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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
TO EDMUND RANDOLPH
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO EDMUND RANDOLPH[1]

Dear Sir,—According to your request, I send an
authenticated extract from the Journals of the vote
of Congress on the clause which interdicts British
manufactures. It has, however, been for some time
in print, and will probably be at Richmond before
you receive the manuscript copy. The arguments
urged against the measure appear to me in the same
light in which you describe them. The policy of
Great Britain in the capture of St. Eustatia has been
constantly reprobated by some of the wisest statesmen.
But whatever her policy might at that period
be, it is manifest that a very different one is now
pursued. British goods are issued from the enemy's
line with greater industry than they have ever been,
and, as is universally believed, with the knowledge, if
not at the instigation, of those in power. Indeed,
they would counteract their new system in doing otherwise.
The sense of the Eastern States will appear
from the ayes and noes on the question. Mr. Adams,
in his last despatches, ascribes much of the late pacific
symptoms in the British nation, and of the facilities
which begin to attend the mission in Holland, to
our proscription of the British merchandize.


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You have not sufficiently designated the papers
from Mr. R. Morris, from which you wish an extract.
I do not recollect, nor can I find, any letter which
contains a state of the finances, except his circular
letters, which may be found either among the Legislative
or Executive archives. If you should be disappointed
in these researches, I will, on a renewal of
your demands, renew my researches. My charity, I
own, cannot invent an excuse for the prepense malice
with which the character and services of this gentleman
are murdered. I am persuaded that he accepted
his office from motives which were honorable and
patriotic. I have seen no proof of misfeasance. I
have heard of many charges which were palpably
erroneous. I have known others, somewhat suspicious,
vanish on examination. Every member in
Congress must be sensible of the benefit which has
accrued to the public from his administration; no intelligent
man out of Congress can be altogether insensible
of it. The Court of France has testified its
satisfaction at his appointment, which I really believe
lessened its repugnance to lend us money. These
considerations will make me cautious in lending an
ear to the suggestions even of the impartial; to those
of known and vindictive enemies, very incredulous.
The same fidelity to the public interest which obliges
those who are its appointed guardians, to pursue
with every rigor a perfidious or dishonest servant of
the public, requires them to confront the imputations
of malice against the good and faithful one. I have,
in the conduct of my colleague here, a sure index of


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the sentiments and objects of one of my colleagues
who is absent, relative to the Department of Finance.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne tells us he has written
to the General on the subject of the transaction between
them, and has no doubt that the difficulties
which attended it will be removed.

 
[1]

From the Madison Papers (1840).