Policy further dictates such encouragement being
given, in order to contravene the machinations preparing by the Northwest
company for practice in that quarter.

If the hunters are not permitted in those distant regions, the merchants
will not be at the expense of transporting their merchandise
thither, when they know that the natives do not possess the art of
taking the furs of their country. The use of the trap, by which those
furs are taken, is an art which must be learned before it can be practised
to advantage. If the American merchant does not adventure, the
field is at once abandoned to the Northwest company, who will permit
the hunter to go, and the merchant will most probably be with him in
the outset; the abundance of rich furs in that country, hold out sufficient
inducement for them to lose no time in pressing forward their
adventures. Thus those distant Indians will soon be supplied with
merchandise; and while they are taught the art of taking the furs of
their country, they will learn the value, and until they have learnt its
value, we shall run no risk of displeasing them by taking it. When
the period shall arrive that the distant nations shall have learned the art
of taking their furs, and know how to appreciate its value, then the
hunter becomes no longer absolutely necessary to the merchant, and
may be withdrawn; but in the outset, he seems to form a very necessary
link in that chain which is to unite these nations and ourselves in a
state of commercial intercourse.

The liberty to our merchants of hunting, for the purpose of procuring
food, in ascending and descending the navigable water-courses, as well
as while stationary at their commercial posts, is a privilege which should
not be denied them; but as the unlimited extent of such a privilege
would produce much evil, it should certainly be looked on as a subject
of primary importance: it should, therefore, enter into all those compacts
which we may think proper to form with the Indians in that

country, and be so shaped as to leave them no solid grounds of discontent.

The time to which licenses shall extend.

A view of the Indian character, so far as it is necessary it should be
known, for the purposes of governing them, or maintaining a friendly
commercial intercourse with them, may be comprised within the limits
of a few general remarks.

The love of gain is the Indians' ruling passion, and the fear of punishment
must form the corrective; to this passion we are to ascribe
their inordinate thirst for the possession of merchandise, their unwillingness
to accede to any terms, or enter into any stipulations, except such
as appear to promise them commercial advantages, and the want of
good faith, which they always evince by not complying with any regulations,
which in practice do not produce to them those expected or
promised advantages. The native justice of the Indian mind, will
always give way to his impatience for the possession of the goods of the
defenceless merchant, and he will plunder him, unless prevented by the
fear of punishment; nor can punishment assume a more terrific shape
to them, than that of withholding every description of merchandise from
them. This species of punishment, while it is one of the most efficient
in governing the Indians, is certainly the most humane, as it enforces a
compliance with our will, without the necessity of bloodshed. But in
order to compass the exercise of this weapon, our government must
first provide the means of controlling their traders. No government
will be respected by the Indians, until they are made to feel the effects
of its power, or see it practised on others: and the surest guarantee of
savage fidelity to any government, is a thorough conviction in their
minds, that they do possess the power of punishing promptly, every
act of aggresion, which they may commit on the persons or property of
their citizens. If both traders and Indians throughout Upper Louisiana,
were compelled to resort to regulated commercial posts, then the trader
would be less liable to be pillaged, and the Indians deterred from practising
aggresion; for when the Indians once become convinced, that in
consequence of their having practised violence upon the persons or
property of the traders, that they have been cut off from all intercourse
with those posts, and that they cannot resort to any other places to
obtain merchandise, then they will make any sacrifice to regain the privilege
they had previously enjoyed; and I am confident, that in order to
regain our favour in such cases, they would sacrifice any individual who
may be the object of our displeasure, even should he be their favorite
chief; for their thirst of merchandise is paramount to every other consideration;

and the leading individuals among them, well knowing this
trait in the character of their own people, will not venture to encourage
or excite aggresions on the whites, when they know they are themselves
to become the victims of its consequences.

But if, on the other hand, these commercial establishments are not
general, and we suffer detached and insulated merchants, either British
or American, to exercise their own discretion, in setting down where
they may think proper, on the western branches of the Mississippi, for the
purposes of trading with the Indians; then, although these commercial
establishments may be so extended as to embrace the Missouri, quite to
the Mandans, still they will lose a great part of their effects; because
the roving bands of Tetons, and the most dissolute of the Siouxs being
denied the permission to trade on the Missouri at any rate, would resort
to those establishments on the Mississippi, and thus become independent
of the trade of the Missouri, as they have hitherto been. To correct
this, we have three alternatives: First, to establish two commercial
posts in this quarter. Secondly, to prohibit all intercourse with the
Sisitons, and other bands of Siouxs, on the river St. Peter's and the
Raven's-wing river, informing those Indians that such prohibition has
been the consequence of the malconduct of the Tetons, and thus leave
it to them to correct them; or, Thirdly, to make an appeal to arms in
order to correct the Tetons ourselves.

Impressed with a belief unalloyed with doubts, that the ardent wish
of our government has ever been to conciliate the esteem, and secure
the friendship of all the savage nations within their territory, by the
exercise of every consistent and pacific measure in their power, applying
those of coertion only in the last resort, I here proceed with a due deference
to their better judgment, to develop a scheme which has suggested
itself to my mind, as the most expedient that I can devise for the
successful consummation of their philanthropic views towards those
wretched people of America, as well as to secure to the citizens of the
United States, all those advantages, which ought of right exclusively to
accrue to them, from the possession of Upper Louisiana.

The situation of the Indian trade on the Missouri and its waters,
while under the Spanish government.

The exclusive permission to trade with nations.

The giving by those exclusions, the right to individuals to furnish
supplies, which rendered the Indians independent of the government.

The times of sending goods to the Indians, and of returning to
St. Louis—the necessity of giving credits; therefore the disadvantages
of.

The evils which grew out of the method pursued by the Spaniards, as
well to themselves as to the Indians.

The independence of individuals of their own government.

The dependence of the Indians on those individuals, and their consequent
contempt for the government, and for all other citizens whom
they plundered and murdered at pleasure.

The present rapacity of the Indians, owing to this cause, aided also
by the system of giving credits to the Indians, which caused contentions
among the traders, which terminated by giving the Indians a contempt
for the character of the whites.

The permission to persons to hunt on Indian lands, productive of
many evils, the most frequent causes of war, hostile to the views of
civilizing, and of governing the Indians.

The first principle of governing the Indians is to govern the whites—
the impossibility of doing this without establishments, and some guards
at those posts.

The Sisitons may be made a check on the Tetons by withholding
their trade on the Mississippi.

Having stated the several evils which flowed from the Spanish system,
I now state the Indian character, the evils which still exist, and what
they will probably terminate in, if not redressed—the plan recommended
to be pursued and the benefits which may be expected to result
therefrom, conclude thus, it may be pretty confidently believed that it
is not competent to produce the wished for reform among the Indians.
Hunters permitted in the Indian country pernicious—frequent cause
of war between us.

Some of the stipulations of the licenses granted the traders, in application
to the state of the Indians on the Missouri, of course not
attended to. The incompetency of the Indian agents to see that any
of the stipulations are complied with. Whiskey, or ardent spirits may,
therefore, be introduced, and other corruptions practised without our
knowledge. There is not at present allowed by law to the superintendant
of Indian affairs, any discretionary powers, by which he can pro
hibit our newly acquired citizens of Louisiana, who may be disaffected
to our government, from trading with the Indians: the law says, that
any citizen of the United States, who can give sufficient security for the
sum of five hundred dollars, for the faithful compliance with the stipulation
of his license, shall be permitted so trade. An instance has happened
in Mr. Robideau, &c.

[Article incomplete. Lewis lost his life October 11, 1809—
see vol. 1, pp. xxxvii, xxxviii, ante.—Ed.]

LXXVI. LXXVI

STODDARD NOTIFIED OF LEWIS'S DEATH

LXXVI. [From original MS. in possession of Missouri Historical Society.]

Dear Sir: I am sorry to inform you of the death of Governor
Meriwether Lewis, which took place on the Morning of the 11th
instance at the House of a Mr. Grender about seventy five miles from
here on the Natchez Road. it is reported that he arrived there the
evening before—the man of the house was from home—the governor
went to bed in a room alone. about three o'clock the woman of the
house who slept in a house near the other heard two pistols fire—she
awoke the servants, and they rushed into the Room, and found the
unfortunate Governor weltering in his blood; he had shot himself in
the head and just below his breast—he died in about three hours; in a
few hours Major Neeley Agent to the Chickasaws came up, who had
remained behind to hunt two horses which they had lost the night
before—he had him intered and took into his care & possession two
trunks said to contain his valuable papers, amongst which is said to be
his Journal to the pacific ocean, & perhaps some vouchers which he
was taking on for settlement—Majr Neeley has his pistols, Rifle,
Watch, &c—his servant John Parney will proceed on early in the
morning with letters to Mr. Jefferson from Majr Neeley communicating
to him the particulars of the unhappy affair. I lament extremely the
unfortunate fate of this worthy Character.

[The remainder of the letter concerns Brahan's personal
affairs.—Ed.]

[Superscription:] John Brahan to Major Amos Stoddard, U. S. Artillerists, Washington City.

LXXVII. LXXVII

GEN. JONATHAN CLARK[1] TO GEORGE ROGERS CLARK

LXXVII. [From original MS. in library of Wisconsin Historical Society—Draper MSS., 55J71.]

Dear Brother: I received a letter from brother William, some time
about the first of January he was then at Washington but said that on
the next day he should sit off for Philadelphia in search of some of the
papers, that he hoped had been left there, by Governor Lewis—a part
of the journals &c of the trip to the Western ocean, had been sent him,
but not the whole, I have heard that the Governor made a will and
devised the papers to William but he does not say any thing of it in his
Lre to me. William mentions that he was fearfull that nothing would
be obtained on your memorial—for the old claim but was flattered with
a hope that he should get a pension for you he says that no nomination
of a Governor in the place of Gov. Lewis had been made. your
sister is here with a bad head ache with our best wishes for your self
Majr. Croghan and family.

LXXVIII. LXXVIII

AN EDITORIAL COMMENT

LXXVIII. [From the Monthly Anthology and Boston Review (April, 1810), viii, p. 283.]

The publick are likely to be for a long time without the expected
account of the journey of Capt. Lewis to the Pacifick ocean, which
has excited more curiosity in Europe than it has in this country. It
has been said, that the indifference of the publick, and the very small
number of subscribers it has obtained, operated strongly on his mind,
and was one of the causes that led to his unfortunate death. His papers
are said to have been left in a very confused imperfect state; but such
as they were, they have been sent to his patron, Mr. Jefferson, who it
is presumed will employ his leisure hours in preparing them for the
press.

LXXIX. LXXIX

JEFFERSON TO BARON VON HUMBOLDT[1]

LXXIX. [Extract—Ford, ix, p. 433.]

[Dec. 6, 1813.]

You will find it inconceivable that Lewis's journey to the Pacific
should not yet have appeared; nor is it in my power to tell you
the reason. The measures taken by his surviving companion, Clarke,
for the publication, have not answered our wishes in point of despatch.
I think, however, from what I have heard, that the mere journal will
be out within a few weeks in two volumes 8vo. These I will take
care to send you with the tobacco seed you desired, if it be possible for
them to escape the thousand ships of our enemies spread over the ocean.
The botanical and zoological discoveries of Lewis will probably experience
greater delay, and become known to the world through other
channels before that volume will be ready. The Atlas, I believe, waits
on the leisure of the engraver.

LXXX. LXXX

JEFFERSON TO MADAME LA COMTESSE DE TESSE[1]

LXXX. [Extract—Ford, ix, p. 439.]

[Dec. 8, 1813.]

Lewis's journey across our continent to the Pacific has added a
number of new plants to our former stock. Some of them are curious,
some ornamental, some useful, and some may by culture be made
acceptable to our tables. I have growing, which I destine for you, a
very handsome little shrub of the size of a currant bush. Its beauty
consists in a great produce of berries of the size of currants, and literally
as white as snow, which remain on the bush through the winter, after
its leaves have fallen, and make it an object as singular as it is beautiful.
We call it the snow-berry bush, no botanical name being yet given
to it, but I do not know why we might not call it Chionicoccos, or
Kallicoccos. All Lewis's plants are growing in the garden of Mr.
McMahon, a gardener of Philadelphia, to whom I consigned them, and
from whom I shall have great pleasure, when peace is restored, in ordering
for you any of these or of our other indigenous plants.

LXXXI. LXXXI

JEFFERSON TO ABBÉ CORREA DA SERRA[1]

LXXXI. [Original MS. in possession of American Philosophical Society. We follow a transcript furnished
by Secretary I. Minis Hays.]

Dear Sir: Your favor of Mar. 29. was recieved just as I was setting
out for this place. I brought it with me to be answered hence. Since
you are so kind as to interest yourself for Capt. Lewis's papers, I will
give you a full statement of them.

1.

• ten or twelve such pocket volumes, Morocco bound, as that you
  describe, in which, in his own hand writing, he had journalised all
  occurrences, day by day, as he travelled. they were small 8vos. and
  opened at the end for more convenient writing. every one had been
  put into a separate tin case, cemented to prevent injury from wet. but
  on his return the cases, I presume, had been taken from them, as he
  delivered me the books uncased. there were in them the figures of some
  animals drawn with the pen while on his journey. the gentlemen who
  published his travels must have had these Ms. volumes, and perhaps
  now have them, or can give some account of them.

2.

• Descriptions of animals and plants. I do not recollect whether
  there was such a book or collection of papers, distinct from his journal;
  altho' I am inclined to think there was one: because his travels as
  published, do not contain all the new animals of which he had either
  descriptions or specimens. mr Peale, I think, must know something
  of this, as he drew figures of some of the animals for engraving, and
  some were actually engraved. perhaps Conrad, his bookseller, who was
  to have published the work, can give an account of these.

3.

• Vocabularies. I had myself made a collection of about 40 vocabularies
  of the Indians on this side the Missisipi, and Capt. Lewis was
  

  ---

  395

  
  
  
  instructed to take those of every tribe beyond, which he possibly could:
  the intention was to publish the whole, and leave the world to search
  for affinities between these and the languages of Europe and Asia. he
  was furnished with a number of printed vocabularies of the same words
  and form I had used, with blank spaces for the Indian words. he was
  very attentive to this instruction, never missing an opportunity of taking
  a vocabulary. after his return, he asked me if I should have any
  objection to the printing his separately, as mine were not yet arranged
  as I intended. I assured him I had not the least; and I am certain he
  contemplated their publication. but whether he had put the papers out
  of his own hand or not, I do not know. I imagine he had not: and
  it is probable that Doctr. Barton, who was particularly curious on this
  subject, and published on it occasionally, would willingly recieve and
  take care of these papers after Capt Lewis's death, and that they are
  now among his papers.

4.

• his observations of longitude and latitude. he was instructed to
  send these to the war-office, that measures might be taken to have the
  calculations made. whether he delivered them to the war-office, or to
  Dr. Patterson, I do not know; but I think he communicated with
  Dr. Patterson concerning them. these are all-important: because
  altho', having with him the Nautical almanacs, he could & did calculate
  some of his latitudes, yet the longitudes were taken merely from estimates
  by the log-line, time and course. So that it is only as to latitudes
  that his map may be considered as tolerably correct; not as to its
  longitudes.

5.

• his Map. this was drawn on sheets of paper, not put together,
  but so marked that they could be joined together with the utmost
  accuracy; not as one great square map, but ramifying with the courses
  of the rivers. the scale was very large, and the sheets numerous, but
  in perfect preservation. this was to await publication, until corrected
  by the calculations of longitude and latitude. I examined these sheets
  myself minutely, as spread on a floor, and the originals must be in
  existence, as the Map published with his travels must have been taken
  from them.

These constitute the whole. they are the property of the government,
the fruits of the expedition undertaken at such expence of
money and risk of valuable lives. they contain exactly the whole of
the information which it was our object to obtain for the benefit of our
own country and of the world. but we were willing to give to Lewis
and Clarke whatever pecuniary benefits might be derived from the
publication, and therefore left the papers in their hands, taking for

granted that their interests would produce a speedy publication, which
would be better if done under their direction. but the death of Capt.
Lewis, the distance and occupations of General Clarke, and the
bankruptcy of their bookseller, have retarded the publication, and
rendered necessary that the government should attend to the reclamation
& security of the papers. their recovery is now become an
imperious duty. their safest deposit as fast as they can be collected,
will be the Philosophical Society, who no doubt will be so kind as to
receive and preserve them, subject to the orders of government; and
their publication, once effected in any way, the originals will probably
be left in the same deposit. as soon as I can learn their present situation,
I will lay the matter before the government to take such order as
they think proper. As to any claims of individuals to these papers, it
is to be observed that, as being the property of the public, we are
certain neither Lewis nor Clarke would undertake to convey away the
right to them, and that they could not convey them, had they been
capable of intending it. yet no interest of that kind is meant to be
disturbed, if the individual can give satisfactory assurance that he will
promptly & properly publish them. otherwise they must be restored to
the government; & the claimant left to settle with those on whom he
has any claim. my interference will, I trust, be excused, not only from
the portion which every citizen has in whatever is public, but from the
peculiar part I have had in the design and execution of this expedition.

To you, my friend, apology is due for involving you in the trouble
of this inquiry. it must be found in the interest you take in whatever
belongs to science, and in your own kind offers to me of aid in this
research. be assured always of my affectionate friendship and respect.

LXXXII. LXXXII

CLARK TO JEFFERSON

LXXXII. [Original MS. in possession of American Philosophical Society. We follow a transcript
furnished by Secretary Hays.]

Dear Sir: I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 8th.. of
Septr., by the Mail, and with much pleasure comply with the contents.

It has ever been my wish, that the Travelling journal of Gove. Lewis &
myself, the astronomical Observations, the Geographical Charts, the
Indian Vocabularies and all Subjects of Natural history should be given
to the public in the best possible manner, and agreeably to the Original
intention—. and for that purpose I have been twice to phila.. and have
used all the means which have been in my power without the success
contemplated.

The Naritive has been published, but I have not been so fortunate
as to precure a single volume, as yet. after the death of my friend
Gove Lewis, finding the arrangements he had made relative to the publication
had failed, and the greater part of the astronomical observations
with the plates and drawings which he had directed to be made, were
not to [be] found. a new contract was made with Messrs Bradford &
Inskep, to print & publish that part, and the cientific part also, which
was to have been (by contract) prepared in Six months from the time
by Doctr. Barton. in their arrangements I have been also disappointed.

Since the failure of Bradford & Inskep, and the death of Doctr.
Barton my agent Mr. Nicholas Biddle has been requested to collect all
the Books, papers, specimens &c.

previously to my making the last arrangement, I had conversation
with the then Secretary of War on the subject of publishing Lewis &
Clarks Journal Map &c., he thought it important, but could promis
no assistance at that time.

It is with pleasure that I inclose you an Order on my friend Mr.
Biddle for the papers in his possession, relating to the Astronomical
Observations, the Geographical Charts, the Indian Vocabularies, and

other papers not comprehended in the journal of Lewis & Clarks
Travels laterly published, and the Specimins which were left in the
possession of Doctr. Barton—also the Traveling pocket Journals.

From the mortification of not haveing succeeded in giving to the
world all the results of that expedition, I feel Relief & greatitude for
the interest which you are willing to take, in effecting what has not been
in my power to accomplish.

Some time ago, I requested Mr. Biddle to deliver to Mrs.. Markes's
Order, the half of all the Books he may have received in my behalf.
The Map from which the plate was made, is in my possession at this
place; it is rough and has not been corrected and comprehends the
Connection of Country from Lat. 34°. to 50° N.

If you think it adviseable? I will make a new Map of the same size
of the one I have, corrected by such materials as I have precured since
the last was made; otherwise I shall take the liberty of sending the one
I have to you.

The Missouri River on which there is such emence tracts of fine
country calculated for rich & populous settlements, and watering an
emence space in which there is much welth in furs, Peltres, minerals,
dies &c. is tolerably well understood but not in sufficient use. The
Lands on the lower portion of that river is settling fast, the middle
portion (or as high up as the Big Bend or White river) is Crowded
with Traders, but the upper and richer portion has had no American
Citizen since the falur of the Missouri Co. 1811 and I am under great
apprehentions that the British will take possession of that rich Tract by
the way of Assinniboin & Saskassion rivers. as they have done at the
mouth of Columbia, and on Lewis & Clark's Rivers—: If a large
and over bearing company cannot be formed of American Citizens with
sufficient Capital to keep them out: I think such a Co. could be formed
with some Countrimen and a little aid from the government.

The present population of this Territory would most probably
amount to about 35 or 40.000 Soles since peace was made with the
Indians on the Mississippi the emogration has been emence bending
their course to the Missouri principally. Landed property has risen
which has inrichened the old inhabitants and reconsiled them to our
government much more than formerly.

In the exurcise of Govt.. of this Territory I have succeeded in the
worst of times with more approbation than I had expected. laterly a
small and disappointed party has Sprung up deturmined to vex & Teaze
the execution.

I am happy to have it in my power to say to you that I succeed in

keeping the Indians of this Territory (exceept those high up the
Mississippi, in peace, The Torments of this frontier was produced by
the Traders East of the Missippi & high up that River. The dificueltes
& responsibilities however were great, and in some instances I was compeled
to vary from principal, and Set the Missouri Tribes at war against
those of the Mississippi to prevent the British influence amongst the
Missouri tribes as also to prevent a coeleetion which would have destroyed
our settlements at a blow.

please to accept the assurence of my highest respect and veneration
and best wishes for your health and hapiness

LXXXIII. LXXXIII

JEFFERSON TO JOHN VAUGHAN[1]

LXXXIII. [Original MS. in possession of American Philosophical Society. We follow a transcript furnished by
Secretary Hays.]

Dear Sir: Your two letters of the 2d. and 18th. have been recieved
in due time. mine of the 7th. had partly anticipated your requests of
the 2d.

I thank you for the advance to Mr. Birard, and now inclose 70. D.
to cover it in bills of the Virginia bank which I understand pass with
you. the duplicates you advise for Cathalan & Debures, I had sent
thro' the Secretary of State's office. I shall be glad to subscribe for the
volume of transactions now in the press, and ask the favor of you to
have my name placed on the subscription paper. but I have nothing to
offer for insertion in it. in earlier life when I should from inclination
have devoted myself to pursuits analogous to those of our society, my
time was all engrossed by public duties, and now without either books
or memory I could offer nothing which would do credit either to the
society or myself. you enquire for the Indian vocabularies of Messrs.
Lewis and Clarke. all their papers are at present under a kind of
embargo. they consist of 1. Lewis', Ms. pocket journals of the
journey. 2. his Indian Vocabularies. 3. his astronomical observations,
particularly for the longitudes. 4. his map, and drawings. a part of
these papers were deposited with Dr. Barton; some with Mr Biddle,
others I know not where. of the pocket journals Mr. Correa got 4. out
of 11. or 12. from Mr̄s Barton & sent them to me. he informed me
that Mr̄ Biddle would not think himself authorised to deliver the
portion of the papers he recieved from Genl. Clarke without his order;
whereon I wrote to Genl. Clarke, & recieved his order for the whole
some time ago. but I have held it up until a Secretary at War was is
appointed, that office having some rights to these papers. as soon as

that appointment is made, I shall endeavor to collect the whole, to
deposite the Ms. journals & Vocabularies with the Philosophical Society,
adding a collection of some vocabularies made by myself, and to get the
Secy. at War to employ some person to whom I may deliver the astronomical
papers for calculation, and the geographical ones for the correct
execution of a map; for in that published with his journal, altho' the
latitudes may be correct, the longitudes cannot be. I wait therefore
only for this appointment to begin my endeavors for a compleat collection
and destribution of these papers. the historical committee were
so kind as to send me Colo. Byrd's MS. journal of the survey of the
boundary between N. Carolina & Virginia. I am in negociation with
the family to obtain his private journal of the same expedition containing
much matter not in the public one, equally curious, and equally
worthy of being printed. as soon as I obtain a difinitive answer I shall
return them theirs, and the other also if I can obtain leave. Accept
my friendly and respectful salutations.

LXXXIV. LXXXIV

JEFFERSON TO PETER S. DUPONCEAU[1]

LXXXIV. [Original MS. in possession of American Philosophical Society. We follow a transcript furnished by
Secretary Hays.]

Dear Sir: a part of the information of which the expedition of
Lewis and Clarke was the object has been communicated to the world
by the publication of their journal; but much & valuable matter remains
yet uncommunicated. the correction of the longitudes of their
map is essential to it's value; to which purpose their observations of
the lunar distances are to be calculated & applied. the new subjects
they discovred in the vegetable, animal & mineral departments are to be
digested and made known. the numerous vocabularies they obtained
of the Indian languages are to be collated and published. altho' the
whole expense of the expedition was furnished by the public, and the
information to be derived from it was theirs also, yet on the return of
Messrs. Lewis & Clarke the government thought it just to leave to them
any pecuniary benefit which might result from a publication of the
papers, and supposed indeed that this would secure the best form of
publication. but the property in these papers still remained in the
government for the benefit of their constituents. with the measures
taken by Govr. Lewis for their publication, I was never acquainted.
after his death Govr. Clarke put them, in the first instance, into the
hands of the late Dr. Barton, from whom some of them passed to
mr̄ Biddle, and some again, I believe, from him to mr̄. Allen. while
the Ms. books of journals were in the hands of Dr. Barton, I wrote to
him on behalf of Govr. Lewis's family requesting earnestly, that, as soon

as these should be published, the originals might be returned, as the
family wished to have them preserved. he promised in his answer that
it should be faithfully done. after his death, I obtained, thro' the kind
agency of mr.. Correa, from mr.. Barton, three of those books, of which I
knew there had been 10. or 12. having myself read them. these were
all she could find. the rest therefore, I presume are in the hands of
the other gentlemen. after the agency I had had, in effecting this expedition,
I thought myself authorised, and indeed that it would be
expected of me that I should follow up the subject, and endeavor to
obtain it's fruits for the public. I wrote to Genl. Clarke therefore for
authority to recieve the original papers. he gave it in the letters to
mr. Biddle and to myself, which I now inclose, as the custody of these
papers belonged properly to the War-office, and that was vacant at the
time, I have waited several months for it's being filled. but the office
still remaining vacant, and my distance rendering any effectual measures
by myself, impracticable, I ask the agency of your committee, within
whose province I propose to place the matter, by making it the depository
of the papers generally. I therefore now forward to them the 3.
volumes of MS. journals in my possession, and authorise them, under
Genl. Clarke's letters, to enquire for and to recieve the rest. so also the
astronomical and geographical papers, those relating to zoological,
botanical, and mineral subjects, with the Indian vocabularies, and statistical
tables relative to the Indians. of the astronomical and geographical
papers, if the Commẽe will be so good as to give me a statement, I will,
as soon as a Secretary at war is appointed, propose to him to have made,
at the public expence, the requisite calculations, to have the map corrected
in its longitudes and latitudes, engraved and published on a proper
scale: and I will ask from Genl. Clarke the one he offers, with his corrections.
with respect to the zoological, vegetable & mineralogical papers
& subjects, it would perhaps be agreeable to the Philosophical society to
have a digest of them made, and published in their transactions or
otherwise. and if it should be within the views of the historical committee
to have the Indian vocabularies digested and published, I would
add to them the remains of my collection. I had thro' the course of
my life availed myself of every opportunity of procuring vocabularies
of the languages of every tribe which either myself or my friends could
have access to. they amounted to about 40 more or less perfect. but
in their passage from Washington to this place, the trunk in which they
were was stolen and plundered, and some fragments only of the vocabularies
were recovered. Still however they were such as would be worth
incorporation with a larger work, and shall be at the service of the
historical committee, if they can make any use of them. permit me to
request the return of Genl. Clarke's letter and to add assurances of my
high respect & esteem

LXXXV. LXXXV

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
ACCEPTS THE TRUST

LXXXV. [Extract furnished by Secretary Hays, from the minutes of the Historical and Literary Committee
of the Society.]

Nov. 19. 1817.

Present Dr. Wistar, N. Biddle, Rawle, Norris, Du Ponceau,
Vaughan, Tilghman

Mr. Jefferson under date of 7 Nov. relative to papers of Lewis
and Clark.

Also a letter from Gen'l Clark 10 Oct. 1816 to Mr. Jefferson
desiring his agent Mr. Nicholas Biddle to give up all the papers to the
Historical Committee under direction of Mr. Jefferson.

Mr. Jefferson in his letter desires Mr. Biddle to deliver them and says
that he will endeavor to procure from the Government all they may
possess.

Also a letter from Gov. Clark to Mr. Biddle desiring him to deliver
the Papers to Mr. Jefferson's order.

Also a letter 26 April 1816 from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Correa corroborating
the above and stating that he thought the astronomical papers
were mentioned by Clark to Dr. Patterson.

Mr. Biddle stated that the vocabularies were on separate printed
sheets—as stated by Mr. Jefferson and with blanks to fill up the
vocabularies—accompanied by some in handwriting of Mr. Jefferson.
These were handed by him to Dr. Barton.

The manuscript journals of Mr. Clark are still in Mr. Biddle's hands
and also a Journal of a sergeant which Mr. Clark bought.

J. Vaughan reported that the astronomical papers had been in the
hands of Mr. Hassler[1] who had given up the calculations in despair.

Mr. Du Ponceau delivered four manuscript volumes, one of which
appeared to belong to Barton's family being botanical.

To apply to Mrs. Barton, & Gov. Clark. & Dr. Patterson & Mr.
Hassler for information
April 8th.. 1818

Present. P. S. Du Ponceau, Cor. Sec'y., N. Biddle, J. P. Norris,
B. R. Morgan, Jno. Vaughan, Sec'y.

J. P. Norris in the Chair.

Mr. Nicholas Biddle deposited the original journals of Lewis and
Clark, with an account of them and of those journals and documents
which he was not possessed of, and reported to the Chairman Mr.
Tilghman. The documents were delivered by direction of Gen'l.
Clark received through Mr. Jefferson

His account embraced the following Particulars—That he had received
in 1810 from Gen'l C. all the documents necessary for the
publication of their Travels. They consisted of the following, viz.

1.

• a Large Map embracg. the Country between the Pacific & Mississipi.
  From this Lewis drew the Map published & [it] was returned to
  Gov' Clark about 1813

2.

• a map to send to Mr Hassler to whom the astronomical obss. & calcs
  were Confided this may be in his hands.

3.

• fome Documents for Dr Barton, these were relative to Botany
  Natural Histy These were in Mss Books extracted from original
  Journals chiefly. Also feveral Indian Vocaby in loose sheets
  printed. each containing a vocaby in Engl. with the Corresps Indian
  names in Mss. &. also a colecttion of Indian Vocs in Mr. Jeffersons
  hand writing—which the preface to the Travels States "foon to
  be published"

4.

• The Mss. Journal of fergeant Ordway one of the party—purchased
  of him by Clarke who in Jany 1818 desires Mr B. to fend it—he
  has not yet done it

5.

• The Pocket Journals of the Expedition from commencmt to the
  End in 14 Vol now Deposited There is also one particularly
  dedicated to astronl. Obs I vol. & a fmall Copy Book containing
  some notes by Cap Lewis & others. Also rough dft. of his letter
  to the Pt announcing his return—& finally Two Statistical Tables
  of the various Nations of the mississipi—made by Govr Clarke

Ordered that the recording Secretary give a receipt to N- Biddle in
the following Terms—for the books & papers received—

Recd. April 8. 1818 of Nicholas Biddle 14 Volumes of the Pocket Journal of
Mess Lewis & Clarke = a Volume of astronomical observations & other Matter by
Capt Lewis = a small Copy Book containing fome Notes by Capt. Lewis—
A Rough draft of his letter to the President from st Louis announcing his return
—Two Statistical Tables of the Indian Tribes West of the Mississipi rever made
by Governor Clarke = All which are Deposited with the Hist Comee in compliance
with the request of Govr Clark in his Letter to Nicholas Biddle dated 10 Oct
1816 & forwarded to the Hist. Comee by Mr Jefferson.

It is understood & agreed on the part of the Histo: Comee in recieving these
books & papers, that Govr. Wm Clark his heirs or assigns shall at all times have
the full use of them for any future edition of his Travels. By order of the
Hist = Comee

Jn Vaughan recording Sec. of the Hist. & Lit. Class of the Am. Ph. Soc.

Copy of the acct to be fent to Mr Jefferson by the Cor. Secy

LXXXVI. LXXXVI

NICHOLAS BIDDLE TO WILLIAM TILGHMAN[1]

LXXXVI. [Qriginal MS. in possession of American Philosophical Society. We follow a transcript furnished
by Secretary Hays.]

Dear Sir: I have the pleasure of depositing with the Historical
Committee the papers & books which accompany this letter, in compliance
with the request of Governor Clark in his letter to me of the
10th of October 1816 transmitted by Mr. Jefferson.

It may perhaps be useful to add such notices of other objects
connected with them, as may enable the Committee to extend its
researches.

It was in the Spring of 1810 that I received from Governor Clark in
Virginia, & brought to Philadelphia the papers & documents deemed
necessary for the publication of the Travels. They consisted of,

1.

• A large map of the country between the Mississipi & the Pacific
  illustrating the course of the journey

2.

• A map for Mr Hassler who was in the state of New York and
  engaged in some astronomical calculations for the work.

3.

• Some documents for Dr Barton

4.

• The manuscript journal of Serjeant Ordway, one of the party

5.

• The pocket Journals of the expedition
  Of these,

1.

• The map after the draft was made from it for the engraver was
  delivered by the draftsman, Mr Lewis, to Governor Clark when last in
  Phila. about the year 1813.

2.

• The other map was forwarded by Mr Vaughan to Mr Hassler, who
  in his letter dated Augt. 12. 1810 at Schenectady mentions the receipt
  of it
  

  ---

  
  
  

  VOCABULARY

                                                                           

  ---

  
  
  
                                                                                         

  Fire	a man	monax	tooth
  water	a woman	beaver	tongue
  earth	belly	raccoon	ear
  air	back	opossum	neck
  wind	side	to-day	arm
  sky	bubby	to-morrow	wrist
  sun	nipple	a day	hand
  moon	thigh	a month	finger
  star	leg	a year	moose
  light	foot	spring	bear
  darkness	toe	summer	wolf
  day	skin	autumn	panther
  night	nails	winter	wild-cat
  heat	bone	a man	pole-cat
  cold	blood	a woman	fox
  smoak	life	a boy	monax
  cloud	death	a girl	beaver
  fog	food	a child	raccoon
  rain	meat	father	opossum
  snow	fat	mother	hare
  hail	lean	brother	squirrel
  ice	bread	sister	flying-squirrel
  frost	Indian-corn	husband	ground-squirrel
  dew	milk	wife	mole
  rain-bow	egg	son	a bird
  thunder	a house	daughter	an eagle
  lightning	the mammoth	the body	hawk
  yesterday	buffalo	the head	owl
  to-day	elk	the hair	turkey
  to-morrow	deer	the beard	swan
  a day	moose	the face	wild-goose
  a month	bear	an eye	duck
  a year	wolf	the nose	turkey-buzzard
  spring	panther	the cheek	raven
  summer	wild-cat	chin	crow
  autumn	pole-cat	lip	black-bird
  winter	fox	mouth	crane
  pigeon	ninety	to jump	three
  dove	a hundred	to fall	four
  pheasant	two hundred	to break	nine hundred
  partridge	three hundred	to bend	a thousand
  mocking-bird	four hundred	yes	white
  red-bird	five hundred	no	black
  snake	six hundred	gold	green
  lizzard	seven hundred	silver	blue
  butterfly	eight hundred	copper	yellow
  fly	ugly	a stone	red
  fish	sick	wood	good
  frog	brave	gum	bad
  mulberry	cowardly	a mountain	large
  a vine	wise	hill	small
  tobacco	foolish	valley	high
  joy	I	sea	low
  sorrow	you	lake	broad
  one	he	pond	narrow
  two	she	river	old
  three	they	creek	young
  four	this	a spring	new
  five	that	grass	hard
  six	to eat	a tree	soft
  seven	to drink	pine	sweet
  eight	to sleep	cedar	sour
  nine	to laugh	sycamore	bitter
  ten	to cry	poplar	hot
  eleven	to sing	ash	cold
  twelve	to whistle	elm	dry
  thirteen	to smell	beech	wet
  fourteen	to hear	birch	strong
  fifteen	to see	maple	weak
  sixteen	to speak	oak	pretty
  seventeen	to walk	chesnut	ugly
  eighteen	to run	hiccory	sick
  nineteen	to stand	walnut	brave
  twenty	to sit	locust	cowardly
  twenty-one	to lie down	mulberry	wise
  thirty	to smoke a pipe	a vine	foolish
  forty	to love	tobacco	I
  fifty	to hate	joy	you
  sixty	to strike	sorrow	he
  seventy	to kill	one
  eighty	to dance	two

---

409





3.

• The documents for Dr Barton, were delivered to him immediately
  after my arrival in Phila. Not having received any list of them from
  Govr Clark I of course took none from Dr Barton, and as I was merely
  the bearer of them, my recollection is not as accurate as it would have
  been had they fallen more immediately under my examination. My
  impression however is that the packet for Dr Barton consisted of small
  manuscript books & some papers. The books were chiefly extracts
  relative to objects of natural history taken from the original Journal now
  deposited with the Committee. The papers were Indian vocabularies,
  collected during the journey. They formed, I think a bundle of loose
  sheets each sheet containing a printed vocabulary in English with the
  corresponding Indian name in manuscript. There was also another
  collection of Indian vocabularies, which, if I am not mistaken, was in
  the handwriting of Mr Jefferson.[2]

  I have turned to my letter to Governor Clark dated July 7. 1810,
  the first to him after my arrival at Phila, in hopes of finding some
  further particulars, but the letter merely states in general terms "I need
  not say that I arrived safe at this place / that the map was immediately
  forwarded to Mr Hassler, and that Dr Barton received all his
  papers "In the preface to the printed travels which, being published
  in Phila whilst Dr Barton was there, must be presumed to have been
  correct it is stated that "those parts of the work which relate to the
  various objects of natural history observed or collected during the
  journey, as well as the alphabets of the Indian languages are in the hands
  of Professor Barton, and will it is understood, shortly appear." This
  was in 1814.

  I have mentioned these particulars so minutely because the description
  may perhaps enable some of the Committe to recognize the vocabularies,
  which I incline to think were the only things delivered by me to
  Dr Barton not included in the volumes now deposited.

4.

• The journal of Serjeant Ordway was I believe a private purchase
  from that person. Governor Clark in his letter to me of the 24
  Jany. 1818 desires me to send it to him.

---

410





5.

• The Journals of Mefsrs' Lewis & Clark from the beginning to the
  end of the journey are contained in the 14 volumes, all of which are
  now deposited. There is besides one volume of astronomical observations
  & other matter by Captain Lewis, a small copy book containing
  some notes by Captain Lewis / the rough draft of his letter to the
  President from St Louis announcing his return / and two statistical
  tables of the various tribes of Indians west of the Mississipi made by
  Governor Clark.

  These are all the observations which occur to me as promising to be
  useful to the Committee,

LXXXVII. LXXXVII

ELLIOTT COUES'S[1] DESCRIPTION OF THE ORIGINAL
JOURNALS OF LEWIS AND CLARK, NOW IN POSSESSION
OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
IN PHILADELPHIA

LXXXVII. [Condensation of paper read before the American Philosophical Society, January 20, 1893, and
published in Proceedings of the Society, vol. xxxi, No. 140, pp. 17–33.]

It is well known that the History of Lewis and Clark's Expedition was
written by Mr. Nicholas Biddle, of Philadelphia, and first published there
in 1814, in two octavo volumes, by Bradford and Inskeep. It is also
common report that the manuscripts of the famous explorers, upon
which Mr. Biddle worked, are extant. But what these are, and where
they are kept, few could have told.

All the journals and notebooks, in the handwritings respectively of
Lewis and of Clark, upon which Mr. Biddle based his work, were
deposited by him with the Philosophical Society in April, 1818.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Diligent and minute examination of these manuscripts satisfies me
that their character should be made known, as a matter of great historic
interest. Accordingly the present description is offered.

I will first describe the bound books and loose papers, just as I found
them, in general terms; next, in terms of their several deposits—for
there are more of them than Mr. Biddle deposited; and then I will give
an account of them in detail, as I have arranged them in a series of
codices, which I call alphabetically Codex A, etc., to T.

I. The Books and Papers as Found.

Of four sorts: (1), (2), (3), three different styles of bound field notebooks
and journals; (4), several lots of loose papers, mainly belonging
with one of the styles of the bound volumes.

1.

• Thirteen (13) bound volumes, all alike, forming the most conspicuous
  part of the collection, and known since Biddle's time as "the
  red books." These are journals and notebooks of Lewis and of Clark,
  respectively, all in the handwriting of one or the other of the explorers.
  Eleven (11) of these are a part of the Biddle deposit; one (1) was
  deposited by Mr. Jefferson; one (1) is an unrecorded deposit. All are
  in remarkably good order, clean and sound inside and out; form oblong;
  back along short diameter, and as the pages were written on both sides,
  up and down, across the same diameter, the books open to and from the
  reader, not right and left; covers smooth bright red morocco, gilt-tooled
  edges, marbled inside, fastened at the fore end with brass clasps (now
  gone from eight of the volumes, intact on five of them)[2] ; size of covers
  8 ⅛ × 5 ⅛ inches (very nearly same size and shape as the leaves of the
  printed Philadelphia edition of 1814); paper about one quarter inch
  smaller each way than cover, or 7 ⅞ × 4 ⅞, rather thin, rough and tough,
  white (now with a slight brownish tinge), unruled; gathering supposed
  to be 76 folios or 152 pages in each book, exclusive of a pair of flyleaves
  marbled one side like inside of cover; but the number of leaves varies a
  little, and in several cases some leaves have been intentionally torn out
  —nowhere breaking the text, but to write something else on, or for
  another purpose. These books, as a whole, are written almost entirely
  full. Lewis's hand is particularly fine, fair and even; Clark's is larger,
  stronger and less regular; both are so good, and the pages are so perfectly
  preserved, that there is perhaps not a word, possibly not a letter,
  in the whole of these manuscripts not now distinctly legible. Seven (7)
  of these thirteen books are by Lewis alone; six (6) are by Clark alone.
  Eleven (11) are "journals"—i.e., narratives of the progress of the
  Expedition day by day, entered under consecutive dates. Two (2) are
  "Notebooks"—i.e., miscellaneous entries, of various dates or none, of
  astronomical, geographical, ethnological, zoölogical, botanical, etc., items.
  In my arrangement these thirteen books become Codices D, E, F, G,
  H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P (see further on). With them belong more
  or less intimately certain parcels of loose sheets (see on).

2.

• One (1) bound volume, the "brown" book, standing alone.
  This is almost exactly the size, shape, etc., of the foregoing, but quite
  

  ---

  413

  
  
  
  unlike them in appearance. It is bound in rough brown leather, sides and
  edges alike, not marbled inside; it is thicker than any of the other volumes,
  the paper being heavier and coarser; the leaves are 137, pages 274. This
  is mainly a journal, and mainly in Clark's hand, but with some entries by
  Lewis, and some by another hand. It includes the whole of the wintering
  of the expedition at Fort Mandan, and various other matters. For
  contents see beyond, Codex C, which this volume now forms.

3.

• Four (4) bound volumes, which may be called the "marble" books,
  from the style of their covers. Form oblong, like that of all the foregoing;
  size of covers 6 ¾ × 4 inches, leaves 6 ½ × 3 ¾; paper rough, whitish,
  unruled; covers pasteboard, overlaid with marbled paper, back and corners
  of thin, smooth, brown leather. All in good order but one, which
  is worn and shabby; all written full, and perfectly legible throughout.
  The gathering of these four books is supposed to be 92 leaves or 184
  pages; in one I find but 164 pages, though without any break in the
  text that I can discover. Two of these books are Clark's journals, from
  the starting of the Expedition to October 3, 1804; the other two are
  notebooks, chiefly natural history notes, by both Lewis and Clark. The
  four now form my Codices A, B and Q, R (see beyond).

4.

• Several parcels of loose sheets of manuscript, some in Lewis'
  hand, some in Clark's. Most of these papers are of the same size, shape
  and quality as the leaves of the red books, having been, in fact, taken
  from some of the latter, as may be seen by fitting the torn ends to the
  stubs remaining in the volumes. Those parcels which thus obviously
  belong to certain of the red books, or with the red books as a set, I have
  arranged as Codices Fa, Fb, Fc, Fd, Fe, La, Lb. One of the parcels
  is a different fragment, imperfect, once part of a notebook, not found,
  like the small marble books; this is now Codex Ia. Two of the parcels
  belong with the small marble books, and thus become Codices Aa,
  Ba. Two remaining parcels, not directly connected with any of the
  bound volumes, are now Codices S, T. These manuscripts were all
  loose; as arranged they make twelve (12) parcels and as many codices,
  for the particular description of which see beyond.

  The above are all the books and papers in my hands which are
  actual manuscripts of Lewis or of Clark. They are accompanied by
  Mr. Biddle's letter of deposit, and several memoranda concerning them,
  in Biddle's or another hand.

II. The Books and Papers as Deposited.

I do not find quite all of the Biddle deposit, as itemized in the receipt
given him by the Society; for example, no vocabularies and no maps.

The "Meteorological Register" he specifies is simply certain leaves
detached from the red books, and thus already accounted for. All the
loose manuscript above specified is supposed to be included in the Biddle
deposit. But I find four books from other sources remaining to be
accounted for.[3] As to their deposits, therefore, the Lewis and Clark
manuscripts fall into the following arrangement:

1.

• The Biddle deposit, fourteen bound volumes, viz.: Two of the
  four small marble books; the one brown book; and eleven of the thirteen
  red books. With these belong all the loose papers, as above said.

2.

• The Jefferson deposit, consisting of three bound volumes. Two
  of these are small marble books, matching the other two deposited by
  Biddle. Each is by both Lewis and Clark, and each consists of miscellaneous
  field notes, mainly on zoölogy and botany. They now form
  Codices Q, R. The third volume is one of the red books. It is a
  Clark, and contains miscellaneous notes, chiefly on natural history. It
  is now Codex P. These three were deposited by Mr. Jefferson in
  November,[4] 1817, as appears by memorandum in each of them, in
  Biddle's hand.

3.

• Unknown deposit: One of the thirteen red books without record
  of source whence obtained. This is a Lewis, and consists of certain
  astronomical observations and geographical notes. It is now Codex O.[5]

III. The Books and Papers as Arranged.

I have gone very carefully through these precious manuscripts, and
arranged them in what appears to be their natural sequence or logical
order. All the red books, making the bulk of the collection, fall easily
together, preceded by two of the small marble books and by the brown
book, followed by the other two small marble books, and the set of
bound volumes is interspersed with the twelve parcels of unbound manuscripts
which I have made up from the loose sheets, securely fastened

in stiff paper covers, and for the most part interleaved with onion-skin
writing paper. I have also paginated the whole of the manuscripts,
which can now be cited by codex and page throughout, as if by volume
and page of a published work. There are in all upward of 2,000 pages.
Description in detail of the now thirty (30) codices here follows:

Codex A.

• One of the four small marbled cover books. Biddle deposit No. 1.
  Clark's original No. 1. In good order. Folios 92, pages 184. Being Clark's
  journal, complete, from May 13, 1804, to Aug. 14, 1804. This takes the expedition
  from the 1803–4 winter camp on Du Bois or Wood River up the Missouri
  to the creek on which the Omahas resided (to p. 44, vol. i, of the printed
  text).

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex A a.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number; collate with Clark
  Codex A. In good order. Folios 4, loose, torn from a book like one of the
  red books; 5 ½ pages written. Being Lewis's journal, of dates May 20 and 15,
  1804, covering starting of the expedition, which Lewis joined at St. Charles
  on the 20th.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex B.

• One of the small marbled cover books. Biddle deposit No. 2.
  Clark's original No. 2. In good order. Folios 90, pages 180, counting front
  flyleaf; one leaf and the flyleaf gone at end, but no break in the MS., which
  continues on from p. 180 to inside of cover. Being Clark's journal, complete,
  from Aug. 15, 1804, to Oct. 3, 1804. This takes the expedition from the
  creek on which the Omahas resided to next day beyond Caution Island (pp. 44–97
  of vol. i, of the printed text).

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex B a.

• Fragment, torn from a book like one of the red books. Biddle
  deposit. No number; collate with Clark Codex B. In fair order; some corners
  gone; loose folios 4, pages 7 ½ written. Being Lewis's journal, Sept. 16 and
  17, 1804, when the expedition was at Corvus Creek.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex C.

• The brown leather cover book above described, and which may be
  also known as "The Mandan Codex." Biddle deposit No. 3. Clark's No. 3.
  Biddle's No. 3. In perfect order. Folios 137, pages 274, and inside of both
  covers written over. Being Clark's journal, complete, traversing dates Oct. 1–3,
  1804, from Codex B, then of dates Oct. 4, 1804, to April 7, 1805, when the
  expedition left Fort Mandan; Lewis enters Feb. 3–13, 1805, when Clark was
  away on a hunt; another hand invoices, etc. This journal covers route from
  Cheyenne River to the Mandans, and residence there.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex D.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  Biddle's No. 4. In perfect order. Cover clean and scarcely warped. Folios
  

  ---

  416

  
  
  
  70, pages 140, besides two flyleaves marbled one side like inside of covers; there
  should be folios 76, pages 152, but several leaves are torn out at end (these are
  preserved, being now part of Codex Fe, which see). This is Lewis's journal,
  complete, April 7, 1805, to May 23, 1805, from the Mandans to a little above
  Musselshell River, and corresponding with dates to Biddle's pp. 177–226 of
  vol. i; but the printed text follows mainly a Clark journal I have not found.[6]

Codex E.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  Biddle's No. 5. In perfect order inside, brass clasp gone, covers clean, one of
  them creased crosswise. Folios 78, pages 156, and both marbled flyleaves written
  over one side. Being Lewis's journal, complete, pp. 1–156, and both flies,
  May 24, 1805, to July 16, 1805, carrying the expedition from North Mountain
  Creek to the Gates of the Rocky Mountains, followed in the Biddle text, mainly,
  pp. 226–303 of vol. i.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex F.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  Biddle's No. 6. In perfect order inside and out, except brass clasp gone. Folios
  76, pages 152, and one side of both marbled flyleaves written over = pages 154;
  p. 153, on back fly, continued as p. 154 on front fly. Being Lewis's journal,
  complete and intact, July 17, 1805, to Aug. 22, 1805 (except Aug. 1–4), carrying
  the expedition from the Gates to the Three Forks of the Missouri, thence
  up Jefferson River and over the Rocky Mountains to the Shoshone village; corresponding
  to pp. 303–398 of vol. i, of the Biddle text.

Codex F a.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number. In perfect order.
  Folios 4, pages 8, loose sheets, written over 6 ½ pages, same paper as one of the
  red books. Being Lewis's journal, Aug. 1–4, 1805, but merely another narrative
  of those days, already fully written up at pp. 52–66 of Codex F, with which
  collate.

Codex F b.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number. In perfect order.
  Folios 13, pages 26, written 25 ¼, loose sheets, same paper as the red books.
  Lewis's journal, Aug. 23–26, 1805, therefore in direct continuation of Codex F.
  Text mainly the account of the Shoshone Indians as given in Biddle's chap. xvi,
  vol. i. The dates are included in Clark's journal, Codex G.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex F c.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number. In perfect order.
  Folios 2, pages 4, full. Loose sheets, paper of the red books. Lewis's journal,
  

  ---

  417

  
  
  
  Sept. 9 and 10, 1805, at and near Traveler's Rest Creek. This codex comes
  after Codex Fb, but not connectedly. The dates are covered by Clark,
  Codex G.

Codex F d.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number. In perfect order.
  Folios 4, pages 8, full. Loose sheets, paper of the red books. Lewis's journal,
  Sept. 18–22, 1805, Hungry Creek, Chopunnish Indians, etc. Follows Codex
  Fc, but not connectedly. Dates covered by Clark, Codex G.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex F e.

• Two fragments. Biddle deposit. No number. In perfect
  order. Folios 5 + 3 = 8, pages 10 + 6 = 16. Paper like that of the red
  book, from two of which these fragments have been torn. Lewis's weather
  diary for April, May and June, 1805, and for July, Aug. and Sept., 1805.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—This codex is the basis of Biddle's meteorological tables, April 1 to
  Sept. 30, 1805, in Vol. ii, pp. 484–488, and of the "Remarks and Reflections"
  pertaining to these dates, 503–508. By dates Codex Fe is to be collated with
  Codices D, E, F, G.

Codex G.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  Clark's No. 5. Biddle's No. 7. In perfect order inside and out; brass clasp intact.
  Folios 76, pp. 152, besides the marbled flyleaves, one of which is written
  on. Clark's journal, complete, July 1, 1805, to Oct. 10, 1805, covering the
  whole of the route from White Bear islands, at the head of the Great Falls of
  the Missouri, to mouth of the Kooskooskee or Clearwater River.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex H.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit
  No. 8. No Clark number. In perfect order, inside and out; brass clasp intact.
  Folios 76, pages 152, besides back and front marbled flyleaves. Clark's journal,
  complete, Oct. 11, 1805, to Nov. 19, 1805, going down "Lewis'" River and
  the Columbia to the mouth of the latter.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—Codex H is main basis of Biddle, vol. ii, pp. 1–81.

Codex I.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit
  No. 9. No Clark number. In perfect order, inside and out; only brass clasp
  gone. Folios 78, pages 156, besides the two marbled flyleaves. Clark's journal,
  complete, Nov. 19, 1805 (directly continued from same date in Codex H)
  to Jan. 29, 1806, at and about the mouth of the Columbia and residence in Fort
  Clatsop, with various other matter, for which see contents following.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—Codex I is the main basis of Biddle's printed text, vol. ii, pp. 80–
  146, though of course with collation of Lewis's parallel narrative. The list of
  traders is on Biddle's p. 145. Biddle also uses the weather diary in one part, for
  the months not taken from Lewis. The sketch map forms the third of the copper
  

  ---

  418

  
  
  
  plates of Biddle's Vol. ii. But the most important special matter in this Code
  is the "Estimate of the Western Indians," an original basis of Biddle's pp. 471–
  476. The printed pages, however, do not follow this Clark Codex I, but are
  from some revised manuscript furnished by Clark.

Codex I a.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number. In perfect order.
  Folios 5, pages written 8; small paper like that of one of the small marble cover
  books. Lewis's journal, Nov. 29–Dec. 1, 1805, when he explored by himself
  a place on the S. W. side of the Columbia.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex J.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  No. 10. In Perfect order inside and out, only clasp gone. Folios 76, pages
  152, besides marbled flyleaves. Lewis's journal, complete, Jan. 1, 1806,
  to March 20, 1806, thus covering the residence of the party in Fort Clatsop.
  The manuscript is very close, clear and clean, and illustrated with numerous pen
  and ink sketches of Indian implements and utensils, birds, fishes, etc. There is a
  well-drawn head of the California condor, the white-fronted goose, and some full-length
  fishes, size of the page. We will specify this as "The Clatsop Codex."

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex K.

• One of the thirteen red morocco books. Biddle deposit. Biddle's
  No. 10. In perfect order inside and out, only brass clasp gone. Folios 76,
  pages 152, and two marbled flyleaves. Lewis's journal, complete, March 21,
  1806, to May 23, 1806, in direct continuation of Codex J, covering voyage up
  the Columbia, and journey over the Bitter-root Mountains.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—The Journal of this codex, so far as it is utilized, makes Biddle's pp.
  205–299, of vol. ii.

Codex L.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  Biddle's No. 12. In good order inside and out, brass clasp intact. Total folios
  75, pages 150, inclusive of three folios I have fastened in where they belong, exclusive
  of the two marbled flyleaves, both written on one side. Lewis's journal, not
  complete, May 24, 1806, to Aug. 8, 1806, excepting July 5–14, which is Codex
  La, completing the Journal between dates said. This Codex L, together with La,
  covers the making of "Lewis and Clark's Pass," Lewis's exploration of Maria's
  River, and his Indian fight. It is continued by Lb, which see.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—This codex, with its important belongings La and Lb, is the sole
  basis of Biddle's vol. ii, pp. 332–365, relating to Lewis's party, at the said
  dates separated from Clark's.

Codex L a.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number. In poor order;
  one sheet in bad order. Sheets 4 ½, folios 9, pages 18, of a folded notepaper,
  not matching paper from any of the bound books, and one sheet not matching the
  rest. Lewis's journal, July 3–15, 1806, the making of "Lewis and Clark's
  Pass." We will call it "The Pass Codex."

  ---

  419

  
  
  

  Note.—This is by far the most important of all the fragments, and unhappily
  in the worst order of all the manuscripts. Sheet 1, folios 2, pages 4, is larger
  than the rest, thin and now very brittle. Having been handled and packed with
  smaller sheets, the edges are ragged, especially at bottom. The last line on each
  of the four pages was probably going in Biddle's time, for he has interlined some
  words that were then in danger of becoming illegible. Others that were only
  made out with difficulty when I got the manuscript I have interlined to like
  purpose; and certainly every word is saved. The top was in the same state,
  but has no lines so near the edge, and I have trimmed it smooth. This sheet is
  badly stained, also, perhaps from getting wet when Lewis forded a river with
  it in his pocket. The Pass is made July 7, at the bottom of p. 7 of this fragment.
  The MS. ends illegibly near the bottom of p. 18. Two other hands make a
  memorandum across the blank space, to the effect that this fragment belongs to
  Biddle's No. 12, my Codex L, where 10 folios were left blank by Lewis for
  its insertion, and where it should be carefully copied into the clean book.

Codex L b.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. No number. In good order.
  Folios 4, pages 7 written + 1 blank, paper like that of the red books. Lewis's
  journal, Aug. 9–12, 1806, and last; includes his being shot by Cruzatte.

  Note.—Sole basis of Biddle's pp. 363–365, vol. ii.

Codex M.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  Biddle's No. 13. In perfect order inside and out. Folios 76, but
  pages 154, including one side of each marbled flyleaf. Clark's journal, complete,
  June 7, 1806, to Aug. 14, 1806. Parallel narrative with Lewis's to
  July 3, when the party separated, then Clark's sole narrative of the journey from
  Traveler's Rest Creek to the Jefferson River, making "Clark's Pass," thence down
  the Jefferson, up the Gallatin, over to the Yellowstone, and down this to its mouth,
  below which the separated parties reunited; also weather diary, June to Aug.,
  1806. This may be known as "The Yellowstone Codex."

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—A sketch map therein, is that mentioned in Biddle, as drawn by
  Chopunnish Indians and copied on paper by Clark. It was never engraved.
  With Lewis's parallel narrative to July 3, this codex is the basis of Biddle, vol.
  ii, pp. 309–332: then it is sole basis of pp. 366–404.

Codex N.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. Biddle deposit.
  Biddle's No. 14, and last. In perfect order inside and out, only brass clasp
  gone. Folios 76, but pages 154, one side of both flyleaves being written over.
  Clark's journal, complete, Aug. 15 to Sept. 26, 1806, and his last, bringing the
  reunited party down the Missouri to St. Louis; also various other matter.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—An important codex. As Lewis kept no journal after Aug. 12, 1806,
  when he had been shot, the remainder of Biddle vol. ii is based on this codex, as
  far as p. 433, end of the history.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

---

420





Codex O.

• One of the thirteen red morocco books. No Biddle number.
  Not deposited by Biddle; perhaps by Jefferson; by whom unknown; not one
  of the regular series of journals[7] . In perfect order inside and out. Folios 64
  only, pages 128 only, exclusive of the two flyleaves, probably up to the usual
  72 folios, cut out of end. Text as far as it goes perfect and signed "Mcriwether
  Lewis," showing end there. Whole MS. is in Lewis's hand. The gone leaves
  were probably taken to be used for other writing, and their absence in no way
  affects what is in the book.

  Contains description of the Missouri and other rivers, etc., from the mouth
  of the Missouri to the Mandans, according to the observations of the expedition,
  and beyond the Mandans upon Indian and other information, pp. 69–128.
  This is a connected general account, the original draft of which was doubtless
  written at Fort Mandan, winter of 1804–5, as text to accompany the map which
  was sent thence to President Jefferson, April 7, 1805. Hence I infer that the
  substance of this codex was among the papers dispatched to the President at
  that date; but I have no record of how or when it came into the possession of
  the Philosophical Society. It does not seem to have been known to Biddle, or
  at any rate was not used by him in writing the history of the expedition.

Codex P.

• One of the thirteen red morocco cover books. No Biddle number.
  Not one of the regular journals. Jefferson deposit, Nov., 1817. In perfect
  order inside and out; only brass clasp gone. Folios only 68, pages 136,
  exclusive of two flyleaves written on; 4 folios = 8 pages gone, but no break
  in the manuscript. Clark's natural history notes, etc., April 9, 1805, to Feb.
  17, 1806.

  Note.—This codex is important as containing numerous and various zoölogical
  and botanical notes which are the main though not the sole basis of Biddle's natural
  history chapter vii, in vol. ii. Some of this chapter is almost literally from
  this codex, but zoölogical and botanical matter from various other codices is there
  compiled. I may here give the simple explanation of the extreme meagreness and
  paucity of the natural history notes in Lewis and Clark, with the sole exception
  of what is in chap. vii, vol. ii. It was intended that Dr. B. S. Barton should
  work up the natural history in both branches, as stated by Biddle in the Preface.
  The codices (journals) are everywhere rich in such materials—often giving elaborate
  descriptions of animals and plants which the printed text barely mentions.
  These manuscripts will doubtless suffice for the scientific identification of the
  objects described, in nearly all cases. But these passages are almost always cancelled
  in red ink by Biddle or by Clark, with the remark, "Dr. Barton," "Copy
  for Dr. Barton," "Copied for Dr. Barton," etc., showing that the editor designedly
  passed them by for the purpose thus indicated. But Dr. Barton never did
  anything with this wealth of new material; his death occurred soon after the volumes
  were published, and nothing that I know of bearing on the zoölogy and
  botany of Lewis and Clark was ever found among his papers. Thus the whole
  

  ---

  421

  
  
  
  intention miscarried; what little zoölogy was ever made out of the expedition
  was done by Wilson, Ord and Rafinesque, mainly, and what little botany, I
  think, by Pursh. In 1876 I worked out the mammals and birds as well as I
  could from the printed text of chap. vii, vol. ii.

Codex Q.

• One of the four small marbled cover books. No Biddle number.
  Jefferson deposit. In good order. Folios 92, pages 184. Lewis and Clark's
  miscellaneous notes, chiefly on natural history, 1804–1806. A mate to Codex
  R (see contents).

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

  Note.—This and R are the only codices of the whole series of which Lewis
  and Clark are joint authors—though Lewis has a few entries in Clark Codex C.
  I observe no marks by Biddle in the MS., and probably he did not use this codex
  at all. It has some valuable descriptions, found nowhere else, but on the whole
  is of much less importance to the naturalist than Codex P.

Codex R.

• One of the four small marbled cover books. No Biddle number.
  Jefferson deposit. Cover most worn of any of the books, and very shabby; inside
  sound and clean, except a torn flyleaf. Folios 82, pages 164. Lewis and
  Clark's miscellaneous notes, chiefly on botany and zoölogy, May, 1804, to March,
  1806. A mate to Codex Q.

  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Codex S.

• Fragment. Biddle deposit. Loose sheets 4 = folios 8 = pages
  16, of notepaper, unlike the paper of any of the bound codices. In good order.
  Lewis, Two letters of.

  (1) letter to President Jefferson, dated St. Louis, Sept. 23, 1806, announcing
  the return of the expedition. This is the rough original, full of interlineations
  and erasures, from which a fair copy was doubtless made and mailed to the President,
  Lewis retaining the present MS. It is of great historic interest as a curiosity,
  but of no special value otherwise. It is complete, with official signature
  and address; it makes 5 ½ folios, or 11 pages, the second letter being on the
  same sheets as the first one, occupying the remaining 2 ½ folios, or 5 pages. (2)
  A letter, fragmentary, without signature or address, presumably intended for the
  President, in Lewis's hand, misdated St. Louis, Sept. 21 (probably meant for 24),
  1806, and proceeding to give a general account of the expedition, till it breaks
  off in the middle of a sentence at bottom of p. 16. It announces the discovery
  of the Yellow Rock or "Roghejone" river—that is, of the Yellowstone or
  Roche jaune.

Codex T.

• Fragment. No record or identification. One folio, 2 pages,
  apparently Clark's hand, but "Capt. Clark" spoken of in the third person.
  It is a half sheet of notepaper, not from any one of the bound books, and a mere
  excerpt, without proper beginning or end, speaking of some geographical and
  other matters of no special consequence.

Note to Codices A–T.—The four small marble cover codices, and the brown
codex, were actually penned in the field, day by day, as the Expedition proceeded.
So were some of the fragmentary codices, notably the "Pass Codex."
But this cannot have been the case with the red books, nor with those of the
fragmentary codices which are on paper of the same size, shape and quality as
that of the red books. The covers are too fresh and bright, the paper too clean
and sound, for these books to have ever been through the wear and tear of such
a journey. The handwritings are too good, and too uniform, for either of the
explorers to have executed them in the vicissitudes of the camp. The red books
were certainly written after the return of the expedition, and before Lewis's
death in October, 1809—that is, in 1806–9. They were certainly put in Mr.
Biddle's hands very early in 1810, and were probably written at St. Louis.
I suppose the explorers bought a stock of these blank books, and proceeded to
copy into them their journals and notes, from rough field-books like the marble
ones and the brown one. They appear to have agreed upon a fair division of
the work of authorship—each to write certain portions of the narrative, each in
the first person singular speaking of the other in the third person, and each drawing
what he wished from the rough field-books of both. They evidently intended
to become the joint authors of their own Travels, though each should write
certain portions himself. This design was frustrated by Lewis's untimely and
tragic death; upon which Clark at once secured Mr. Biddle's invaluable
services as editor and virtual author. But in making this explanation concerning
the red books, I must not be misread as saying that they are not "original"
manuscripts of Lewis and of Clark; simply that they are not books which were
written in the field. Every word of them all is in the handwriting of one or
the other of the explorers; they are original, they are genuine, and they are
authentic.[8]

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

If the actual texts of Lewis and Clark are ever published, they should
be printed word for word, letter for letter, and point for point. This
would make a wonderful book, and I am inclined to think it should be
done.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

The only serious criticism of Mr. Biddle's most admirable performance,
which examination of the original manuscripts induces me to
venture, concerns the exclusion of all tabular matter from the body of
his text. The manuscripts of both the explorers, and of Clark especially,
are replete with astronomical observations for latitude and longitude,
tabulated courses by points of the compass, bearings of prominent

landmarks by the same, formally estimated distances, etc. These are of
great intrinsic interest in meandering the Missouri and other rivers, and
invaluable in tracking the routes of the explorers across the mountains.
It is true that such things do not make easy reading, and perhaps the
publisher objected; but the benefit to the student of Lewis and Clark
that would have resulted from the publication of these data is simply
incalculable.[9]