Livy's History of Rome: Book 40
Perseus and Demetrius
40.1
At the beginning of
the following year the consuls and praetors balloted for their provinces.
Liguria was the only consular province and was assigned to both consuls.
The result of the ballot gave the civic jurisdiction to M. Ogulnius Gallus, the
alien jurisdiction to M. Valerius, Hither Spain to Q. Fulvius Flaccus, Further
Spain to P. Manlius, Sicily to L. Caecilius Denter, and Sardinia to C.
Terentius Istra. The consuls received instructions to levy troops. Q. Fabius
had written from Liguria to say that the Apuani were contemplating a
renewal of hostilities and there was danger of their making an irruption into
the territory of Pisae. In the Spanish provinces too there was trouble: the
senate knew that Hither Spain was in arms and that fighting was going on
with the Celtiberi; in Further Spain, owing to the long-continued illness of
the praetor, military discipline was relaxed by luxury and idleness. Under
these circumstances they decided that fresh armies should be raised: four
legions for Liguria each numbering 5200 infantry and 200 cavalry, with the
addition of 15,000 infantry and 800 cavalry drawn from the Latin allies.
These were to form the two consular armies. The consuls were further
instructed to call up 7000 infantry and 400 cavalry as an allied contingent
and despatch them to M. Marcellus, whose command in Gaul had been
extended at the close of his consulship. For the two Spanish provinces a
force of 4000 Roman infantry and 200 cavalry, together with 7000 infantry
and 300 cavalry from the Latin allies, was to be raised. Q. Fabius Labeo had
his command in Liguria extended, and he was to retain the army which he
had.
40.2
The
spring of that year was a stormy one. On the eve of the Parilia, about the
middle of the day a terrible storm of wind and rain burst and wrecked many
sacred and ordinary buildings. It blew down the bronze statues on the
Capitol, it carried off the door from the temple of Luna on the Aventine and
dashed it against the walls behind the temple of Ceres. Other statues were
overturned in the Circus Maximus together with their pedestals. Several
sculptures were broken off from the roofs of the temples and ruthlessly
shattered. This storm was in consequence regarded as a portent, and the
augurs were bidden to direct the necessary expiation for it. A further
expiation was demanded in consequence of intelligence brought to Rome of
the birth of a mule at Reate with only three feet, and a report from Formiae
that the temple of Apollo at Caieta had been struck by lightning. In
consequence of these portents twenty full-grown victims were sacrificed and
special intercessions offered for one day. From a despatch sent by A.
Terentius it was ascertained that P. Sempronius, after more than a year's
illness, had died in Further Spain. The praetors were ordered to start for
Spain as soon as possible. Legations from overseas were admitted to an
audience of the senate. First came those from Eumenes, Pharnaces and the
Rhodians. The latter complained of the disaster which had overtaken Sinope.
Envoys from Philip and from the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians went to
Rome at the same time. After hearing Marcius, who had been sent to
ascertain the state of affairs in Greece and Macedonia, the senate gave their
reply. The two sovereigns and the Rhodians were informed that the senate
would send a commission to look into those matters.
40.3
Marcius
had increased the senate's apprehensions about Philip. He admitted that
Philip had carried out the measures insisted upon by the senate, but in such a
way that he would obviously continue to do so no longer than he was
compelled. There was little doubt that he would recommence war, and all his
words and actions pointed in that direction. He transferred almost the entire
population from the maritime cities to the district now called Emathia,
formerly known as Paeonia, and had handed over those cities to the
Thracians and other barbarians for their residence, thinking that these races
could be more safely depended upon in case of a war with Rome. This action
called forth loud protests throughout Macedonia; few of those who with
their wives and children were abandoning their homes bore their grief in
silence. Everywhere amongst the crowds of emigrants were heard curses on
the king; their anger got the better of their fears. Furious at all this, Philip
began to suspect all persons, places and seasons alike, and at last openly
avowed that he could only be secure when he had the children of those
whom he had put to death arrested and in safe keeping. Then he could put
them out of the way from time to time.
40.4
This
brutality, hideous as it was, was rendered still more so by the sufferings of
one particular family. Herodicus, a leading man in Thessaly, had been put to
death by Philip many years ago; afterwards he put his sons-in-law to death
and his two widowed daughters, Theoxena and Archo, were left each with
one little son. Theoxena had several offers of marriage but declined them all.
Archo married a man called Poris who held quite the first place among the
Aenianes. She bore him several children but died whilst they were still small.
In order that her sister's children might be brought up under her own care,
Theoxena married Poris and took as much care of her sister's sons as she did
of her own. When she heard of the king's edict about arresting the children
of those whom he had put to death, she felt sure that the boys would fall
victims to the king's lust and even to the passions of his guards. She formed
a terrible design and dared to say that she would rather kill them with her
own hand than let them fall into Philip's power. Poris was horrified at the
mere mention of such a deed, and said that he would send them away to
some trustworthy friends in Athens and that he would accompany them in
their flight. They went from Thessalonica to Aenia. A festival was being held
there at the time, which was celebrated with great pomp every four years in
honour of Aeneas, the founder of the city. After spending the day in the
customary feasting they waited till the third watch, when all were asleep, and
went on board a ship which Poris had in readiness, ostensibly to return to
Thessalonica, but really to sail across to Euboea. While, however, they were
vainly trying to make headway against a contrary wind, they were surprised
by daylight not far from land, and the king's troops who were on guard at the
harbour sent an armed boat to seize the ship, with strict orders not to return
without her. Poris, meanwhile, was doing his utmost to urge on the rowers
and sailors, lifting up his hands from time to time to heaven and imploring
the gods to help him. His wife, a woman of indomitable spirit, fell back on
the purpose she had long ago formed, and mixing some poison, placed the
cup where it could be seen, together with some naked swords. "Death," she
said, "alone can free us. Here are two ways of meeting it, choose each of you
which you will, as the escape from the king's tyranny. Come, my boys, you
who are the older be the first to grasp the sword, or if you would have a
more lingering death, drink off the poison." On the one hand were the enemy
close to them, on the other the insistent mother urging them to die. Some
chose the one death, some the other, and whilst still half-alive they were
thrown from the ship. Then the mother herself, flinging her arms round her
husband, sprang with him into the sea. The king's troops took possession of
a deserted ship.
40.5
The
horror of this deed fanned afresh the flames of hatred against the king.
Curses were everywhere heaped upon him and upon his children, and the
dire imprecations soon reached the ears of all the gods, so that they drove
him into murderous cruelty against his own flesh and blood. Perseus saw that
his brother Demetrius was growing more every day in popularity and
influence with the mass of his nation and in favour with the Romans, and he
felt that no hope remained to him of winning the crown except through the
perpetration of a crime, and to its accomplishment he now devoted all his
thoughts. He did not think himself strong enough to carry out the purpose
which he was hatching in his weak and unmanly mind, and he began to sound
his father's friends one by one, dropping dark and dubious hints in his talks
with them. Some of them made it appear at first as though they rejected
anything of the kind, because they hoped more from Demetrius. But as
Philip's bitterness against the Romans, which Perseus encouraged and
Demetrius did his utmost to check, became more pronounced every day,
they foresaw the ruin of the youth who was taking no precautions against his
brother's intrigues. So they at last decided to help on what must inevitably
happen and advance the hopes of the stronger by taking the side of Perseus.
They left other measures to be carried out at a fitting time, for the present
they determined to use all their endeavours to inflame the king against the
Romans and induce him to expedite the warlike plans which he was already
contemplating. To aggravate the suspicions against Demetrius, they used to
bring up the subject of the Romans in their conversations with him. Some
would run down their national character and institutions, others spoke lightly
of their military achievements, others scoffed at the appearance of the City,
its lack of adornment in both public and private buildings, whilst others,
again, spoke contemptuously of different public men. The young man,
thrown off his guard by his devotion to the name of Rome and his opposition
to his brother, defended them in every way, and thus made himself an object
of suspicion to his father and laid himself open to charges of disloyalty. The
result was that his father excluded him from all consultations on matters
relating to Rome and took Perseus entirely into his confidence, discussing
these subjects with him day and night.
The envoys whom he had sent to the Bastarnae to summon
assistance had returned and brought back with them some young nobles,
amongst them some of royal blood. One of these promised to give his sister
in marriage to Philip's son, and the king was quite elated at the prospect of
an alliance with that nation. Perseus, on this, said to him, "What advantage is
there in that? Little protection will there be in foreign support, compared
with the danger of domestic treason. We have in our midst a spy, I do not
want to call him a traitor; ever since he was a hostage in Rome, the Romans
possess his heart and soul, though they have given us back his body. The
eyes of almost all Macedonia are turned towards him; they are fully
persuaded that they will have none else as king but the one whom the
Romans give them." The distempered mind of the old king was made still
more uneasy by these words, which he took more seriously than appeared
from his looks.
40.6
It
happened to be the time for the lustration of the army. The following is a
description of the ceremony. The body of a bitch was divided in the middle,
the forepart with the head was placed on the right side of the road and the
hinder part with the entrails on the left, and the troops marched between
them. In front of the column were borne the insignia of all the kings of
Macedonia from its remotest origin; then followed the king and his children;
next to them the king's own cohort and his bodyguard, the Macedonian
phalanx bringing up the rear. The two princes rode on either side of their
father; Perseus was now thirty years old and Demetrius five years his junior,
the former in the prime of manhood, the latter in the flower of youth. The
father would have been fortunate in his maturer offspring if only he had been
wise and sensible. When the purificatory rite was completed it was the
custom for the army to go through maneuvers and after being formed into
two divisions to engage in a sham-fight. The two princes were appointed to
command in this mimic contest, but there was no make-believe about the
fighting, it looked like a struggle for the crown, so fiercely did they engage.
Many wounds were caused by their staves and nothing was wanting but
swords to give the actual appearance of war. The division which Demetrius
commanded was by far the better one. Perseus was intensely annoyed, but
his wiser friends were delighted. That circumstance in itself, they said, would
afford grounds for incriminating the young man.
40.7
Demetrius invited Perseus to supper at the
close of the day, but he refused to go, and each of them gave a banquet to
those who had been their comrades in the sham-fight. The lavish hospitality,
as befitted the festal day, and the high spirits of youth led both parties to
drink freely. Then they began to talk about the battle and jokes were made at
the expense of their opponents, not even their leaders being exempt. A spy
was sent from Perseus' party to listen to this conversation, but as he behaved
somewhat incautiously he was caught by some youths who happened to be
leaving the banquet-room and soundly cudgelled. Demetrius knew nothing of
this and he asked his companions, "If my brother is still in an angry mood
after the battle, why should we not go to him as boon companions and
appease him by our open-hearted merriment?" All of them, except those who
were afraid of prompt retaliation for thrashing the spy, called out that they
would go. Demetrius made those also go with him, and they concealed
swords under their garments to defend themselves in case of attack. Nothing
could possibly be kept secret in this family quarrel, both their houses were
full of spies and traitors. An informer ran to Perseus and told him that four
young men who were wearing concealed swords were coming with
Demetrius. Although he must have known the reason, for he had heard that
one of his guests had been thrashed by them, he made the affair look as black
as possible by ordering the door to be bolted, and going to the upper part of
the house, where the windows looked down on the road, he kept the
revellers from approaching the door, as though they were coming to murder
him. Demetrius was under the influence of wine, and finding himself shut out
protested loudly for some time and then returned to the banquet-room, not
knowing in the least what it all meant.
40.8
As soon
as he could get an opportunity of seeing his father the next day, Perseus
entered the palace with a perturbed expression and stood in silence at some
distance from his father. "Are you well?" asked Philip. "Why that gloomy
countenance?" "Let me tell you," he replied, "that it is more than I hoped for
to be alive now. It is no longer by secret plots that my brother is seeking my
life; he came to my house at night with an armed band to kill me. Only by
barring the doors could I shelter myself from his fury behind the walls of the
house." After thus astonishing and alarming his father, he went on, "Yes, and
if you can give me a hearing I will make you see the whole thing clearly."
Philip said that he would certainly hear him and sent orders for Demetrius to
be summoned at once. He also sent for two of his older friends who had
nothing to do with the quarrel between the brothers, and did not often visit
the palace -Lysimachus and Onomastus. He wished to have them present at
the council. Whilst waiting for them he walked up and down deep in
thought, his son standing some distance away. When they were announced
he withdrew with them and two of his life-guards into an inner room, and
allowed each of his sons to bring three companions unarmed. After taking
his seat he began: "Here I, a most unhappy father, am sitting as judge
between my two sons, one accusing the other of fratricide, and I have to find
my own children guilty of either a false accusation or a confession of
criminal intent. I have for some time been dreading the imminence of this
storm as I watched the way you looked at one another with an expression of
anything but brotherly love, and listened to some of your language.
Sometimes I have ventured to hope that your anger was dying down and that
suspicions could be cleared up. Even hostile nations have laid down their
arms and made treaties of peace, and many men have put an end to their
private quarrels. I fancied that some day you might remember your
relationship to one another, the unreserved intimacy of your boyish days and
the teaching which I have given you, which has, I fear, fallen on deaf ears.
How often have I told you of my detestation of fraternal quarrels and the
dreadful results they lead to, how often they have ruined families and houses
and kingdoms! I have also placed before you happier examples on the other
side; the perfectly friendly relations between the two kings of Sparta, which
had for long centuries been such a safeguard to themselves and their country;
but as soon as the fashion came in of each trying to secure despotic power
for himself, that State was destroyed. Look at those two monarchs, Eumenes
and Attalus, who from such small beginnings that they shrank from the title
of king have now become the peers of Antiochus and myself, and this is due
to nothing so much as the brotherly concord that existed between them. I
even drew examples from the Romans which had fallen under my own
observation or which I had heard of: the two Quinctii, Titus and Lucius; the
two Scipios, Publius and Lucius, who conquered Antiochus; their father and
their uncle whose lifelong harmony was cemented by death. And yet the bad
examples which I first mentioned and the evil results of their evil conduct
could not deter you from your insane quarrels, nor could the good character
and the good fortune of the others turn you to a sound and healthy state of
mind. While I am yet alive and drawing vital breath you have in your criminal
ambition decided to whom the crown will pass. You wish me to live just
long enough to survive one of you, and then by my death make the other the
unquestioned king. You cannot bear that either your father or your brother
should live. You have no affection, no conscience; an insatiable desire for the
crown alone has supplanted everything else in your hearts. Go on, then,
grieve and shock your father's ears, fight out your differences with mutual
recriminations as you will soon do with the sword; speak out openly
whatever you can truly allege or find pleasure in inventing. My ears are open
to you now, henceforth they will be closed to any secret charges which you
may make against each other." He uttered these last words in very angry
tones and all present burst into tears; there was a long and sorrowful silence.
40.9
Then
Perseus began: "You think, then, that I ought to have opened the door and
admitted the armed revellers and presented my throat to the sword, and
beset as I am with plots and treachery, I have to listen to the same language
that is addressed to thieves and foot-pads. It is not for nothing that those
people say that Demetrius is your only son, whilst they call me supposititious
and base-born. They speak to some purpose, for if I possessed in your eyes
the rank, the affection due to a son, you would not vent your anger on me
when I complain of the plot that has been frustrated, but on him who
contrived it, nor would you hold my life so cheap as not to be moved by past
dangers or by future dangers, should the plotters escape with impunity. If I
am to die without uttering a protest, I would be silent except for a prayer to
the gods that the villainy which began with me may end with me, and that my
deathblow may not strike you. But if, whilst I see the sword drawn against
me, I may be permitted to make my voice heard, then, just as Nature herself
prompts those who are surrounded by dangers, with no friend near, to
appeal for help to men they have never seen, so I beseech you by the sacred
name of father -and you have long felt which of us holds that name most
sacred -to grant me the same hearing as you would have done had you been
awakened by a cry of alarm at night and gone at my call for help, and
actually seen Demetrius with his armed comrades in my vestibule. What
would have been my cry of alarm at the actual moment of danger, last night,
I am today making the subject of my complaint.
"Brother, for a long time we have not lived together as
table-companions. You, in any case, want to be king. This hope of yours is
baffled by my seniority, by the right of primogeniture universally recognised,
by the time-honoured usage of the Macedonians. You cannot surmount these
barriers except through my blood. You are trying every device, every
expedient. Hitherto, either my watchfulness or my good luck has stood in the
way of your becoming a fratricide. Yesterday, on the occasion of the
propitiatory sacrifice, the maneuvers and the sham-fight, you made the fight
all but a fatal one, and nothing averted my death but the fact that I allowed
my men and myself to be defeated. From that hostile encounter you wanted
to inveigle me to your banquet, as though it had been merely brotherly sport.
Do you believe, father, that it would have been amongst unarmed guests that
I should have banqueted, when they came in arms to banquet with me? Do
you believe that I was in no danger from their swords at night, after they had
almost killed me with their staves whilst you were looking on? Why,
Demetrius, do you come at that hour of the night, why do you come as an
enemy to one who is in an angry mood, why do you come accompanied by
youths with hidden swords? I did not dare to trust myself to you even as a
guest, am I to admit you when you come with an armed band? Had my door
been open, you, my father, would now be arranging my funeral obsequies
instead of listening to my complaints. "I am not trumping up charges as a
prosecutor, nor am I arguing upon questionable evidence. Surely he does not
deny that he came to my door with a large crowd, or that he was
accompanied by men with concealed swords. Send for the men whose names
I give you. Those who have dared so far will go to any lengths, they will not,
however, venture upon a denial. If I had caught them in my vestibule with
their swords and brought them to you, you would have regarded it as a clear
case; take their confession as equivalent to their being caught in the act.
40.10
"Now
invoke curses on the eager longing for your crown, awake the furies that
avenge a brother's blood, but do not, my father, let your execrations fall
blindly. Discern, distinguish between the plotter and the victim of his plots,
and let them fall on the guilty head. Let him who intended to kill his brother
feel the wrath of his father's gods, let him who was to perish through a
brother's crime find shelter in his father's justice and compassion. For where
else can I find refuge, when there is no safety either in the ceremonial
purification of the army, or in house, or banquet, or in night, nature's boon to
mortals for repose? If I had accepted my brother's invitation it would have
been my death, if I had admitted my brother inside my doors it would have
been my death. I do not escape his murderous designs whether I go or stay. I
have sought favour from none, save the gods and you, my father; I have not
the Romans to flee to. They are seeking my ruin because I grieve over your
wrongs, because I resent your being deprived of so many cities, so many
subject nations, and now' of the coastline of Thrace. When neither you nor I
are any longer safe they hope that Macedonia will be theirs. If my brother's
murderous hand carries me off, if old age carries you off, or even if they do
not wait for that, they know that the king and realm of Macedonia will be at
their disposal. If the Romans had left you anything beyond the borders of
Macedonia, I could even believe that it was left as a harbour of refuge for
me.
"But, you say, I have sufficient protection in the Macedonians. You
saw how the soldiers attacked me yesterday. What was lacking except a
sword? What was lacking in the daytime my brother's guests furnished
themselves with at night. Why should I speak about the majority of our
leading men who have placed all their hopes of fortune and power on the
Romans and on the man who is all-powerful with the Romans? They are not
only setting that fellow above me, but very soon they will set him above you,
his father and his king. It was out of kindness to him that the Romans
remitted the penalty they were going to impose on you; he it is who protects
you from the arms of Rome, who thinks it right that you at your age should
be at the mercy of his youth. On his side stand the Romans, on his side are
all the cities which have been liberated from your rule, on his side are the
Macedonians who are happy while there is peace with Rome. Whom have I
to trust to but my father, what hope or security is there elsewhere?
40.11
"What
do you suppose is the meaning of that letter which has just been sent to you
by T. Quinctius, in which he says that you acted wisely in your own interest
by sending Demetrius to Rome, and urges you to send him again with a more
numerous embassage including the foremost men in Macedonia? T.
Quinctius is now his adviser and director in everything; he has renounced
you, his father, and put him in your place. With him all the secret plans are
arranged beforehand; he is looking out for men to help him in carrying out
those plans when he bids you send more of the Macedonian leaders with
him. They will go from here loyal and true, believing that they have a king in
Philip, they will come back tainted and poisoned with Roman blandishments.
Demetrius is everything to the Romans, they are already addressing him as
king while his father is alive. If I show indignation at all this, I have forthwith
to listen to charges of seeking the crown not only from others but even from
you, my father. But if the accusation rests between us, I, for my part,
repudiate it. For whom am I displacing that I may step into his place? My
father alone is before me, and I pray Heaven that he may long be so. If I
survive him -and may this be so only if my deserts make him wish it -I shall
receive the heritage of the crown if my father delivers it to me. That youth is
coveting the crown, and coveting it with criminal intent. He is eager to
forestall the order laid down by age, by nature, by the usage of the
Macedonians, by the law of nations. 'My elder brother,' he says to himself, 'to
whom by right and even by my father's wish the crown belongs, stands in my
way; let him be removed. I shall not be the first who has sought a kingdom at
the cost of a brother's blood. My father, an old man, without the support of
his elder son will be too much afraid for himself to think of avenging his
son's death. The Romans will be glad, they will approve of my act and
defend it.' These are uncertain hopes, but not groundless. For this is how
matters stand, my father; you can repel the danger which menaces my life by
punishing those who have taken up the sword to slay me; if their criminal
purpose is achieved, you will not have the power to avenge my death."
40.12
When
Perseus had finished, all present looked at Demetrius, expecting him to reply
at once. There was a long silence and everybody saw that he was bathed in
tears and unable to speak. At length they told him that he must speak, and he
was compelled to stifle his grief. So he began: "Everything, my father, on
which those who are accused could rely for their defence has been
prejudiced by my accuser. The tears which he feigned for the purpose of
effecting another's ruin have made you suspect the reality of mine. Ever since
my return from Rome he has been hatching secret plots against me day and
night with his confederates, and now he deliberately fastens on me the
character not only of an intriguer but even of an open assassin. He alarms
you with the bugbear of his own danger in order that through you he may
hasten the destruction of his unoffending brother. He says that there is no
place of refuge for him in the whole world in order that I may have no hope
of safety with you. Beset by foes, deserted by friends, destitute of all
resources, he loads me with the odium aroused by the favour shown to me
by foreigners, which hurts me more than it benefits. How like a common
prosecutor has he acted in mixing up his account of last night's events with a
bitter attack upon the rest of my life so that he put that incident, which you
will see in its true colours, in a suspicious light, by representing the tenor of
my life as other than what it is, and bolstering up that false and scandalous
description of my hopes and wishes and designs by this fictitious and hollow
evidence. And at the same time he tried to make his accusations appear as
though they were uttered without preparation, on the spur of the moment,
called forth forsooth by the alarm and tumult of the night. But, Perseus, if I
were a traitor to my father and the realm, if I were scheming with the
Romans or with any of my father's enemies, you ought not to have waited
for this trumped-up story of last night's doings, you ought to have accused
me of treachery before this. If that accusation as distinct from this one was
without any foundation and a proof of your bad feeling towards me, rather
than of my guilt, surely it ought to be passed over today and deferred till
another occasion, so that the question which of us in a spirit of unheard-of
hatred has been intriguing against the other might be decided on its merits.
At all events, so far as I am able to do so in this sudden bewilderment, I shall
separate what you have confused together, and unveil last night's plot, to
show whether you or I were the author of it.
"He wants to make it appear that I formed a design against his life
in order, forsooth, that after the removal of the elder brother, to whom by a
universally acknowledged right, by the usage of the Macedonians and by
your decision, as he says, the future crown belongs, I, the younger son,
could step into the place of him whom I had killed. What then is the meaning
of that part of his speech in which he says that I curried favour with the
Romans and hoped through my reliance on them to come to the throne? For
if I believed that the Romans possessed so much influence that they could
impose upon the Macedonians whom they would as king, and if I trusted so
much to my interest with them, what need was there for me to kill my
brother? Was it that I might wear a crown stained with a brother's blood?
That I might be execrated and hated by the very men whose favour I have
won by a straightforwardness, either sincere or at least assumed, if indeed I
have won it? Perhaps you imagine that T. Quinctius, by whose virtuous
counsels you say that I am ruled, has instigated me to be my brother's
murderer, though he himself lives in such close affection with his own
brother. Perseus has brought together in what he said not only my favourable
position with the Romans but also the sentiments of the Macedonians and
the all but unanimous judgment of gods and men, and owing to all these
advantages he professes to believe that he is no match for me. And yet, as
though in everything else I were inferior to him, he maintains that I have
betaken myself to crime as my last hope. Do you want the issue of the trial
to take this form: 'Whichever of the two feared that the other might be
thought more worthy of the crown, let him be judged to have formed the
design of crushing his brother?'
40.13
"Now
in whatever way these charges have been fabricated, let us examine the order
in which they stand. He said that numerous attempts had been made against
his life, and he has brought all the methods employed within the limits of a
single day. I wanted, he says, to kill him in broad daylight after the lustration
when we were engaged in the mimic battle, actually, good heavens! on the
very day of the lustration! Then I wanted to take him, forsooth, by poison,
after inviting him to supper. Then I wanted to go with a band of revellers
armed with hidden swords and kill him with cold steel. You notice what
occasions he has selected for the murder -sports, a banquet, a wine party?
Why, what was the character of the day? A day on which the army was
purified, on which they marched between the two halves of the victim, with
the royal arms of all the kings of Macedonia borne before them, we two
alone in front by the side of you, my father, and the Macedonian phalanx
following. Even though I had previously committed some sin which required
expiation, could I, after being purified and absolved in this solemn rite,
especially whilst gazing upon the victim which lay on either side our path -could I then be revolving in my mind thoughts of murder, poison, swords?
With what other rites could I then have cleansed a mind steeped in uttermost
guilt? But in his blind eagerness to launch accusations and throw suspicion
on everything I did, he has made one thing contradict another. For if I
intended to take you off by poison during the banquet, what could have less
served my purpose than to rouse your anger by an obstinately contested fight
so as to give you just cause for refusing my invitation? After your angry
refusal what should I have done? Was I to make it my business to appease
your wrath so as to have another opportunity, now that I had prepared the
poison, or should I have, so to speak, leaped from that plan to another, and
in the guise of a boon companion killed you with the sword, and all on the
same day? If I had supposed that you kept clear of my supper party for fear
of your life, how could I possibly have failed to suppose that the same fear
would keep you from the drinking bout which followed?
40.14
"There
is nothing to blush for, father, in my having taken wine with my comrades
somewhat freely on such a festal day. I wish you would find out with what
fun and merriment we kept up the banquet at my house last night, and how
delighted we were -perhaps improperly -at our side not being the worst in
the youthful assault-at-arms. My unhappiness and my fears have quite shaken
off the effects of the wine; had these circumstances not arisen, we dangerous
plotters should now all be lying fast asleep. If I had been going to attack
your house, and after getting possession of it kill the owner, should I not
have kept myself and my soldiers from wine for one day at least? And that I
may not be alone in taking this simple and ingenuous line of defence, my
brother, by no means a suspicious person, says: 'I know of nothing more, I
can bring no further proof than his having come to my house with a sword.'
If I were to ask 'whence do you know even this much?' you would have to
confess either that my house was filled with your spies, or that my comrades
took their swords so openly that everybody saw them. And to take away all
appearance of his having made previous enquiries, or of his proving me a
criminal, now he wants you to ask those whose names he has given whether
they had swords, as though there were any doubt about it. Then after being
questioned as to a fact they all admitted, they were to be treated as persons
found guilty after trial. Why do you not ask that this question be put to
them: 'Did you take your swords for the purpose of murdering him?' This is
what you want to have made clear, and not the other point which is openly
admitted. But they say that they took their swords for their own protection.
Whether they did this rightly or wrongly is their affair, they must answer for
their own action. My case is in no way affected by what they did, do not mix
up the two things together. Or else explain whether we were going to attack
you secretly or openly. If openly, why did we not all carry swords ? Why did
nobody take one besides those who had given your spy a thrashing? If
secretly, what sort of a plan had we formed? After the party had broken up
and I had left the table and four, as you say, remained behind for the purpose
of attacking you when asleep, how could they have escaped, being as they
were strangers belonging to my party, and, above all, objects of suspicion
since they had been fighting not long before? How, too, could they have got
away after murdering you? Could your house have been stormed and taken
with four swords?
40.15
"Why
do you not drop this story of what happened last night and come back to
your real grievance which supplies the fuel to your jealousy? 'Why,
Demetrius, are people talking everywhere about your being king? Why do
you appear in some people's eyes to be a more worthy successor to your
father's position than myself? Why do you cloud with doubt and anxiety
those hopes which, if you did not exist, would be assured?' So Perseus
thinks, if he does not speak his thoughts. It is this that makes him my enemy,
my accuser, it is this that floods your palace and your realm with slander and
suspicion. But, my father, as I am bound in duty not to hope for the crown
nor, perhaps, ever to dispute it, since I am the younger and it is your wish
that I should give place to the elder, so have I felt it my duty in the past and
so I feel it today, never to show myself unworthy of you, my father, or
unworthy of all my nation. For that would be caused by my faults, not by
modestly giving way to him who has right and justice on his side. You bring
up the Romans against me and turn into a crime what ought to be a source
of pride. I never asked to be handed over to the Romans as a hostage, or to
be sent as an envoy to Rome, but when sent by you I did not refuse to go.
On both occasions I so conducted myself that neither you nor your
sovereignty nor the whole of Macedonia could be ashamed of me. So you,
my father, were the cause of my friendship with the Romans; as long as
peace exists between you and them I too shall stand in favour with them. If
war breaks out I, who have been a hostage and a not unsuccessful
representative of my father, shall be their most determined foe. I do not
claim today that my interest with the Romans shall help me, but I do pray
that it may not injure me. It did not begin in a time of war nor is it reserved
for a time of war. I was a pledge of peace, I was sent as an envoy to
maintain the peace: neither of these should be put down to my credit or to
my fault. If I have been guilty of undutiful conduct towards you, my father,
or criminal designs against my brother, I am prepared to undergo any
punishment. If I am innocent, I beg that I may not fall a victim to envy and
malice, since I cannot suffer for any crime.
"My brother is not accusing me for the first time today, but it is the
first time he is doing so openly, though I have done nothing to deserve it. If
my father were angry with me it would be your duty, as the elder brother, to
intercede for the younger to obtain pardon for my offence in consideration of
my youth. Where I ought to find protection, I find a determination to destroy
me. I have been dragged away whilst only half-awake from a banquet and a
wine party to answer a charge of fratricide. Without advocates, without
defending counsel, I am compelled to plead for myself. Had I to plead for
another I should have taken time to think out and arrange my speech, and
what else would be at stake but my reputation as a skilful pleader? Unaware
of the reason for being summoned, I found you in an angry mood, ordering
me to defend myself, and my brother making accusations against me. He
delivered a carefully prepared and thought-out speech against me; I had only
such time as he took to make his accusations in which to learn what the
matter at issue was. What was I to do in those few moments, listen to my
accuser or think out my defence? Thunderstruck by a danger so sudden and
so unlooked for, I could with difficulty understand the charges brought
against me, still less could I see the right way of defending myself against
them. What hope would there be for me if I had not my father as my judge?
If my brother has a greater share of his affection, I, who have to defend
myself, ought at all events not to have a less share of his compassion. I am
praying you to preserve me in your own interest as well as mine; he demands
that you shall put me to death for his own security. What do you think he
will do to me when you have left your crown to him, if even now he thinks it
right that my life should be sacrificed for him?"
40.16
Tears
and sobs prevented him from saying more. Philip ordered them to withdraw,
and after a short consultation with his friends gave his decision. He would
not, he said, base his judgment of their case upon what they had said, or
upon an hour's discussion, but upon an investigation into the life and
character of each and a close observation of their language and behaviour on
all occasions, important and unimportant alike. Everybody saw from this that
whilst the charges arising out of the last night's proceedings were easily
disposed of, Demetrius' excessive friendliness with the Romans had aroused
suspicion. These incidents which occurred during Philip's lifetime became, so
to speak, the seeds of the Macedonian war, which was fought mainly against
Philip.
Both the consuls left for Liguria, which was the only consular
province, and on account of their successes there thanksgivings were
ordered for one day. About 2000 Ligurians came to the extreme frontier of
Gaul where Marcellus was encamped, begging him to accept their surrender.
Marcellus told them to stay where they were and wait till he had
communicated with the senate. The senate instructed the praetor, M.
Ogulnius, to inform Marcellus by letter that the consuls whose province it
was were better able to decide than they were what course would be most in
the interests of the State. At the same time, if Marcellus accepted the
surrender of the Ligurians, the senate did not wish their arms to be taken
from them and thought it right that they should be sent to the consul. The
praetors took up their respective commands at the same time. P. Manlius
went to Further Spain, which he had administered in his former praetorship;
Q. Fulvius Flaccus proceeded to Hither Spain and took over the army from
A. Terentius, for owing to the death of P. Sempronius, Further Spain had
been without a magistrate. Whilst Fulvius Flaccus was besieging a Spanish
town called Urbicua he was attacked by the Celtiberians. Many fierce actions
took place, and there were severe losses in killed and wounded amongst the
Romans. No display of force could draw Fulvius away from the siege, and
his perseverance finally conquered. Exhausted by so many battles the
Celtiberi retired, and the city, now that assistance was withdrawn, was taken
in a few days and sacked. The praetor gave the booty to the soldiers. Beyond
this capture Fulvius did nothing worth recording, nor did P. Manlius, beyond
concentrating his scattered forces. They withdrew their armies into winter
quarters. Such was the record of that summer in Spain. Terentius, after
giving up his command there, entered the City in ovation. He brought home
9320 pounds of silver, 82 pounds of gold and seven golden crowns weighing
60 pounds.
40.17
During
the year a commission went from Rome to arbitrate between the
Carthaginian government and King Masinissa on a claim to certain territory.
Masinissa's father, Gala, had taken it from the Carthaginians, Syphax had
expelled Gala from it, and out of complaisance to his father-in-law Hasdrubal
had made a present of it to the Carthaginians, and this year Masinissa had
expelled the Carthaginians. The matter was contested as hotly in argument as
it had been with the sword, and came before the Romans for decision, who
investigated it on the spot. Masinissa said that he had recovered the territory
as part of his ancestral dominions and held it by the universally
acknowledged right of inheritance. His case was the stronger of the two,
both by title and by actual possession. The only thing he feared was that he
might be at a disadvantage should the Romans shrink from appearing to
favour a monarch who was their friend and ally at the cost of a people who
were enemies to him and them alike. The commissioners decided nothing as
to the right of possession and referred the whole question to the senate.
Nothing further took place in Liguria. The Gauls retreated into the pathless
forests and then dispersed to their villages and forts. The consuls also
wanted to disband their army, and consulted the senate about doing so. The
senate ordered one of them to disband his army and proceed to Rome to
elect the magistrates for the next year; the other was to winter with his
legions at Pisae. There were rumours that the transalpine Gauls were arming
and it was uncertain into what part of Italy they might descend, so the
consuls arranged that Cn. Baebius should go to hold the elections, as his
brother Marcus was a candidate.
40.18
The
new consuls were M. Baebius Tamphilus and P. Cornelius Lentulus. Liguria
was assigned as their province. The assignment of provinces to the new
praetors was as follows: The civic jurisdiction fell to Q. Petilius, the alien to
Q. Fabius Maximus; Gaul to Q. Fabius Buteo; Sicily to Tiberius Claudius
Nero; Sardinia to M. Pinarius; Apulia to L. Duronius, who was also to
command in Histria, because news was received from Tarentum and
Brundisium that the fields on the coast were being plundered by pirates from
overseas. The same complaint was made by Marseilles about the ships of the
Ligurians. The military requirements were then determined. Four legions
were assigned to the consuls, each consisting of 5200 Roman infantry and
300 cavalry, and also 15,000 infantry to be drawn from the Latin allies and
800 cavalry. The former praetors remained in Spain with the armies they
had, and reinforcements were sent to them of 3000 Roman citizens and 200
cavalry, together with 6000 allied infantry and 300 cavalry. Naval affairs
were not lost sight of. The consuls appointed two officers to man twenty
ships with crews of Roman citizens who had the status of freedmen, the
officers alone being freeborn citizens. These two officers were responsible
for the defence of the coast, each commanding ten ships, and their spheres of
action were separated by the promontory of Minerva, which formed the
centre of the defence; the operations of the one extending from that point
westward to Marseilles; those of the other, south and east as far as Barium.
40.19
Many
dreadful portents were witnessed in Rome this year and reported from
outlying districts. In the precincts of the temple of Vulcan and Concord there
was a rain of blood, and the pontiffs announced that the spears had been
shaken and the image of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium had shed tears. So severe
an epidemic broke out in the market-towns and country districts that Libitina
was hardly able to supply the materials for the funerals. Greatly alarmed by
these portents and by the ravages of the pestilence, the senate decreed that
the consuls should sacrifice full-grown victims to whatever deities they
thought proper, and that the Sacred Books should be consulted. The
Keepers of these Books decreed that special intercession should be offered
at all the shrines for a whole day. They also advised that intercessions and
suspension of work for three days should be observed throughout Italy. The
senate approved and the consuls published an edict ordering the observance.
Owing to a revolt in Corsica and hostilities on the part of the Ilians in
Sardinia it had been decided to call up 8000 Latin and allied infantry and 300
cavalry for the praetor M. Pinarius to take with him to Sardinia, but such
was the extent and deadly nature of the pestilence that the consuls reported
the number could not be made up owing to the great mortality and
wide-spread sickness. The praetor was ordered to take what he wanted from
C. Baebius, who was wintering in Pisae, and to sail from there to Sardinia.
The praetor L. Duronius, to whom the province of Apulia had fallen, was
further charged with an investigation into the Bacchanalia, some remains of
which had come to light the previous year, seeds as it were sown by the
earlier mischief. L. Pupius, the former praetor, had begun an inquiry but it
had not been brought to a definite issue. The senate sent orders to the new
praetor to cut the evil out and prevent it from spreading. Acting on the
authority of the senate, the consuls brought before the people a measure
dealing with bribery.
40.20
Some
deputations were introduced to the senate. The first to be received were
those from Eumenes, Ariarathes of Cappadocia and Pharnaces, King of
Pontus. They were simply informed that commissions would be sent to
examine and settle the conflicting claims. These were followed by envoys
from the Lacedaemonian refugees and the Achaeans; the refugees were led
to hope that the senate would order the Achaeans to repatriate them. The
Achaeans explained to the satisfaction of the House the recovery of Messene
and the settlement which had been made there. Two envoys also arrived
from Philip of Macedonia -Philocles and Apelles. They were not sent with
the view of obtaining anything from the senate, but simply to watch what
was going on and to find out what those conversations were which Perseus
had accused Demetrius of holding with the Romans, and in particular those
with T. Quinctius, about the succession to the throne in opposition to his
brother. The king had sent these men as being impartial and not biassed in
favour of either, but they, too, were agents and accomplices in Perseus'
treachery against his brother. Demetrius, ignorant of all the intrigues against
him save what he had learnt from the recent outbreak of his brother's malice,
was neither very sanguine nor altogether hopeless of a reconciliation with his
father, but he gradually felt less confidence in his father's feelings towards
him as he observed his brother constantly at his ear. To avoid grounds for
further suspicion he was circumspect in all he said and did, and he took
particular care to abstain from any mention of the Romans or any intercourse
with them. He would not even have them write to him, because he saw that
his father was particularly exasperated by this charge being brought against
him.
40.21
To
prevent his soldiers from becoming demoralised through inaction, and at the
same time to remove any suspicion of his meditating a war with Rome, Philip
ordered his army to assemble at Stobi in Paeonia, and from there he led them
into Maedica. He had been seized with a great desire to ascend the crest of
Mt. Haemus, as he shared the common belief that the Pontus and the
Hadriatic, the Hister and the Alps could all be seen from that point, and he
believed that this prospect before his eyes would in no small measure serve
to guide his plans in a war with Rome. He questioned those who knew the
country about the ascent of Haemus, and all agreed that was impossible for
an army, and extremely difficult even for a small lightly equipped force. His
younger son he had decided not to take with him, and in order to lessen his
disappointment, he engaged in familiar conversation with him and asked him,
after putting before him the difficulties of the march, whether he thought he
ought to go on or abandon the enterprise. If, however, he went on, he said,
he could not forget the example of Antigonus, who, whilst tossing about in a
violent storm and all his family in the ship with him, is reported to have given
his children a precept for themselves to remember and to hand on to
posterity, namely, that no one should expose himself to danger when
accompanied by the whole of his family. Mindful of that precept Philip said
that he would not expose both his sons to the chances of accident in what he
proposed to do, and as he was taking his older son with him, he should send
his younger son back to Macedonia as the stay of his hopes and the guardian
of his kingdom. Demetrius was quite aware that the reason for his being sent
back was that he might not be present at the council of war when Philip
consulted his staff, whilst the various localities were lying in view, as to the
quickest route to the Hadriatic, and the future conduct of the war. He was
bound not only to obey his father's order but to show his approval of it, lest
a reluctant compliance might arouse suspicions. To guarantee the safety of
his journey to Macedonia, Didas, one of the royal officers who was governor
of Paeonia, received orders to escort him with a small force. This man, also,
Perseus had drawn into the conspiracy against his brother, as he had most of
his father's friends, after it had become clear to everyone to which of the two
sons the king's sympathies pointed as the heir to the throne. Didas'
instructions were for the time being to insinuate himself by every kind of
obsequiousness into Demetrius' confidence and intimacy so as to be able to
draw out all his secrets and ascertain his hidden sentiments. So Demetrius
departed amidst greater danger from his escort than if he had travelled alone.
40.22
Philip's
first objective was Maedica. From there he marched across the desolate
country between Maedica and the Haemus, and in seven days reached the
foot of the mountain range. Here he remained encamped for one day to
select those whom he was to take with him, and the next day resumed his
march. The first part of the ascent did not involve much labour, but as they
gained higher ground the country became more wooded and overgrown; and
one part of their route was so dark that, owing to the density of the foliage
and the interlacing of the branches, the sky was hardly visible. As they
approached the crest, everything was veiled in cloud, an uncommon
occurrence at great altitudes, and so dense that they found marching as
difficult as at night. At last on the third day they reached the summit. After
their descent they said nothing to contradict the popular belief; more, I
suspect, to prevent the futility of their march from becoming a subject of
ridicule than because the widely separated seas and mountains and rivers
could really be seen from one spot. They were all distressed by the hardships
of the march, the king most of all, owing to his age. He raised two altars
there to Jupiter and the Sun, on which he offered sacrifices, and then
commenced the descent, which occupied two days, the ascent having taken
three. He was afraid of the cold nights, which, though it was the dog-days,
were like the cold in winter.
After all the difficulties he had had to contend against during those
five days, he found things just as cheerless in his camp, where they were
destitute of everything. This was inevitable in a district surrounded on all
sides by uninhabited country. After one day in camp to rest the men whom
he had taken with him, he hastened into the Dentheletic country at a speed
which resembled a flight. This people were his allies, but owing to lack of
food the Macedonians plundered them as though they were on enemy soil.
Not content with robbing the homesteads, they devastated some of the
villages, and it was with feelings of deep shame that the king heard his allies
making fruitless appeals to the gods who watch over treaties and invoking
his help and protection. Carrying off a supply of corn he returned to Maedica
and made an attempt on a city called Petra. He fixed his camp on a plain
which extended to the city and sent Perseus with a small force to approach
the place from higher ground. With danger threatening them from all sides
the townsmen gave hostages and surrendered the place for the time being,
but as soon as the army had withdrawn they forgot all about the hostages,
deserted their city and fled to their mountain strongholds. Philip returned to
Macedonia with his men worn out to no purpose by labours and hardships
innumerable, and with his mind filled with suspicions of his son through the
cunning and treachery of Didas.
40.23
This
man, as I stated above, was sent to escort Demetrius. The young prince was
incautious and angry, not without reason, at the way his relations treated
him. Didas humoured him and pretended to be indignant on his account, and
offered, unsolicited, to assist him in every way, and gave him his word of
honour to be true to him. In this way he succeeded in eliciting his secret
thoughts. Demetrius was meditating flight to the Romans and hoped to get
away safely across Paeonia. That the governor of this province should
further his project he regarded as a boon from heaven. This design was at
once betrayed to his brother, and on his advice communicated to his father.
A letter was sent to Philip while he was besieging Petra. On this, Heliodorus,
the leading man amongst the friends of Demetrius, was flung into prison and
orders were given to keep a secret watch on Demetrius. This more than
anything else made the king's journey to Macedonia a very melancholy one.
This new charge disturbed him greatly, but he felt that he ought to await the
return of those who had been sent to find out everything in Rome. For some
months he remained in suspense; at length his envoys returned after having
settled beforehand in Macedonia what report they should bring back from
Rome. In addition to all their other treachery, they handed to the king a
forged letter sealed with a counterfeit of T. Quinctius' seal. The letter
deprecated any harsh judgment of Demetrius, and stated that whatever
communication the young prince in his eagerness for the crown had had with
him, T. Quinctius, he was certain that he would do nothing to injure any of
his relatives, nor was the writer a man who could be thought to countenance
any unfilial conduct. This letter made Perseus' accusations appear more
credible. Heliodorus was at once submitted to torture and died without
implicating anyone.
40.24
Perseus made fresh accusations against
Demetrius to his father. He alleged the preparations for his flight and the
bribery of some who were to accompany him. The forged letter purporting
to come from T. Quinctius, he said, was the strongest proof of his guilt. No
pronouncement was, however, made as to the infliction of any severe
punishment, the intention was rather that he should be put to death secretly,
not through any anxiety felt about him, but that Philip's designs against the
Romans might not be revealed by a public sentence of death. Philip was
marching from Thessalonica to Demetrias, and he sent Demetrius, still
accompanied by Didas, to Astraeum in Paeonia, and Perseus to Amphipolis,
to receive the Thracian hostages. It is said that as Didas was departing,
Philip gave him instructions about putting his son to death. Didas arranged a
sacrifice or else pretended to do so, and Demetrius was invited to the
sacrificial banquet and went to Heraclea for the purpose. It is said that
poison was given to him at the banquet, and that as soon as he drank the
goblet he became aware of it. Very soon he was in great suffering., and he
left the table and retired to his room. There he lay in agony exclaiming
against his father's cruelty, and accusing his brother and Didas of murdering
him. Then one Thyrsis of Stubera and a Beroean named Alexander entered
the room, threw the bed-clothes over his head and suffocated him. In this
way the unoffending youth was killed, as his enemies were not content with
only one way of putting him to death.
40.25
During
these occurrences in Macedonia, L. Aemilius Paulus, whose command had
been extended on the expiry of his consulship, marched against the Ingauni
in Liguria. As soon as he had encamped on the enemy's territory, envoys
came to him ostensibly to sue for peace, but really as spies. Paulus told them
that he only made terms with those who surrendered. They did not definitely
reject his conditions, but explained that they would require time to induce
their people, a rustic population, to submit. An armistice for ten days was
granted them. Then they asked that his soldiers might be forbidden to cross
the mountains to gather fodder and wood -that cultivated part of the
country formed part of their territory. They gained his consent to this also,
and at once concentrated an enormous host behind those very mountains
from which they were keeping their enemies away. A fierce attack was made
on the Roman camp, all the gates being assaulted at once, and they kept up
the attack with the utmost violence during the whole day. The Romans had
no room for advancing against them, no sufficient ground for forming their
battle-line. Massed in close order at the gates they defended the camp more
by forming a barrier than by actual fighting. At sunset the enemy withdrew
and Paulus sent two troopers to the proconsul at Pisae with a despatch
informing him that his camp was invested in breach of the armistice, and
asking him to come to his assistance as soon as possible. Baebius had handed
over his army to the praetor M. Pinarius, who was on his way to Sardinia;
however, he wrote to inform the senate that L. Aemilius was blockaded in
his camp by the Ligurians, and he also wrote to M. Claudius Marcellus,
whose province adjoined, that if he thought it wise he should transfer his
army from Gaul to Liguria and relieve L. Aemilius from investment. This
assistance would have been long in coming. The following day the Ligurians
renewed their attack on the camp. Though L. Aemilius knew that they would
come, and though he could have led out his men in line of battle, he kept
them within their rampart in order that he might delay a battle till such time
as Baebius could come with his army from Pisae.
40.26
Baebius' despatch created considerable
alarm in Rome, which was increased by the arrival of Marcellus a few days
later. He had handed over his army to Fabius, and he told the senate that
there was no hope of the army in Gaul being transferred to Liguria because it
was engaged with the Histri, who were trying to prevent the formation of the
colony at Aquileia. Fabius, he explained, had marched thither, and could not
retrace his steps now that war had begun. There was one chance of sending
help, though that would be later than the emergency demanded, namely, if
the consuls hastened their departure for the province. All the senators were
loud in their demand that they should go. The consuls declared that they
would not go until the enrolment of troops was completed, and it was not
through remissness on their part but through the violence of the epidemic
that the completion was delayed. They were unable, however, to hold out
against the unanimous determination of the senate, and left the City wearing
the paludamentum, having appointed a day for the men whom they had
enrolled to assemble at Pisae. The consuls were empowered to raise men
indiscriminately as they went on, and take them with them. The praetors Q.
Petilius and Q. Fabius received orders to raise fresh troops; Petilius to enrol
two emergency legions of Roman citizens and to require all under fifty years
of age to take the military oath; Fabius to demand from the Latin allies
15,000 infantry and 800 cavalry. C. Matienus and C. Lucretius were
appointed to the naval command and ships were fitted out for them.
Matienus, who was to command it in the Gulf of Gaul, was also ordered to
bring his fleet as soon as possible down to the coast of Liguria in case it
could be of any assistance to L. Aemilius and his army.
40.27
As
there were no signs of assistance coming anywhere, Aemilius supposed that
his mounted messengers had been intercepted, and felt that he ought not any
longer to delay trying what Fortune had in store for him single-handed. The
enemy's attacks showed less spirit and force, and before their next assault he
drew up his army at the four gates in order that on the signal being given
they might make a simultaneous sortie on all sides. To the four praetorian
cohorts he added two others with M. Valerius, one of his staff officers, in
command, and gave them orders to sally from the praetorian gate. At the
southern gate he posted the hastati of the first legion; the principes of this
legion being in reserve. M. Servilius and L. Sulpicius, both military tribunes,
were in command of these. The third legion was similarly drawn up at the
north gate, with this difference that the principes formed the front, the hastati
the reserve. The military tribunes Sextius Julius Caesar and L. Aurelius Cotta
were in command of this legion. Q. Fulvius Flaccus, a staff officer, was
posted with the right division of allied troops at the quaestorian gate. Two
cohorts and the triarii of the two legions were ordered to remain and guard
the camp. The general visited all the gates to harangue his men and whet
their rage against the enemy by everything that could exasperate them. He
spoke bitterly of the treachery of the enemy who, after suing for peace and
being allowed a suspension of arms, had come to attack the camp while the
armistice was actually in force, in violation of all international law. He
pointed out what a disgrace it was for a Roman army to be hemmed in by
Ligurians, who could be more truly described as a horde of robbers than as a
regular enemy. "If," he continued, "you get out of this with the help of
others, and not by your own courage, with what face will any of you meet -I
do not say the soldiers who defeated Hannibal, Philip or Antiochus, the
greatest generals and monarchs of our time, but -those who have so often
pursued and cut to pieces these very Ligurians as they fled like frightened
cattle through their pathless forests? What the Spaniards, the Gauls, the
Macedonians, the Carthaginians did not dare to do, this the Ligurian is doing
today; he comes up to the Roman rampart and actually surrounds and
attacks our camp. And yet, formerly, it was hard to discover him after a
close search as he lurked in his trackless hiding-places!" His words were met
by a unanimous shout of approval from the soldiers. It was no fault of theirs,
they said; no one had given the signal for a sortie; let him give the signal
now, he would soon learn that the Romans and the Ligurians were the same
that they had always been.
40.28
The
two camps of the Ligurians were on the near side of the mountain. During
the first days they all used to march out of their camps at sunrise in proper
formation; afterwards they did not take up arms unless they had been gorged
with food and wine; they left their camps without any order, scattered about
the field, feeling confident that their enemy would not advance outside his
rampart. Whilst they were coming up in this disorderly fashion, the
battle-shout was suddenly raised by every one in the camp, camp-followers
and sutlers alike, and the Romans dashed out from all the gates. So little did
the Ligurians expect this that they were thrown into as much confusion as if
they had fallen into an ambush. For a few moments there was some
appearance of a battle, then there was a wild flight and slaughter of the
fugitives in all directions. The signal was given to the cavalry to mount their
horses and allow no one to escape; the enemy were all driven headlong into
their camp and then driven out of it. Over 15,000 Ligurians were killed that
day and 2500 taken prisoners. Three days afterwards the entire tribe of the
Ingauni made their submission and gave hostages. Search was made for the
pilots and sailors who had been in the pirate ships, and they were all placed
under guard. Thirty-two of these ships were captured by Matienus off the
coast of Liguria. L. Aurelius Cotta and C. Sulpicius Gallus were sent to
Rome to report what had happened and also to request that L. Aemilius,
having brought his province into order, might be permitted to leave and
bring away his soldiers with him and then disband them. Both requests were
granted by the senate and thanksgivings at all the shrines were ordered for
three days. Petilius was ordered to disband the citizen legions, and Fabius
received orders to suspend the enrolment of Latin and allied troops. The City
praetor was also ordered by the senate to write to the consuls and inform
them that the senate thought it right that the men which had been hastily
raised to meet the emergency should be disbanded as soon as possible.
40.29
A
colony was settled this year at Gravisca in Etruria on territory which had
formerly been taken from the Tarquinii. Five jugera were given to each man;
the supervisors of the settlement were C. Calpurnius Piso, P. Claudius
Pulcher and C Terentius Istra. The year was marked by a drought and failure
of the crops. It is recorded that no rain fell for six months. During this year
while labourers were digging at some depth on land belonging to L. Petilius,
a scrivener who lived at the foot of the Janiculum, two stone chests were
discovered about eight feet long and four wide, the lids being fastened down
with lead. Each bore an inscription in Latin and Greek; one stating that
Numa Pompilius, son of Pompo and king of the Romans, was buried there,
and the other saying that it contained his books. When the owner at the
suggestion of his friends had opened them, the one which bore the
inscription of the buried king was found to be empty, with no vestige of a
human body or of anything else, so completely had everything disappeared
after such a lapse of time. In the other there were two bundles tied round
with cords steeped in wax, each containing seven books, not only intact but
to all appearance new. There were seven in Latin on pontifical law, and
seven in Greek dealing with the study of philosophy so far as was possible in
that age. Valerius Antias says further that they were Pythagorean books,
thus shaping his belief to the common opinion that Numa was a disciple of
Pythagoras, and trying to give probability to a fiction.
The books were first examined by the friends who were present. As
the number of those who read them grew, and they became widely known,
Q. Petilius, the City praetor, was anxious to read them and took them from
Lucius. They were on very friendly terms; when Q. Petilius was quaestor he
had given Lucius Petilius a place on the decury. After perusing the most
important passages he perceived that most of them would lead to the
break-up of the national religion. Lucius promised that he would throw the
books into the fire, but before doing so said that he should like to find out, if
allowed to do so, whether he could reclaim them either by the right of
possession or by the authority of the tribunes of the plebs, without, however,
disturbing his friendly relations with the praetor. The scrivener approached
the tribunes, and the tribunes left the matter for the senate to deal with. The
praetor stated that he was ready to declare on oath that the books ought not
to be preserved. The senate held the praetor's asseveration to be sufficient,
and that the books ought to be burnt as soon as possible in the comitium.
Whatever sum the praetor and the majority of the tribunes thought a fair
price for the books was to be paid to the owner. The scrivener refused to
accept it. The books were burnt in the comitium in the sight of the people in
a fire made by the victimarii.
40.30
A
serious war broke out this summer in Hither Spain. The Celtiberi had got
together as many as 35,000 men; hardly ever before had they raised so large
a force. Q. Fulvius Flaccus was in charge of the province. On hearing that
the Celtiberi were arming their fighting men, he had drawn from the friendly
tribes all the troops he could, but he was very inferior to the enemy in
numbers. In the first days of spring he led his army into Carpetania and fixed
his camp near the town of Aebura, a small detachment being sent to occupy
the town. A few days afterwards the Celtiberi encamped at the foot of a hill
about two miles distant. When the Roman praetor became aware of their
proximity, he sent his brother Marcus with two squadrons of native cavalry
to reconnoitre the enemy's camp. His instructions were to approach as
closely as possible to the rampart so as to get some idea of the size of the
camp, but if he saw the enemy's cavalry coming, he was to retire without
fighting. These instructions he carried out. For some days nothing took place
beyond the appearance of these two squadrons, and they were always
withdrawn after the enemy's cavalry had emerged from their camp. At last
the Celtiberi issued from their camp with the whole of their infantry and
cavalry, and formed up in line of battle midway between the two camps and
remained stationary. The ground was level and well adapted for a battle.
There the Spaniards stood in expectancy, whilst the Roman general kept his
men within their rampart. For four successive days the enemy took their
stand in battle-order on the same spot, but the Romans made no move. After
this the Celtiberi rested in their camp as they had no opportunity of fighting;
the cavalry alone rode out and took station as advanced pickets, in case of
any movement on the part of their enemy. Both sides went out to collect
fodder and wood in the rear of their camps, neither of them interfering with
the other.
40.31
When
the Roman praetor had satisfied himself that after so many days' inaction the
enemy would not expect him to take the initiative, he ordered L. Acilius to
take the division of allied troops and 6000 native auxiliaries, and make a
circuit round the mountain which lay behind the enemy's camp. When he
heard the battle-shout he was to charge down on their camp. They started in
the night to escape observation. At daybreak Flaccus sent C. Scribonius, the
commander of the allied troops, with his "select" cavalry up to the enemy's
rampart. When the Celtiberi saw them approaching more closely and in
greater strength than they had usually done, the whole of their cavalry
streamed out from the camp and the signal was given for the infantry also to
advance. Scribonius, acting on his instructions, no sooner heard the clatter of
the advancing cavalry than he turned his horses' heads and made for his
camp. The enemy followed in hot haste. First their cavalry came up and soon
after the infantry, never doubting but that they would that day capture the
Roman camp. They were not now more than half a mile from the rampart.
As soon as Flaccus considered that they were sufficiently drawn off from
guarding their own camp he sallied forth from his camp, his army which had
previously been drawn up inside the rampart being formed into three
separate corps. The battle-shout was raised not only to stimulate the ardour
of the combatants but also to reach the ears of those who were amongst the
hills. Without a moment's delay these charged down, as they had been
ordered, on the enemy's camp, where not more than 5000 men were left on
guard. The strength of the assailants compared with their own scanty
numbers and the suddenness of the attack so appalled them that the camp
was taken with little or no resistance. When it was captured Acilius set fire
to that part of it which could be best seen from the field of battle.
40.32
The
Celtiberi who were in the rear were the first to catch sight of the flames; then
word ran through the whole line that the camp was lost and was burning
furiously. This increased the dismay of the enemy and the courage of the
Romans. On the one hand there were the cheers of their victorious
comrades, on the other the sight of the hostile camp in flames. The Celtiberi
were for a few moments uncertain what to do, but as there was no shelter
for them if they were defeated, and their only hope lay in keeping up the
struggle, they recommenced the fight with greater determination. Their
centre was being closely pressed by the fifth legion, but they advanced with
more confidence against the Roman left where they saw that their own
countrymen were posted, and it would have been repulsed had not the
seventh legion come up in support. The troops left to hold Aebura appeared
in the middle of the battle and Acilius was in the enemy's rear. Between the
two the Celtiberi were being cut to pieces; the survivors fled in all directions.
The cavalry were sent after them in two divisions and caused great slaughter
among them. As many as 23,000 men were killed that day, and 4700 were
made prisoners; 500 horses and 88 military standards were captured. It was
a great victory, but not a bloodless one. Out of the two legions rather more
than 200 Roman soldiers fell, 830 out of the Latin allies, and 2400 out of the
native auxiliaries. The praetor led his victorious army back to camp. Acilius
was ordered to remain in the camp he had captured. The following day the
spoils were collected, and those who had shown conspicuous bravery were
rewarded in the presence of the whole army.
40.33
The
wounded were carried into Aebura and the legions marched through
Carpetania to Contrebia. When this city was invested, the townspeople sent
to the Celtiberi for assistance. This was delayed, not through any reluctance
on the part of the Celtiberi, but because they could not make their way over
the roads which were rendered impassable and the rivers which were flooded
by incessant rain. Despairing of any help from their countrymen, the
inhabitants surrendered. Flaccus found himself compelled by the terrible
storms to move his entire army into the city. The Celtiberi, meanwhile, had
started from home in ignorance of the surrender, and as soon as the rain
stopped they succeeded at last in crossing the rivers and arrived before
Contrebia. They saw no camp outside the walls, and concluding that it had
been transferred elsewhere, or else that the enemy had withdrawn, they
approached the town without taking precautions or keeping any proper
formation. The Romans made a sortie from two gates, and attacking them
whilst in disorder, routed them. The very thing that made resistance
impossible, namely, their not marching in one body, or keeping with their
standards, really helped the majority to escape, for the fugitives dispersed all
over the field and the Romans could nowhere intercept any considerable
number together. Nevertheless, the killed amounted to 12,000 and the
prisoners to more than 5000; 400 horses and 62 standards were also secured.
The scattered fugitives made their way to their homes, and meeting another
body of Celtiberi who were going to Contrebia, stopped them by informing
them of the surrender of the place and of their own defeat. All promptly
dispersed to their forts and villages. Leaving Contrebia Flaccus led the
legions through Celtiberia, ravaging the country as he marched and storming
many of the forts until the greater part of the nation came in to make their
surrender. Such were the incidents this year in Hither Spain. In Further Spain
the praetor Manlius fought several successful actions with the Lusitanians.
40.34
Aquileia, a city situated on land
belonging to the Gauls, received this year a body of Latin colonists; 3000
infantry soldiers were settled there, and each man was allotted 50 jugera, the
centurions 100, and the cavalry men 140. The supervisors of the settlement
were P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, C. Flaminius and L. Manlius Acidinus. Two
temples were dedicated during the year, one to Venus Erycina, by the Porta
Collina -this temple had been vowed by L. Porcius in the Ligurian war and
was dedicated by his son -the other, the temple of Pietas in the Forum
Olitorium. Manius Acilius Glabrio dedicated this temple and set up a gilt
statue of his father Glabrio, the first gilded statue to be set up in Italy. He
had himself vowed this temple on the day of his battle with Antiochus at
Thermopylae and had also contracted for the building of it in accordance
with a resolution of the senate. At the time of the dedication of these temples
L. Aemilius Paulus celebrated his triumph over the Ingauni. Twenty-five
golden crowns were borne in the procession; there was no other gold or
silver in the triumph. Many Ligurian chiefs walked as prisoners before his
chariot. To each soldier he gave as his share of the booty 300 ases. His
triumph was notable for the presence of Ligurian envoys who had come to
pray for a perpetual peace. So thoroughly had he made that people
understand that they must never again take up arms except at the bidding of
Rome. By order of the senate the praetor informed them in answer to their
request that this was no new petition on the part of the Ligurians, there must
be a new spirit and temper corresponding to it, and this rested above all with
themselves. They must go to the consuls and carry out whatever they
ordered. The senate would not believe that the Ligurians meant honestly and
sincerely to keep the peace on any one's word but the consuls'. Peace was
established with them. In Corsica there was fighting with the natives, M.
Pinarius slew 2000 of them in battle. Through this defeat they were driven to
give hostages and also 100,000 pounds of wax. Pinarius took his army to
Sardinia and fought successful actions with the Ilienses, a tribe which to this
day is not thoroughly pacified. In the course of this year the hundred
hostages were restored to the Carthaginians and the Roman people brought
about peace not only on their side, but also on the side of Masinissa, who
was in forcible occupation of the disputed territory.
40.35
The
consuls' province remained quiet. M. Baebius was recalled to Rome to
conduct the elections. A. Postumius Albinus Luscus and C. Calpurnius Piso
were the new consuls. The praetors elected were Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus, L. Postumius Albinus, P. Cornelius Mammula, Ti. Minucius
Molliculus, A. Hostilius Mancinus and C. Maenius. All these magistrates
entered upon office on the Ides of March. At the beginning of his year of
office A. Postumius introduced to the senate L. Minucius, a staff officer, and
two military tribunes, T. Maenius and L. Terentius Massiliota, who had
come from Q. Fulvius Flaccus in Hither Spain. They gave a report of the two
victorious battles, the surrender of the Celtiberi and the establishment of
order throughout the province, and told the senate that there was no need of
the pay which was usually sent nor of any supply of corn to the army for that
year. They then requested that honour might be paid to the immortal gods
for these successes and that Q. Fulvius should be allowed to bring back on
his departure from Spain the army whose courage had been of such service
to him and to many praetors before him. This was not only due to them, but
it was all but inevitable, for the soldiers were in such a determined mood that
it appeared impossible to keep them any longer in the province, and if they
were not disbanded, they were prepared to leave without orders, or if they
were kept back by a strong hand, would break out into a dangerous mutiny.
The senate ordered the consuls to take Liguria as their province.
Then the praetors balloted for their provinces. Hither Spain fell to Tiberius
Sempronius. As he was to succeed Q. Fulvius he did not want the province
to be robbed of the veteran army and accordingly made the following speech
in the senate: "I ask you, L. Minucius, since you report that the province is in
a settled state, whether it is your belief that the Celtiberi will always keep
their word so that this province can be held without the presence of an army?
If you can neither assure yourself nor give us any guarantee of their
remaining permanently at peace, and still hold that in any case an army must
be kept there, would you advise the senate to send such reinforcements as
will only allow the time-expired soldiers to be released, the recruits being
incorporated in the old army, or would you say that the veteran legions
should be withdrawn and fresh ones enrolled and sent there, when the
contempt felt for these raw recruits might possibly excite even the less
aggressive barbarians to resume hostilities? To say that you have pacified
and settled a province whose inhabitants are naturally warlike and aggressive
may be easier than to do it. According to what I hear only a few
communities, mainly those where we have made our winter quarters, have
submitted to our authority; those further off are in arms. Under these
circumstances, senators, I declare at the outset that I am ready to take the
government of the province with the army which is there now. If Flaccus
brings his legions with him, I shall select for my winter quarters places
already pacified, and shall not expose my new soldiers to a most fierce
enemy."
40.36
In
reply to these questions Minucius said that neither he nor any one else could
possibly divine what the intentions of the Celtiberi were at the time or what
they might be in the future. He could not therefore deny that it might be
better for an army to be sent even to those of the natives who had been
reduced to submission but were not accustomed to our rule. But whether
there was need of the old army or of a new one was for him to say who was
in a position to know how far the Celtiberi would keep the peace, and who
had also definitely ascertained whether the soldiers would take it quietly if
they were retained in the province. If their sentiments were to be inferred
from what they say to one another, or from their exclamations when their
commander addresses them on parade, then it ought to be known that they
had openly and loudly declared that they would either keep their general in
the province or else go back with him to Italy. This discussion was
interrupted by the consuls, who gave it as their opinion that the right and
proper course was for their province to be provided for before the question
of a praetor's army was raised. A whole new army was decreed for the
consuls; two Roman legions for each with their full complement of cavalry
and the usual proportion of Latin and allied troops, namely 15,000 infantry
and 800 cavalry. With this army they were commissioned to make war on
the Apuani in Liguria. P. Cornelius and M. Baebius were ordered to retain
their commands until the consuls arrived, then after disbanding their army
they were to return to Rome.
Then the question of the army for Tiberius Sempronius was settled.
The consuls were ordered to enrol for him a fresh legion of 5200 infantry
and 400 cavalry and an additional force of 1000 infantry and 50 cavalry.
They were also to require the Latin allies to furnish 7000 infantry and 300
cavalry. Such was the army with which it was decided that Tiberius
Sempronius should go to Hither Spain. Q. Flaccus received permission to
bring away with him, if he thought fit, those soldiers, whether Roman
citizens or allies, who had been transferred to Spain previous to the
consulship of Spurius Postumius and Q. Marcius. When by the addition of
the reinforcements the two legions had been raised above their normal
strength, namely 14,000 infantry and 600 cavalry, Flaccus was at liberty to
bring away all in excess of that number whose bravery had been of such
service to Flaccus in his two successful actions against the Celtiberi.
Thanksgivings were also decreed for his good services to the State. The
other praetors were then sent off to their provinces; Q. Fabius Buteo was
continued in his command in Gaul. It was decided that there should be only
eight legions for that year besides the old army in Liguria who were
expecting their discharge shortly. Even that force was with difficulty made
up owing to the pestilence which had for three years been devastating Rome
and Italy.
40.37
The
death of the praetor Tiberius Minucius and not long after that of the consul
C. Calpurnius, followed by those of many distinguished men of all ranks,
came to be regarded as a portent. C. Servilius, the Pontifex Maximus, was
instructed to search in the pontifical rolls for the method of appeasing the
wrath of the gods, and the Keepers of the Sacred Books were to examine
their Sibylline Books. The consul was ordered to vow and offer gilded
statues to Apollo, Aesculapius and Salus. The Keepers of the Sacred Books
proclaimed special intercessions for two days in the City, and in all
market-towns and places of public resort. All who were above twelve years
of age took part in the intercessions, wearing wreaths of bay and carrying
branches of it in their hands. Men began to suspect that this was the work of
criminals, and the senate ordered investigations to be made into some cases
of alleged poisoning. C. Claudius was charged with this enquiry in the City
and within a radius of ten miles from it; C. Maenius was to undertake it in
the market-towns and places of public resort outside that limit, before he
sailed for his province of Sardinia. The death of the consul aroused the
strongest suspicion. He is said to have been murdered by his wife, Quarta
Hostilia. When her son Q. Fulvius Flaccus was declared consul in place of
his step-father, the death of Piso aroused much greater misgivings. Witnesses
came forward who asserted that after Albinus and Piso had been declared
consuls, Flaccus having been defeated in the election was reproached by his
mother for having failed three times in his candidature for the consulship,
and she went on to say that she was getting ready to canvass and would
manage in less than two months to have him made consul. Amongst much
other evidence bearing on the case this utterance of hers, which was only too
truly confirmed by what followed, did most to secure her condemnation.
While the consuls were detained in Rome by the enrolment of fresh troops
and matters were still further delayed by the death of one of them, and the
holding of an election to choose his successor, P. Cornelius and M. Baebius,
who during their consulship had done nothing of any importance, now, at the
beginning of spring, led their armies against the Apuani.
40.38
This
Ligurian tribe, who had not expected that war would begin before the arrival
of the new consuls, were taken wholly by surprise, and after a crushing
defeat surrendered to the number of 12,000. After consulting the senate by
letter, Cornelius and Baebius decided to remove them from their mountains
into some open and level country far from their homes, so that there could
be no hope of return; for they did not see any other end of the Ligurian wars.
There was some land in Samnium, forming part of the State domain, which
had belonged to Taurania. The consuls wished to settle the Ligurians in this
district, and they issued an order for them to come down from Anidus and
their mountain homes with their wives and children and take all their
property with them. The Ligurians made frequent appeals through their
envoys, begging that they might not be compelled to abandon their
household gods, the homes in which they had been born and the
burial-places of their forefathers, and promising to surrender their arms and
give hostages. When they found all their appeals fruitless, and knew that they
were not strong enough for war, they obeyed the consuls' edict. As many as
40,000 freemen with their wives and children were transported at the
expense of the government; 150,000 silver denarii were allowed them to
procure necessaries for their new homes. Cornelius and Baebius were also
authorised to distribute and assign the land; they asked, however, that five
assessors might be appointed to assist them, and the senate appointed them.
After finishing this business they brought their army of veterans to Rome,
and the senate decreed a triumph for them. These men were the very first to
enjoy a triumph without having been engaged in a war. Only victims for
sacrifice were led before the chariot; there were no prisoners, no spoils,
nothing to distribute amongst the soldiers.
40.39
As his
successor was somewhat late in reaching Spain, Fulvius Flaccus led out his
army from winter quarters and began to devastate the more distant parts of
Celtiberia, where the inhabitants had not come in to surrender. By this action
he irritated the natives more than he intimidated them, and secretly collecting
a force they beset the Manlian Pass, through which they were tolerably
certain that the Romans would march. Gracchus had instructed his
colleague, L. Postumius Albinus, who was on his way to Further Spain, to
inform Q. Fulvius that he was to bring his army to Tarraco, where he
intended to disband the old soldiers, incorporate the reinforcements into the
various corps and reorganise the whole army. Fulvius was also informed of
the date of his successor's arrival which was close at hand. This information
compelled Flaccus to abandon his projected operations and withdraw his
army hastily from Celtiberia. The barbarians, ignorant of the true reason, and
imagining that he had become aware of their rising and secret gathering in
arms and was afraid of them, invested the pass all the more closely. When
the Roman column entered the pass, the enemy rushed down upon it from
both sides. As soon as Flaccus saw this, he allayed the first symptoms of
tumult in the column by giving the order through the centurions for every
man to stand where he was and get his weapons ready. The packs of the
baggage animals were piled up in one place, and partly by his own exertions,
partly through his officers, he got the whole force into such fighting order as
the time and place required. He reminded his men that they had to deal with
those who had twice made their submission and who were impelled by
treachery, not by true courage. His soldiers, he told them, would have
returned home without distinguishing themselves; the enemy had given them
the chance of a glorious and memorable homecoming. They would carry in
triumph through Rome swords reddened with the slaughter of their foes and
spoils dripping with their blood. Time did not allow him to say more; the
enemy were upon them and fighting was already begun at the outermost
points. Then the two lines closed.
40.40
The
battle was everywhere a desperate one, but with changing fortunes. The
legionaries fought splendidly, nor did the two divisions of allied troops offer
a less vigorous resistance. The native auxiliaries confronted by men similarly
armed, but somewhat better fighters, could not hold their ground. When the
Celtiberi found that their regular order of battle made them no match for the
legions, they bore down upon them in wedge-formation, a maneuver which
gives them such weight that in whatever direction they carry their attack it
cannot be withstood. Even the legions were now thrown into disorder and
the Roman line was all but broken. Fulvius, seeing this, galloped up to the
legionary cavalry and shouted: "Unless you can come to the rescue it will be
all over with this army." "Say," they shouted in reply, "what you want done,
we shall not be slack in carrying out your orders." He replied: "Close up
your squadrons, cavalry of the two legions, and let your horses go where the
enemy wedge is pressing our men. Your charge will have all the greater
force if you make it on unbitted horses." (We have heard that Roman cavalry
have often done that and covered themselves with glory.) They removed the
horses' bits and charged the wedge in both directions, first forward and then
back again, inflicting great slaughter upon the enemy and shivering all their
spears. When the wedge on which all their hopes rested was broken up, the
Celtiberi so completely lost heart that they gave up almost any attempt at
fighting and began to look about for means of escape. When the auxiliary
cavalry saw the notable feat of the Roman horse they, too, fired by the
courage of the others, and without waiting for orders, spurred their horses
against the enemy who was now thoroughly shaken. This proved decisive;
the Celtiberi fled precipitately in all directions, and the Roman commander,
watching them as they turned their backs, vowed a temple to Fortuna
Equestris and the celebration of solemn Games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus.
The Celtiberi, scattered in flight, were cut to pieces all through the pass. It is
asserted that 17,000 of the enemy were killed on that day, and more than
4000 taken alive, together with 277 military standards and nearly 600 horses.
The victorious army remained encamped in the pass. The victory was not
without loss; 472 Roman soldiers, 1019 soldiers of the allies and 3000 native
auxiliaries perished on the field. With its former glory thus renewed the
victorious army marched to Tarraco. Tiberius Sempronius, who had landed
two days before, went to meet Fulvius and congratulated him upon his
successful conduct of affairs. They were quite at one as to which soldiers
they should release and which retain. After releasing the time-expired men
from their military oath, Fulvius embarked with them for Italy. Sempronius
led the legions into Celtiberia.
40.41
The
two consuls advanced against the Ligurians by different routes. Postumius
with the first and third legions closed round the mountains of Ballista and
Suismontium, and posted detachments to block the passes. By thus cutting
off their supplies and reducing them to complete destitution, he brought
them to terms. Fulvius moved out from Pisae with the second and fourth
legions, and marched against those of the Apuani who dwelt round the
Macra, and after receiving their surrender placed some 7000 of them on
board ship and sailing along the Etruscan coast landed them at Neapolis.
From there they were transported to Samnium, and land was assigned to
them amongst their own countrymen. The Ligurians who dwelt in the
mountains had their vineyards cut down and their corn crops burnt by A.
Postumius, until after suffering all the miseries of war they were compelled
to submit and give up their arms. From there Postumius sailed on a tour of
inspection along the coast occupied by the Ingauni and Intemelii. Before the
new consuls joined the army which was to assemble at Pisae, A. Postumius
remained in command. M. Fulvius Nobilior, brother of Q. Fulvius, who was
a military tribune in the second legion, during his two months of office,
disbanded the legion, having first exacted an oath from the centurions that
they would carry the unexpended soldiers' pay back to the quaestors who
had charge of the treasury. As soon as Aulus heard of this at Placentia,
where he happened to be at the time, he followed the disbanded soldiers, and
those whom he caught he sternly rebuked and took them back to Pisae, and
sent word to the consul about the others. The consul laid the matter before
the senate, and they passed a resolution that M. Fulvius should be relegated
to a part of Spain beyond New Carthage, and a letter was handed to him by
the consul to be given to P. Manlius in Further Spain. The soldiers were
ordered to rejoin their standards; and in the case of any soldier who did not
return to the army, the consul received orders to sell him as a slave and all
his goods. In consequence of their disgraceful conduct, it was decreed that
this legion should only receive half the year's pay.
40.42
L.
Duronius, who had been commanding as praetor in Illyria, returned this year
to Brundisium. In giving his report of what he had done, he unhesitatingly
threw all the responsibility for the piracy on Gentius, the King of Illyria; it
was from his dominions that all the ships had sailed which had ravaged the
shores of the Hadriatic. He stated, further, that he sent envoys to the king to
deal with the matter, but they had had no opportunity of meeting him. A
deputation from Gentius went to Rome and explained that at the time when
the Romans went to meet the king he happened to be lying ill in the most
distant part of his kingdom. He asked the senate not to accept the
trumped-up charges against him which his enemies had made. In reply to
this, Duronius further stated that injuries had been inflicted on many Roman
citizens and Latin allies in his dominions, and it was reported that Roman
citizens were being detained in Corcyra. The senate decided that they should
all be brought to Rome and that the praetor C. Claudius should investigate
their case. Till then no reply should be given to Gentius or to his envoys.
Amongst the many who were carried off by the epidemic this year
were some of the priests. The pontiff L. Valerius Flaccus died, and Q. Fabius
Labeo was appointed in his place; P. Manlius, who had lately returned from
Further Spain, one of the three superintendents of the sacrificial banquets,
fell a victim, and Quinctus the son of M. Fulvius was appointed in his place,
quite a young man at the time. The filling of the vacancy caused by the death
of Cneius Cornelius Dolabella, the rex sacrificulus, led to a dispute between
the Pontifex Maximus C. Servilius and L. Cornelius Dolabella, one of the
two directors of naval affairs. The pontiff required him to resign his post in
order that he might inaugurate him. On his refusing to do so, the pontiff
imposed a fine upon him, and on his appeal the question of the fine was
argued before the Assembly. When several of the tribes had declared by their
votes that the naval director should comply with the pontiff's requirement,
and that if he resigned his post the fine should be remitted, a thunderstorm
interrupted the proceedings. The pontiffs were thus prevented on religious
grounds from appointing Dolabella, and they inaugurated P. Claelius Siculus,
who had the next largest number of votes. At the close of the year the
Pontifex Maximus died. C. Servilius Geminus was not only Pontifex
Maximus, but also one of the Keepers of the Sacred Books. Q. Fulvius
Flaccus was co-opted by the college as one of the pontiffs, and M. Aemilius
Lepidus was made Pontifex Maximus in place of Geminus from among many
distinguished competitors. In his place Q. Marcius Philippus was chosen as a
Keeper of the Sacred Books. The augur Sp. Postumius also died and the
other augurs co-opted P. Scipio the son of Africanus to fill the vacancy.
40.43
During
the year the people of Cuma sent a request to be allowed to use Latin as the
language of law and commerce. Pisae offered land for the foundation of a
Latin colony and was thanked by the senate. The supervisors of the
settlement were Q. Fabius Buteo and the two Popillii Laenates, Marcus and
Publius. C. Maenius, to whom Sardinia had been allotted, had also been
charged with the investigation of the cases of poisoning which had occurred
beyond the ten-mile radius from the City. A letter was received from him
stating that he had sentenced 3000 offenders, and that the accumulating
evidence was widening the scope of his enquiry; either he would have to give
up the task or resign his province. Q. Fulvius Flaccus returned to Rome with
a great reputation after his work in Spain. While he was still outside the City
waiting for his triumph he was elected consul, together with L. Manlius
Acidinus, and a few days later he entered the City in triumph with the
soldiers he had brought with him. In the procession there were carried 124
golden crowns, 31 pounds of gold and 173,200 pieces of Oscan coinage. To
each of the legionaries he gave from the sale of the booty 50 denarii, double
the amount to the centurions and treble to the cavalry, and the same amount
to the men of the Latin allies. All were alike granted double pay.
40.44
A law
was passed for the first time this year fixing the age at which men could be
candidates for or hold a magistracy. It was introduced by L. Vilius, a tribune
of the plebs, and from this his family received the cognomen of Annalis.
After many years had elapsed, four praetors were elected this year under the
Baebian Law, which laid down the rule that four praetors should be elected
in alternate years. Those elected were Cnaeus Cornelius Scipio, C. Valerius
Laevinus, and two sons of M. Scaevola, Quinctius and Publius. The new
consuls had the same province assigned to them as their predecessors, and
the same number of Roman and allied infantry and cavalry. In the two
Spains, Ti. Sempronius and L. Postumius had their commands extended and
retained their armies. To reinforce them the consuls were instructed to enrol
3000 Roman infantry and 300 cavalry, and 5000 infantry and 400 cavalry
from the Latins and allies. P. Mucius Scaevola received the civic jurisdiction
and was also charged with the investigation into the poisoning cases in the
City and within ten miles of it. Cn. Cornelius Scipio had the alien
jurisdiction; Q. Mucius Scaevola, Sicily; and C. Valerius Laevinus, Sardinia.
Before Q. Fulvius commenced his duties as consul he said that he wished to
discharge the State from the obligation of his vows. He had on the day of his
last battle with the Celtiberi vowed Games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and
also a temple to Fortuna Equestris, and he had collected money from the
Spaniards for this purpose. A decree was made that the Games should be
celebrated and that two commissioners should be appointed to see to the
construction of the temple. A limit was fixed for the expenditure on the
Games. It was not to exceed the sum which had been decreed for the
celebration of the Games after the Aetolian war by Fulvius Nobilior, and the
consul was forbidden to requisition or levy or accept or do anything in
respect of these Games in contravention of the resolution passed by the
senate during the consulship of L. Aemilius and Cn. Baebius. The senate
made their decree in this form in consequence of the extravagant cost
incurred in the Games exhibited by Ti. Sempronius in his capacity of aedile, a
cost which proved burdensome not only to Italy and the Latin allies, but to
the provinces abroad as well.
40.45
The
winter was a severe one owing to snow and storms of every description. The
trees which were exposed to the icy winds were all blasted, and the cold
season lasted longer than usual. One result of this was that the Latin Festival
was broken up by a terrible storm which burst suddenly upon the Alban
Mount, and the pontiffs ordered it to be celebrated afresh. The same storm
flung down some statues on the Capitol and several localities were disfigured
by lightning, amongst them the temple of Jupiter in Terracina, the Alban
temple at Capua and one of the gates of Rome. In some places the
battlements were dislodged from the walls. Amongst these ominous
occurrences it was reported from Reate that a mule had been foaled with
only three feet. The Keepers were ordered to consult the Sacred Books, and
they announced what deities were to be propitiated and what victims were to
be offered, and they also enjoined special intercessions for one day. After
this the Games which Q. Fulvius had vowed were exhibited on a grand scale
for ten days. Next came the election of censors. The new censors were M.
Aemilius Lepidus, Pontifex Maximus, and M. Fulvius Nobilior, who had
celebrated his triumph over the Aetolians. Between these two distinguished
men there was a feud which had often caused many violent quarrels between
them in the senate and before the Assembly. When the election was over the
censors took their seats, according to ancient custom, in curule chairs at the
altar of Mars in the Campus Martius. Suddenly the leaders of the senate
appeared, accompanied by a large body of citizens, and Q. Caecilius
Metellus addressed them in the following terms:
40.46
"We
have not forgotten, censors, that you have just been chosen by the universal
voice of the Roman people to superintend our morals, and that we must be
admonished and regulated by you, not you by us. We are, however, bound to
point out what it is in you that gives offence to all good citizens, or at all
events what they would prefer to see changed. When we contemplate you
each by himself, M. Aemilius and M. Fulvius, we feel that we have no one
amongst the citizens today whom, if we were recalled to the polling booths,
we should wish to take precedence of you. But when we behold you both
together we cannot help fearing that you are ill-suited for each other, and
that the unanimous vote in your favour will not benefit the commonwealth so
much as the entire absence of unanimity between yourselves will injure it.
For many years you have been cherishing violent and bitter feelings against
each other, and the danger is that these may prove more disastrous to us and
to the commonwealth than to you. Many considerations might be alleged,
unless you are deaf to all remonstrance, as to the causes of your mutual
hostility. We all of us with one voice implore you to put an end to these
quarrels on this day and on this hallowed ground; we ask that the men whom
the Roman people have associated together by their vote may through us be
reconciled to one another. Choose the senate, revise the equities, close the
lustrum with one mind, one judgment, so that when you repeat the formula
of almost all the prayers: 'May this prove to be a good and blessed thing for
me and my colleague,' you may in all sincerity desire and bring it about that it
shall so prove, so that what you have prayed for from the gods, we men may
believe you really wish for. In the very City where they met in hostile
encounter, Titus Tatius and Romulus reigned peacefully side by side. Not
only private quarrels, but even wars are put an end to; deadly enemies
generally prove the most faithful allies; sometimes they even become
fellow-citizens. When Alba was destroyed, the Albans were transferred to
Rome; the Latins and the Sabines have been admitted to our franchise. That
common saying: 'Friendships ought to be immortal, enmities mortal,' has
passed into a proverb because it is true."
Murmurs of approval were heard and then the voices of all present,
as though it were the voice of one making the same request, drowned the
speaker. Hereupon Aemilius, amongst other things, complained that he had
been twice rejected by M. Fulvius as a candidate for the consulship when he
was certain to win it. Fulvius, on the other hand, protested that he had been
constantly receiving provocation from Aemilius and had undergone the
humiliation of having to give security. They each, however, signified that if
the other was willing, he would bow to the authority of such an influential
body. As all present pressed their demand, the censors grasped each other's
hands and gave their word to dismiss all angry feelings and put an end to
their quarrel. They were then conducted to the Capitol amidst universal
applause, and the trouble which their leaders had taken over the matter and
the yielding temper of the censors received the approbation and praise of the
senate. The censors asked for a grant of money to spend on public works,
and one year's revenue was assigned to them.
40.47
The
propraetors in Spain agreed upon a common plan of operation; Albinus was
to march through Lusitania against the Vaccaei, and if the Celtiberian war
became more serious he was to return thither; Gracchus, meantime, was to
penetrate to the further borders of Celtiberia. Making a nocturnal attack on
the city of Munda, he took it at the first assault. After taking hostages and
placing a garrison to hold the place, he marched on, storming the forts and
burning the crops, till he came to another city of exceptional strength called
by the natives Certima. He was already bringing up his engines against the
walls when a deputation arrived from the town. Their words betrayed a
primitive simplicity; they made no concealment of their intention to continue
the struggle if they had the strength. They requested permission to visit the
Celtiberian camp and ask for help; if it were refused them they would take
counsel among themselves. Gracchus gave them permission, and in a few
days they returned, bringing with them ten more envoys. It was at the hour
of noon, and the first request they made to the praetor was that he would
order something to be given them to drink. After emptying the cups they
asked for more, and the bystanders burst into peals of laughter at such
boorishness and utter want of manners. Then the oldest amongst them
spoke: "We have been sent," he said, "by our nation to enquire on what it is
that you rely in carrying your arms against us." Gracchus told them that he
relied upon his splendid army, and if they wanted to see it for themselves so
that they might carry back a fuller account of it, he would give them the
opportunity of doing so. He then sent word to the military tribunes to order
the whole of the force, horse and foot, to equip themselves completely and
practice their maneuvers under arms. After this exhibition the envoys were
sent home, and they dissuaded their countrymen from sending any succour
to the besieged city. The townsmen kindled fires on their watch towers, but
when they found that it was in vain, and that their only hope of assistance
had failed them, they surrendered. A war indemnity of 2,400,000 sesterces
was levied upon them. They had also to give up forty youths who were in
their cavalry and belonged to their noblest families, not under the name of
hostages, for they were to serve in the Roman army, but as a matter of fact
they were pledges of the fidelity of their countrymen.
40.48
From
there he advanced to the city of Alce, where the camp from which the
envoys had come was located. For some days he confined himself to
annoying the enemy by sending skirmishers against his advanced posts, but
every day he sent them out in stronger force in order to draw the full
strength of the enemy outside his lines. When he saw that he had gained his
object, he ordered the commanders of the native auxiliaries to offer a slight
resistance and then turn back in hasty flight to their camp, as though they
were overborne by numbers. He in the meanwhile drew up his men at every
one of the gates of the camp. No long time had elapsed when he saw his men
flying back in a body with the enemy following in disorderly pursuit. Up to
this point he kept his men within their rampart, and now, only waiting till the
fugitives could find shelter within the camp, the battle-shout was raised and
the Romans burst forth from all the gates simultaneously. The enemy could
not stand against this unlooked-for attack. They had come up to storm the
Roman camp; now they could not even defend their own. Routed, put to
flight, driven in a panic inside their rampart, they at last lost their camp.
There were 9000 men killed that day, 320 taken prisoners, 112 horses and
37 military standards were captured. Out of the Roman army 109 fell.
40.49
From
the battlefield Gracchus led the legions further into Celtiberia, which he
ravaged and plundered. When the natives saw him carrying off their property
and driving away their cattle, some of the tribes bowed their necks to the
yoke voluntarily, others through fear, and within a few days he accepted the
surrender of a hundred and three towns and secured an enormous amount of
booty. Then he marched back to Alce and commenced the siege of that
place. At first the townsmen withstood the assaults, but when they found
themselves attacked by siege-engines as well as by arms, they lost confidence
in the protection of their walls and retired in a body to their citadel. Finally
they sent envoys to place themselves and all their property at the disposal of
the Romans. A large amount of booty was seized here. Many of their nobles
were taken, amongst them the two sons and the daughter of Thurrus. This
man was the chief of these tribes and by far the most powerful man in Spain.
On hearing of the disaster to his countrymen he sent to ask for a
safe-conduct while he visited Gracchus in his camp. When he arrived his first
question was whether he and his family would be allowed to live. On the
praetor replying that his life would be safe, he asked, further, whether he
would be allowed to fight on the side of the Romans. Gracchus granted that
request also, and then he said: "I will follow you against my old allies." From
that time he followed the Romans, and on many occasions his gallant and
faithful services were helpful to the Roman cause.
40.50
On
this, Ergavica, a powerful and influential city, alarmed at the disasters which
had befallen her neighbours, opened her gates to the Romans. Some
authorities assert that these surrenders were not made in good faith, and
wherever Gracchus withdrew his legions, hostilities were at once renewed;
also that he fought a great battle with the Celtiberi at Mt. Chaunus, lasting
from dawn till mid-day, and many fell on both sides. You would not suppose
from this that the Romans achieved any great success beyond the fact that
they challenged the enemy who kept within his lines, and also spent the
whole day in collecting the spoils. They assert, further, that on the third day
a still bigger battle was fought, and now at last the Celtiberi suffered a
decisive defeat; their camp was taken and plundered, 22,000 of the enemy
were killed, more than 300 taken prisoners, and about the same number of
horses and 72 military standards were taken. This finished the war and a real,
not an insincere peace, as before, was made. According to these authors, L.
Postumius fought with great success against the Vaccaei in Further Spain
this summer, killing 35,000 of the enemy and getting possession of their
camp. It would be nearer the truth to say that he arrived in his province too
late in the summer to undertake a campaign.
40.51
M.
Aemilius Lepidus, Pontifex Maximus and Censor, was himself chosen as
leader of the House. Lepidus kept some on the roll whom his colleague had
left out. The sums which had been granted to them for constructive works
were employed as follows. Lepidus constructed a breakwater at Terracina,
an unpopular proceeding because he had estates there and was charging to
the public account what should have been his private expenditure. He
contracted for the building of an auditorium and stage at the temple of
Apollo, and the polishing with chalk of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol
and the columns round it. He also removed the statues from the front of the
columns which blocked the view and took away all the shields and military
standards which had been fastened to them. M. Fulvius undertook more
numerous and more useful works. He constructed a wharf on the Tiber and
piles for a bridge on which some years later the censors P. Scipio Africanus
and L. Mummius erected arches. He built a court-house behind the new
bankers' establishments, a fish-market surrounded by shops, a market-square
and colonnade outside the Porta Trigemina, and other colonnades behind the
docks, at the fane of Hercules, behind the temple of Hope by the Tiber, and
one at the temple of Apollo Medicus. Besides the sums allotted to each they
had a certain amount to use in common, and this they devoted to the
construction of an aqueduct on arches. M. Licinius Crassus threw difficulties
in the way of this work, as he would not allow it to be carried through his
land. Various tolls were also initiated by them, and they fixed rents for the
use of the State lands. Many chapels and public buildings had been taken
possession of by private individuals; the censors made it their care that these
should preserve their sacred character and be accessible to the public. The
method of voting was revised by them, and through all the "regions" they
classified the tribes according to their status, their circumstances, and their
sources of income.
40.52
One of
the censors, M. Aemilius, asked the senate for a sum of money to be decreed
for the Games on the occasion of the dedication of Queen Juno and Diana,
which he had vowed eight years previously, during the Ligurian war. A sum
of 20,000 ases was granted. He dedicated the temples which both stood in
the Circus Flaminius, and exhibited scenic Games for three days after the
dedication of the temple of Juno, and for two days after the dedication of the
temple of Diana. He also dedicated a temple to the Lares Permarini in the
Campus Martius. This temple had been vowed by L. Aemilius Regillus
eleven years previously, during the naval action against the commanders of
King Antiochus. Above the folding-doors of the temple a tablet was affixed
with this inscription: "When Lucius the son of Marcus Aemilius went out to
battle to put an end to a great war and to subdue kings . . . The chief cause
of obtaining peace . . . under his auspicious command and fortunate
leadership the fleet of Antiochus, ever before invincible, was defeated,
shattered and put to flight between Ephesus, Samos and Chios, before the
very eyes of Antiochus and of his whole army, his cavalry and elephants. On
that day forty-two ships of war were captured there, with all their crews; and
after that battle had been fought, King Antiochus and his realm . . .
Wherefore, because of this action he vowed a temple to the Lares
Permarini." A similar tablet is fixed above the doors of the temple of Jupiter
on the Capitol.
40.53
Two
days after the censors had finished revising the roll of the senate the consul
Q. Fulvius set out for Liguria. After traversing with his army pathless
mountains and ravines and forests, he fought a pitched battle with the enemy,
and not only defeated him but seized his camp the same day; 3200 of the
enemy and the whole of that district made their surrender. The consul
brought them down into the plains and posted detachments to hold the
mountains. Despatches were quickly sent to Rome and a three days'
thanksgiving was decreed, the praetors sacrificing full-grown victims.
Nothing worth recording was done in Liguria by the other consul L.
Manlius. Three thousand men belonging to the transalpine Gauls crossed the
Alps into Italy without doing any injury, and asked the consuls and senate
for a grant of land, that they might live quietly under the sovereignty of
Rome. The senate ordered them to quit Italy, and Q. Fulvius was instructed
to seek out and take action against the prime instigators of this movement
across the Alps.
40.54
In the
course of this year Philip king of the Macedonians died, worn out with old
age and grief at the death of his son. He passed the winter at Demetrias, full
of poignant regret at the death of his son and of remorse for his own cruelty.
His feelings were still further embittered by the conduct of his other son,
who, in his own opinion and in that of others, was undoubtedly king, for all
eyes were turned towards him, and also by the desertion of his friends in his
old age, some waiting for his death, others not even waiting for it. This was
a greater source of anxiety to him as it was to Antigonus the son of
Echecrates, who bore the name of his paternal uncle, Antigonus. The uncle
had been Philip's guardian, a man of kingly dignity, distinguished, too, for his
conduct in the famous battle against Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian. This
man's nephew, Antigonus, out of all those whom Philip had honoured with
his friendship, alone remained uncorrupted, and this loyalty made Perseus,
who had never been friendly to him, his bitterest enemy. He foresaw the
danger in which he would be involved by the heritage of the crown
descending to Perseus, and as soon as he saw the king's feelings changing,
and heard him deploring the loss of his son, he used sometimes to be a silent
listener; at others he would lead the king to speak of the incident as
unpremeditated, and in this way often showed active sympathy with his grief.
And as truth usually gives signs of its presence, so it was here, and he
followed up the traces to the utmost of his power so that everything might
be the sooner brought to light. Suspicion attached mainly to Apelles and
Philocles as the authors of the crime; they were the men who had gone in the
character of envoys to Rome, and had brought back the letter forged in the
name of Flamininus which had proved so fatal to Demetrius.
40.55
It was
commonly said in the palace that the letter was a forgery concocted by one
of the secretaries and sealed with a counterfeit seal. Whilst, however, there
was as yet no clear evidence, only suspicion, Xychus happened to meet
Antigonus, who had him promptly arrested and conveyed to the palace.
Leaving him there under guard he went in to Philip and said to the king: "I
think I have understood from my many conversations with you that you
would value very highly the opportunity of learning the whole truth about
your sons, which of them was the victim of the cunning and treachery of the
other. The one man in the whole world who can unravel the knot, namely
Xychus, is in your hands. I met him by chance and had him brought to the
palace; order him to be summoned." When brought in he at first denied
everything, but with such hesitancy that a moderate appeal to his fears would
obviously make him a ready informer. The sight of the executioner with his
scourge was too much for him, and he explained in full detail the villainy of
the two envoys and the way he had acted as their tool. Men were at once
despatched to arrest them. Philocles was seized on the spot; Apelles, who
had been in pursuit of a certain Chaereas, on learning that Xychus was
turned informer, sailed for Italy. The fate of Philocles is not certain.
According to some writers he, at first, stoutly denied; afterwards, confronted
with Xychus, he no longer held out. Others say that even when put to the
torture he still maintained his innocence. Philip's grief and distress were
awakened afresh. He considered that the unhappiness caused by his children
was made more painful by the survival of the one than by the death of the
other.
40.56
On
being informed that everything had been disclosed, Perseus, whilst feeling
himself strong enough to avoid the necessity of flight, took care,
nevertheless, to keep well out of the way, and prepared to protect himself
from the flames of his father's wrath, as long as he was alive. Philip, hopeless
of being able to inflict punishment on the person of his son, made it his aim
to prevent him, whilst escaping punishment, from enjoying the rewards of his
wickedness as well. Accordingly he summoned Antigonus, to whom he was
under such obligations for the detection of the fratricide, and who he
thought, owing to the glory recently won by his uncle, Antigonus, might be
one whom the Macedonians would not be ashamed of or disappointed in as
their king. "Antigonus," he began, "now that my condition is such that the
childlessness which other fathers regard as a curse I am compelled to regard
as a thing to be wished for, I have resolved to leave to you the kingdom
which your gallant uncle not only defended but augmented by his fidelity and
watchfulness. You are the only one I have whom I judge worthy of the
crown; if I had no one I would rather have my kingdom perish and disappear
than that Perseus should have it as the prize of treachery and murder. I
should feel that Demetrius had been recalled from the tomb, if I could leave
you to take his place, you who have shed tears over the death of an innocent
victim and wept at my terrible mistake."
From this time he was continually advancing him from one honour
to another. Whilst Perseus was away in Thrace, Philip made a progress
through the cities of Macedonia, and recommended Antigonus to their
leading men, and had he lived longer he would undoubtedly have left him in
actual possession of the crown. Leaving Demetrias, he stopped for a
considerable time at Thessalonica. From there he travelled to Amphipolis,
and here he became seriously ill. But he was more sick in mind than in body.
He was a prey to gloomy fears and sleeplessness; again and again the form
and shade of his innocent murdered son threw him into violent agitation. He
died whilst invoking terrible curses on the other one. Antigonus could,
however, have been warned, had he been at hand, or had the king's death
been openly announced in the palace. Calligenes, the head physician, did not
anticipate it so soon. When the case became hopeless he sent the news as
had been mutually agreed, to Perseus by a relay of messengers and concealed
the fact from all outside the palace pending his arrival.
40.57
Perseus took them all by surprise; they
were unaware of what had happened and were not in the least expecting him.
He seized the throne which he had gained by crime. The death of Philip
occurred very opportunely as regarded the postponement of hostilities and
the concentration of the resources for war. A few days later the tribe of the
Bastarnae, after repeated invitations, left their homes and crossed the Hister
with a large body of infantry and cavalry. Antigonus and Cotto -a
Bastarnian noble -went in advance to inform the king. Antigonus had
previously been sent with this same Cotto to induce the Bastarnae to move.
Not far from Amphipolis they heard a report, and soon afterwards were met
by messengers who announced the king's death. This completely upset their
plans. It had been settled that Philip would afford the Bastarnae a safe
passage through Thrace and supply them with provisions. To ensure this he
had bribed the chiefs in the districts to be traversed and had pledged his
word that the Bastarnae would pass through peacefully. It was intended to
exterminate the Dardani and to make a home for the Bastarnae in their
territory. There was to be a double advantage in this; the Dardani, who had
always been bitter enemies to Macedonia, and ready to fall on her in times of
misfortune, would be put out of the way, and the Bastarnae could leave their
wives and children in Dardania and be sent on to devastate Italy. The way to
the Hadriatic and to Italy lay through the Scordisci; that was the only
practicable route for an army, and the Scordisci were expected to grant a
passage to the Bastarnae without any difficulty, for neither in speech nor
habits were they dissimilar, and it was hoped that they would unite forces
with them when they saw that they were going to secure the plunder of a
very wealthy nation. Thus Philip's plans were adapted to either alternative. If
the Bastarnae were defeated by the Romans, the extermination of the
Dardani, the plunder of what remained of the Bastarnae, and the
unchallenged possession of Dardania would be some consolation to him; if
on the other hand they met with success and the Romans were recalled to a
war with the Bastarnae, he would win back what he had lost in Greece. Such
were Philip's schemes.
40.58
At the
outset the Bastarnae marched in peaceable and orderly fashion. But after
Cotto and Antigonus had left them and the news of Philip's death arrived a
few days later, the Thracians began to make difficulties about providing a
market. Unable to buy what they needed, the Bastarnae could not be kept in
their ranks nor prevented from straggling. This led to acts of violence on
both sides, and as these became daily more aggressive, war broke out. In the
end the Thracians, finding themselves unable to withstand the numbers and
the fierceness of their assailants, left their villages in the plains and retired to
a mountain of immense height called Donuca. While the Bastarnae were
preparing to follow them, a storm similar to that which is said to have
destroyed the Gauls while plundering Delphi burst upon them as they were
nearing the summit. They were overwhelmed by a deluge of rain, followed
by a heavy hailstorm accompanied with the crashing of thunder peals and
blinding flashes of lightning. The lightning played everywhere round them; it
seemed as though it were aimed at the men; not only the common soldiers
but their chiefs were struck down. As they floundered and fell in blind
headlong flight amongst the beetling cliffs, they were closely pursued by the
Thracians; but they said to themselves that the gods were causing their flight
and the heavens were falling on them. Scattered by the storm like
shipwrecked sailors, they at last reached their camp, most having lost their
arms, and then began to deliberate as to what they were to do. Opinions
were divided; some were for returning home, others wanted to invade
Dardania. About 30,000 men, led by Clondicus, succeeded in reaching
Dardania; the rest of the host retraced their steps and made their way into
the inland district of Apollonia. After gaining possession of the crown,
Perseus ordered Antigonus to be put to death. Whilst he was strengthening
himself on the throne, he sent an embassy to Rome to renew the friendship
which had existed in his father's time and to request the senate to recognise
him as king. These were the events of the year in Macedonia.
40.59
Q.
Fulvius celebrated his triumph over the Ligurians, but it was generally
believed that this triumph was granted to him more on personal grounds than
because of the importance of his victories. He had a large amount of enemy
arms carried in the procession, but no considerable sum of money. However,
he distributed 300 ases to each of the legionaries, twice as much to each
centurion, and three times as much to each of the cavalry. The most striking
thing about this triumph was that he happened to celebrate it on the same
day as his triumph the preceding year after his praetorship. Immediately after
his triumph he fixed the day for the elections. The new consuls were M.
Junius Brutus and A. Manlius Vulso. Three of the praetors had been elected
when a storm interrupted the proceedings. The next day the remaining three
were elected, namely, M. Titinius Curvus, Ti. Claudius Nero, and T.
Fonteius Capitol The Roman Games were exhibited afresh by the curule
aediles Cnaeus Servilius Caepio and Appius Claudius Cento in consequence
of some portents which had occurred. There was an earthquake. Whilst a
lectisternium was going on in the public shrines the deities on their couches
turned away their heads from the offerings set before them, and the coverlet
with the covers of the dishes set before Jupiter fell from the table. The olives
were nibbled by mice before they were placed before the gods, and this was
regarded as a portent. Nothing beyond the repetition of the Games was done
in the way of expiating these portents.
End of Book 40