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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
  
  
  
  
  

  
  
  
  
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TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON AND JAMES MONROE.
  
  
  
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TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON AND JAMES MONROE.[5]

D. OF S. MSS. INSTR.
Gentlemen,

Your dispatches, including the Treaty and two conventions
signed with a French Plenipotentiary on the 30th of
April, were safely delivered on the 14th by Mr. Hughes, to
whose care you had committed them.

In concurring with the disposition of the French Government
to treat for the whole of Louisiana, altho' the western


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part of it was not embraced by your powers, you were justified
by the solid reasons which you give for it, and I am
charged by the President to express to you his entire approbation
of your so doing.

This approbation is in no respect precluded by the silence
of your Commission and instructions. When these were
made out, the object of the most sanguine was limited to the
establishment of the Mississippi as our boundary. It was not
presumed that more could be sought by the United States
either with a chance of success, or perhaps without being suspected
of a greedy ambition, than the Island of New Orleans
and the two Floridas, it being little doubted that the latter
was or would be comprehended in the Cession from Spain to


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France. To the acquisition of New Orleans and the Floridas,
the provision was therefore accommodated. Nor was it to
be supposed that in case the French Government should be
willing to part with more than the Territory on our side
of the Mississippi, an arrangement with Spain for restoring to
her the territory on the other side would not be preferred to
a sale of it to the United States. It might be added, that the
ample views of the subject carried with him by Mr. Monroe
and the confidence felt that your judicious management would
make the most of favorable occurrences, lessened the necessity
of multiplying provisions for every turn which your neogtiations
might possibly take.

The effect of such considerations was diminished by no
information or just presumptions whatever. The note of
Mr. Livingston in particular stating to the French Government
the idea of ceding the Western Country above the Arkansa
and communicated to this Department in his letter of
the 29th January, was not received here till April 5 more
than a month after the Commission and instructions had
been forwarded. And besides that this project not only left
with France the possession and jurisdiction of one bank of
the Mississippi from its mouth to the Arkansa, but a part of
West Florida, the whole of East Florida, and the harbours
for ships of war in the Gulph of Mexico, the letter inclosing
the note intimated that it had been treated by the French
Government with a decided neglect. In truth the communications
in general between Mr. Livingston and the French
Government, both of prior and subsequent date, manifested
a repugnance to our views of purchase which left no expectation
of any arrangement with France by which an extensive
acquisition was to be made, unless in a favorable crisis of
which advantage should be taken. Such was thought to be
the crisis which gave birth to the extraordinary commission
in which you are joined. It consisted of the state of things
produced by the breach of our deposit at New Orleans, the
situation of the French Islands, particularly the important
Island of St. Domingo; the distress of the French


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finances, the unsettled posture of Europe, the increasing
jealousy between G Britain and France, and the known
aversion of the former to see the mouth of the Mississippi in
the hands of the latter. These considerations it was hoped,
might so far open the eyes of France to her real interest and
her ears to the monitory truths which were conveyed to her
thro' different channels, as to reconcile her to the establishment
of the Mississippi as a natural boundary to the United
States; or at least to some concessions which would justify
our patiently waiting for a fuller accomplishment of our
wishes under auspicious events. The crisis relied on has
derived peculiar force from the rapidity with which the complaints
and questions between France and Great Britain
ripened towards a rupture, and it is just ground for mutual
and general felicitation, that it has issued under your zealous
exertions, in the extensive acquisition beyond the Mississippi.

With respect to the terms on which the acquisition is made,
there can be no doubt that the bargain will be regarded as
on the whole highly advantageous. The pecuniary stipulations
would have been more satisfactory, if they had departed
less from the plan prescribed; and particularly if the
two millions of dollars in cash, intended to reduce the price
or hasten the delivery of possession had been so applied,
and the assumed payments to American claimants on the
footing specified in the instructions. The unexpected weight
of the draught now to be made on the Treasury will be sensibly
felt by it, and may possibly be inconvenient in relation to
other important objects.

The President has issued his proclamation convening Congress
on the 17th of October, in order that the exchange of
the ratifications may be made within the time limitted. It
is obvious that the exchange, to be within the time, must be
made here and not at Paris; and we infer from your letter of
that the ratifications of the Chief Consul are
to be transmitted hither with that view.

I only add the wish of the President to know from you the
understanding which prevailed in the negotiation with respect


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to the Boundaries of Louisiana, and particularly the pretensions
and proofs for carrying it to the River Perdigo, or for
including any lesser portion of West Florida.

With high respect, &c.
 
[5]

To James Monroe.

Dear Sir I received your favor of [OMITTED] by Mr. Hughes, the
bearer of the public despatches from you & Mr. L. The purchase of
Louisiana in its full extent, tho' not contemplated is received with
warm, & in a manner universal approbation. The uses to which it may
be turned, render it a truly noble acquisition. Under prudent management
it may be made to do much good as well as to prevent much evil.
By lessening the military establishment otherwise requisite or countenanced,
it will answer the double purpose of saving expence & favoring
liberty. This is a point of view in which the Treaty will be particularly
grateful to a most respectable description of our Citizens. It will be of
great importance also to take the regulation & settlement of that Territory
out of other hands, into those of the U.S. who will be able to manage
both for the general interest & conveniency. By securing also the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Mississippi to the mouth, a source of much
perplexity & collision is effectually cut off.

The communications of your[6] colleague hither, have fully betrayed the
feelings excited by your messa., and that he was precipitating the business
soon after y
r. arrival without respect to the measure of the govt, to yr. self,
or to the advantage to be expected from the presence & co-operation of
the more immediate depository of the objects and sensibilities of his
country
It is highly probable that if the appeal to the French Govt. had
been less hackneyed by the ordinary minister and been made under the
solemnity of a joint and extraordinary embassy the impression would
have been greater & the gain better.

What course will be taken by his friends here remains to be seen. You
will find in the gazettes a letter from Paris understood to be from Swan
inclosing a copy of his memorial representing it as the primary cause of
the cession, praising
the patriotism which undertook so great a service
without authority
, and throwing your agency out of any real merit while by
good fortune it snatched the ostensible merit. This letter with the
memor1. has been published in all our papers some of them making
comments favorable to Mr. Livingston, others doing justice to you, others
ascribing
the result wholly to the impending rupture. Another letter
from Paris
has been published wh. makes him Magnus Apollo. The publication
of the memorial is so improper and in reference to the writer invites
such strictures that
[an answer?] from him is not to be presumed.
The passages against Engld. have not escaped the lash. It would not be
very wonderful if they were to be noticed formally or informally by the
British Legation here
.

My public letter will shew the light in which the purchase of all Louisiana
is viewed, and the manner in which it was thought proper to touch
Mr. L., in complaining that the commn. did not authorize the measure,
notwithstanding
the information given that he was negotg. for more than
the East side of the Missi. The pecuniary arrangements are much disrelished,
particularly by Mr. Gallatin. The irredeemability of the stock
which gives it a value above par, the preference of the creditors to the true
object
in the cash payment and the barring of a priority among them, are
errors most regarded. The origin of the two last is easily understood.
The claims of the different creditors rest on principles as different.  .  .  .
—Monroe MSS
.

 
[6]

Italics for cypher.