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The Plan of St. Gall

a study of the architecture & economy of & life in a paradigmatic Carolingian monastery
  
  
  
  
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<TITHING GRAIN>
  
  
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<TITHING GRAIN>

It seems to us, therefore, not to be a bad thing but rather quite
a good thing (in line with the principle set forth above) to have
all that agricultural produce which can be tithed by bundles so
handled that each crop be levied for tithe according to its
species. Moreover, there should be certification after exact
measurement how many bundles of that species produce a
modius. In this connection it is very important to be sure that
each several crop from the various fields be separately tithed,
because, as we all know, even though they may be of one sort,
the crops in all fields do not turn out to be equally good or
fruitful. And therefore it is necessary that in the several villas
God-fearing men be chosen for doing this, and that they be
strictly warned by their masters that they should not try to
cheat here or there, or tally more or less than the true account.
Now we have pursued this matter in order that no doubt can
exist that after the inventory has been established by a
reliable method, if all the sheaves are properly examined for
tithing, as many modii ought to come in the tithe for each
several crop as if they had been paid in another location. In the
same fashion the hay is to be weighed and accounted carefully
and judiciously to determine how many cartloads are to be
brought for tithe, so that the same amount of the same quality
can be restored in another place.

But though we have presented this signal plan in writing,
which may quite possibly seem unnecessary to some people, we
now unfold it with even greater precision by showing more
fully how it works in specified villas. Observe: As we all know,
it is not only very difficult but virtually impossible without very
serious distress for the communities at Waliacum and
Montiacum, at Haino-Villare and Domnus Aglinus,[141] as well as
at certain other places, to arrange for delivery to the monastery
of the kind of crop that is harvested in sheaves or the hay
stacked there in the field. But if it is threshed there and the
resulting grain either sold or delivered, all the straw, which is
likewise needed by the brothers[142] in the off-season for use
according to its quality, will be unavailable, though its
contribution would be, as we have said, almost equally
requisite. With these facts in mind, if both here and there the
problem is considered either with respect to the size of the
villas or the quantity of produce each successive year, possibly
a double tithe may be paid in without great inconvenience by
the villas nearer the monastery. In this way the evils listed
above, either debasement of the tithing or distress for the
community, may easily be avoided. But, not to obfuscate what
we say, or the end we want to obtain by saying it, it is necessary
that we specify certain villas between which such an interchange
could be effected without detriment: We therefore join together
Waliacum and Vernum.[143] When Vernum's tithe has been
rendered and transported to the monastery, then let the
commissioner state from the evidence of these very sheaves with
respect to each of the several kinds of grain how much in
Vernian grain would be the equal of the same tithe which has
been levied at Waliacum. Then that tithe should be brought to
the monastery either in bundles of whole, uncut grain or simply
as hay. Now this should be understood, that under no
conditions do we want that community to bring the second
tithe through the long stretch of empire to the monastery. The
porter should hire carts for himself as the season and the
availability of carts then dictate.[144] We do not by this remark say
that the porter himself should rush about[145] and make inventory
of that tithe at Walliacum or on his own account render a
judgment about its sufficiency. Rather, through the provost and
through the agent[146] of the villas, such God-fearing ministers,
faithfully keeping trust in all matters, should be chosen as may
carry on the work there and here without any kind of deceit.
The porter then would have no worry except that of collecting
the goods. Yet, on written request, he would always receive all
produce every year, so that he would be able to know, if need
arose, whether the ministers themselves were performing this
function in good faith.

This exemplary instance of these two villas should
sufficiently explain how, in this pattern, other villas, two by two,
one located far away and the other nearby, will be joined
together whenever they easily and expediently can be joined. In
this way, as suggested above, the nearer towns pay a double
tithe. That same oft-mentioned tithe is to be brought to the
monastery without diminution, and the community is in no way
to be distressed. The villas thus joined are: Montiacus and
Albiniacus; Templum Martis and Vila; Habronastus with
Campania, and Waniacum; Fortiacavilla with Walhonocurtis, and
Saliacus; Filconovillaris and Tittonomontis; Haionovillaris and
Tanedas; Domnus Aglinus and Domnus Audoinus.[147] However,
each one of the following should pay only its own tithe:
Paliortus, Alas, Haionocurtis and Arvillaris, Cipiliacus,
Cirisiacus, Galliacus, and Wadonocurtis.[148] We intentionally set
these latter villas aside because they are not so far away that they
cannot deliver their tithes. But then if and when at some location
the crop does not grow or a tempest levels it or it has to remain
in the fields, there will always be something available at these
villas, from which the loss can be made up. But if another,
better arrangement or pairing of the listed villas can be found,
we should not object to trying it. Just as we have said, the end
in view is the predetermined plan which will remain in force;
and as far as possible the double tithe should be levied on the
nearer villas because of the burden on the porter, who has to
assemble the necessary carts, as has been explained. Now,
whenever these carts need to be rented, the porter should do
whatever needs to be done through the agency of his assistant,
for it is shameful for him to do it himself, as if he could find
no man whom he could rightly trust.[149]

 
[141]

Waliacum = Wailly, dept. Pas-de-Calais; Montiacum = Monchy-aux-Bois,
Pas-de-Calais; Haino-Villare = Hainvillers, Oise; Domnus
Aglinus = Le Donacre, Pas-de-Calais. "The vassi, in short, whose beneficium
is found to be at an excessive distance from Corbie, have the right
to sell the tithe of their indominicatum which they owe to the porta [see
Corp. Cons. Mon. I, 402, lines 14-25]. It follows then, from these facts,
that we must not underestimate the role which the agricultural produce
of a domain like that of Corbie played in the commerce of the Carolingian
age. At the same time, we should see the other side, the contribution of
regional or inter-regional commerce to it. So it is necessary to understand
properly the importance, in connection with monetary circulation, of the
sale of that agricultural produce. In this respect the Statutes of Adalhard
furnish examples whose significance depends upon interpretation of
many nuances by which in time there emerges a picture of an important
monetary circulation and yet strictly limited in its extent." (Verhulst
and Semmler, 1962, 248-49, after H. Van Werveke.) Adalhard speaks
delicately and obscurely in advancing his revolutionary proposal that
in pairs of villas, one near and one far, the near villa provide double
the produce and be recompensed in money from the local sale of the
produce of the far villa.

[142]

That is, within the compound.

[143]

Vernum = Vaire-sous-Corbie, dept. Somme (cf. Corp. Cons. Mon.
I, 380, line 8).

[144]

Verhulst and Semmler, 1962, 250.

[145]

Cf. Corp. Cons. Mon. I, 445, x.

[146]

actorem. Verhulst and Semmler, 1962, 238.

[147]

Montiacus = Monchyaux-Bois, dept. Pas-de-Calais; Albiniacus =
Aubigny, dept. Somme; Templum Martis = Talmas, Somme; Vila =
Ville-sous-Corbie, Somme; Habronastus = Havernas, Somme;
Campania = Campagne, Somme; Waniacum = Gagny, Somme;
Fortiacavilla = Forceville, Somme; Walhonocurtis = Warlincourt,
Pas-de-Calais; Saliacus = Sailly-le Sec or Sailly-Laurette, Somme;
Filconovillaris = Foncquevillers, Pas-de-Calais; Tittonomontis = (?);
Haionovillaris = Hainvillers, dept. Oise; Tanedas = Thennes, Somme;
Domnus Aglinus = Le Donacre, Pas-de-Calais; Domnus Audoinus
= Demuin, Somme.

[148]

Paliortus = Paillart, Oise; Alas = (?); Haionocurtis = Hénencourt,
Somme; Arvillaris = Arvillers, Somme; Cipiliacus = Chipilly,
Somme; Cirisiacus = Cérisy-Gailly, Somme; Galliacus = Gailly,
Somme; Wadonocurtis = Vadencourt, Somme. Chipilly and Aubigny
were two of the several villas in the foundation endowment of Queen
Balthilda (Verhulst and Semmler, 1962, 122).

[149]

Ibid., 250, n. 233. According to Levillain, Examen critique, 1902,
196ff, the original endowment of Queen Balthilde and King Clothaire III
consisted of the following lands in the regions of Amiens and Arras:
Corbie, Foulloy, Gentelles, Chipilly, Aubigny, Monchy-aux-Bois,
Wailly, Beaurains, Talmas, and a pagena of woodland in the forest of
La Vicogne and part of a forest at a place called Thésy. In 716 King
Chilperic II, at the instance of his father Childeric II, confirmed to the
monastery the concession of certain revenues in the nature of a levy on
the marketplace of Fos, near Marseilles, which King Clothaire III had
also yielded to the monks of Corbie. With this concession was included
a patent (tractoria) which excused the abbey from the cost of food and
lodging for envoys sent from Corbie to supervise the transport; moreover
Fos would defray the cost of transport. By this patent the abbey annually
received: 10,000 pounds of oil, 30 hogsheads of a condiment called
garum, 30 pounds of pepper, 150 pounds of cumin, 2 pounds of cloves,
1 pound of cinnamon, 2 pounds of nard, 30 pounds of costus(?), 50
pounds of dates, 100 pounds of figs, 100 pounds of almonds, 10 pounds
of pistacios, 100 pounds of olives, 50 pounds of an aromatic called
hidrio, 150 pounds of chickpeas, 20 pounds of rice, 10 pounds of golden
pimento, 10 seoda(?) skins, 10 skins of Cordova, 50 hands of papyrus.
The exemption of the cost of transport was only slightly less valuable
than the cost of the goods themselves. As Levillain remarked, the
novelty of the charter of Chilperic II was that the concession was perpetual.
The stipulation of papyrus in the confirmation of Chilperic is
noteworthy, since it is widely believed that trade in papyrus had been
cut off by the Moslems before the year 716. Since papyrus disintegrates
rather rapidly, we have here an indication of a reason for disappearance
of early Corbie deeds and charters.