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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
  
  
  
  
  

  
  
  
  
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TO JAMES MONROE.
  
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TO JAMES MONROE.

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir In a private letter by Mr. Baring I gave you a


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detail of what had passed here on the subject of etiquette.[13] I
had hoped that no farther jars would have ensued as I still
hope that the good sense of the British government respecting
the right of the government here to fix its routes of intercourse
and the sentiments and manners of the country to which they
ought to be adapted will give the proper instructions for preventing
like incidents in future. In the mean time a fresh circumstance
has taken place which calls for explanation
.[14]

The President desirous of keeping open for cordial civilities
whatever channels the scruples of Mr My might not have
closed asked me what these were understood to be and particularly
whether he would come and take friendly and familar
dinners with him I
undertook to feel his pulse thro' some hand
that would do it with the least impropriety. From the information
obtained I inferred that an invitation would be readily
accepted and with the less doubt as he had dined with me (his
lady declining) after the offence originally taken. The invitation
was accordingly sent
and terminated in the note from him
to me & my answer herewith inclosed. I
need not comment
on this display of diplomatic superstition, truly extraordinary
in this age and in this country. We are willing to refer it to
the personal character of a man accustomed to see importance
in such trifles
and over cautious against displeasing his government
by surrendering the minutest of his or its pretensions
What we apprehend is, that with these causes may be mingled
a jealousy of our disposition towards England and that the
mortifications which he has inflicted on himself are to be set
down to that account. In fact it is known that this jealousy


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particularly since the final adjustment with France exists or is
affected in a high degree and will doubtless give its colour to
the correspondence of the legation
with its government. To apply
an antidote to this poison will require your vigilant and prudent
attention.
It can scarcely be believed that the British Govt will
not at once see the folly committed by its representative especially
in the last scene of the farce and that it will set him right in that
respect.
But it may listen with a different ear to suggestions
that the U. S. having now less need of the friendship of Britain
may be yielding to a latent enmity towards her. The best of
all proofs to the contrary would be the confidential communications
you possess, if it were not an improper condescension
to disclose them for such a purpose. Next to that is the tenor
of our measures, and the dictates of our obvious policy; on an
appeal to both of which you may found the strongest assurances
that the Govt of the U. S. is sincerely and anxiously
disposed to cultivate harmony between the two Nations. The
President wishes you to lose no oppory. and spare no pains
that may be necessary to satisfy the British Administration
on this head and to prevent or efface any different impressions
which may be transmitted from hence.

I collect that the cavil at the pele mele here established turns
much on the alledged degradation of ministers and envoies to a
level with chargés d'affaires.
The truth is, and I have so told
Mr Merry that this is not the idea; that the President did not
mean to decide anything as to their comparative grades or importance;
that these would be estimated as heretofore; that
among themselves they might fix their own ceremonies, and
that even at the President's table they might seat themselves in
any subordination they pleased. All he meant was that no
seats were to be designated for them, nor the order in which
they might happen to sit to be any criterion of the respect
paid to their respective commissions or Countries. On public
occasions, such as an Inaugural speech &c. the Heads of Depts,
with foreign Ministers, and others invited on the part of the
Govt would be in the same pêle mêle within the space assigned


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them. It may not be amiss to recollect that under the old
Congress, as I understand, and even in the ceremonies attending
the introduction of the new Govt the foreign ministers
were placed according to the order in which their Govt acknowledged
by Treaties the Independence of the U. States.
In this point of view the pêle mêle is favorable both to G. B.
and to Spain.

I have, I believe already told you that the President has
discountenanced the handing first to the table the wife of a
head of department
applying the general rule of pele mele to that
as to other cases
.

The Marquis d'Yrujo joined with Merry in refusing an invitation
from the Prest & has throughout made a common cause with
him
not however approving all the grounds taken by the latter.
His case is indeed different and not a little awkward; having
acquiesced for nearly three years in the practice agst which
he now revolts. Pichon being a charge only, was not invited
into the pretensions of the two Plent. He blames their contumacy
but
I find he has reported the affair to his government
which is not likely to patronize the cause of Merry & Yrujo.

Thornton has also declined an invitation from the Prest. This
shews that he unites without necessity with Merry. He has
latterly expressed much jealousy of our views founded on
little and unmeaning circumstances.

The manners of Mr. M. disgust both sexes and all parties.
I have time to add only my affecte respects.

Mr. Merry has the honor to present his respects to Mr.
Madison.

He has just had that of receiving a note from the Presidt of
the U S
of which the following is a copy.

Thomas Jefferson asks the favor of Mr. Merry to dinner with
a small party of friends on monday the 13th at half past three

Feb: 9, 04.

It so happens that Mr. Merry has engaged some company to
dine with him on that day. Under other circumstances however
he


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would have informed himself whether it is the usage as is
the case in most countries for private engagements of
every
kind to give way to invitations from the chief magistrate of
the U. S.
and if such were the usage he would not have failed
to have alleged it as a just apology for not receiving the company
he has invited. But after the communication which Mr
Merry had the honor to receive from Mr. Madison
on the 12th
of last month respecting the alteration which the Presidt. of the
United States had thought proper should take place in regard
to the treatment to be observed by the Executive government
towards foreign ministers from those usages which had been established
by his predecessors and after the reply which Mr. Merry

had the honor to make to that notice stating that notwithstanding
all his anxiety to cultivate the most intimate and
cordial intercourse with every of the government he could not
take upon himself to acquiesce in that alteration
on account
of its serious nature, which he would therefore report to his
own government and wait for their instructions upon it,
it is
necessary that he should have the honor of observing to
Mr. Madison that combining the terms of the invitation above
mentioned with the circumstances which have preceded it
Mr. Merry can only understand it to be addressed to him in
his private capacity and not as his Britannic Majestys minister

to the United States. Now, however anxious he may be, as he
certainly is, to give effect to the claim 1424. 1293[15] above
expressed of conciliating personally and privately the good
opinion and esteem of Mr. Jefferson
he hopes that the latter
will feel how improper it would be on his part to sacrifice to that
desire the duty which he owes to his Sovereign and consequently
how impossible it is for him to lay aside the consideration of his
public character.

If Mr. Merry should be mistaken as to the meaning of Mr.
Jefferson's note and it should prove that the invitation is designed
for him in his public capacity
he trusts that Mr. Jefferson will


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feel equally, that it must be out of his power to accept it without
receiving previously, through the channel of the Secretary of
State the necessary formal assurances of the President's determination
to observe towards him those usages of distinction
which
have heretofore been shewn by the executive government of the
U. S. to the persons who have been accredited to them as his
majesty's ministers.

Mr. Merry has the honor to request of Mr. Madison to
lay this explanation before the President and to accompany
it with
the strongest assurances of his highest respect and
consideration.

Washington, February 9, 1804.

Mr. Madison presents his compliments to Mr Merry. He has
communicated to the President Mr Merry's note of this morning

and has the honor to remark to him that the President's
invitation
being in the stile used by him in like cases had no
reference to the points of form which will deprive him of the
pleasure of Mr. Merry's company at dinner on Monday next
.

Mr. Madison tenders to Mr. Merry his distinguished consideration.

Washington, Feby. 9 1804.

 
[13]

Italics for cypher.

[14]

It was generally thought at the time that the Merry incident was
nursed to imposing proportions by Mrs. Merry. Mrs. Samuel Harrison
Smith thus describes her under date January 23, 1804: "She is said to
be a woman of fine understanding and she is so entirely the talker and
actor in all companies, that her good husband passes quite unnoticed."
The First Forty Years of Washington Society, 46. Henry Adams, however,
gives a different view in his History of the United States, ii.,
367 et seq.

[15]

Not deciphered.