Livy's History of Rome: Book 43
The Third Macedonian War -Continued
43.1
During this summer
the commander whom the consul had sent into Illyria attacked two wealthy
and prosperous towns. Cerenia was forced into surrender and he allowed the
inhabitants to retain their possessions, hoping by this example of his
clemency to induce the people of the strongly fortified city Carnuns to go
over to him. He was unable, however, either to compel them to surrender or
to take the place by siege, and in order that the fatigues which his men had
undergone in the two sieges might bring them some return, he sacked the
city which he had previously left unmolested. The other consul, who had had
Gaul assigned to him, C. Cassius, did nothing worth mentioning there and
tried, unsuccessfully however, to lead his legions through Illyria into
Macedonia. The senate heard of his proposed expedition through a
deputation sent from Aquileia. They explained that theirs was a new colony
and not yet in a satisfactory state of defence, lying as it did between two
hostile nations, the Histri and the Illyrians. They asked the senate to consider
how the colony could be protected. On the question being put to them
whether they would like that matter to be entrusted to the consul C. Cassius,
they replied that he had ordered his army to Aquileia and had started through
Illyria for Macedonia, -the thing was at first thought incredible, and the
senators all supposed that he had probably commenced hostilities against the
Carni or the Histri. Then the Aquileians observed that they knew nothing
further and would not venture to assert anything more than that corn for
thirty days had been given to the soldiers and that guides who knew the
routes from Italy to Macedonia had been found and taken with the army.
The senate were intensely indignant at the consul's having dared to take so
much upon him as to abandon his own province and trespass upon that of
another, leading his army by an unknown and perilous route through strange
tribes, and opening up the way for so many nations into Italy. They made a
decree in a crowded House that the praetor C. Sulpicius should select three
members of the senate who were to start that very day and, making their way
as speedily as possible, find the consul wherever he was, and warn him not to
make a hostile move against any nation without the authorisation of the
senate. The commissioners selected were M. Cornelius Cethegus, M. Fulvius
and P. Marcius Rex. Fears for the consul and the army prevented for the
time any attention being given to the fortification of Aquileia.
43.2
After this
a deputation from the natives of both the provinces of Spain were admitted
to an audience of the senate. They complained of the rapacity and oppression
of the Roman magistrates, and falling on their knees, begged the senate not
to suffer the allies of Rome to be robbed and ill-treated in a more shameful
manner than even their enemies were treated. There were other indignities
that they complained of, but the evidence bore chiefly upon the illegal
seizure of money. L Canuleius, to whom Spain had been allotted, was
instructed to appoint five recuperatores drawn from the senatorial order to
try each of the individuals from whom the Spaniards demanded redress, and
also to give the complainants permission to take whomsoever they pleased as
counsel. The deputation were called into the senate-house and the decree
was read over to them, and they were told to nominate their counsel. They
named four -M. Porcius Cato, P. Cornelius Scipio, L. Aemilius Paulus, and
C. Sulpicius Gallus. The recuperatores commenced with the case of M.
Titinius, who had been praetor in Hither Spain during the consulship of A.
Manlius and M. Junius. The case was twice adjourned, at the third sitting the
defendant was acquitted. There was a difference between the deputies, those
from Hither Spain chose M. Cato and Scipio as their counsel, those from
Further Spain, L. Paulus and Gallus Sulpicius. The former brought P. Furius
Philus, the latter M. Matienus before the recuperatores. Philus had been
praetor three years previously and M. Matienus in the following year. Both
were charged with very serious offences; the proceedings were adjourned
and when the whole case was to be gone into again it was pleaded on behalf
of the defendants that they had gone into voluntary exile, Furius to Praeneste
and Matienus to Tibur. There was a rumour that the complainants were
prevented by their counsel from summoning members of the nobility and
men of influence, and these suspicions were increased by the action of
Canuleius. He dropped the business altogether and began to levy troops,
then he suddenly went off to his province to prevent any more people from
being worried by the Spaniards. Although the past was thus silently effaced,
the senate provided for the future by acceding to the demand of the
Spaniards and making a regulation that the Roman magistrate should not
have the valuing of the corn, nor compel the Spaniards to sell their
twentieths at whatever price he chose, and also that officers should not be
forced upon their towns for the collection of taxes and tribute.
43.3
Another
deputation from Spain arrived, who represented a new race of men. They
declared themselves to be sprung from Roman soldiers and Spanish women
who were not legally married. There were over 4000 of them, and they
prayed that a town might be given them to live in. The senate decreed that
they should send in their own names and the names of any whom they had
manumitted to L. Canuleius, and they should be settled on the ocean shore at
Carteia, and any of the Carteians who wished to remain there should be
allowed to join the colonists and receive an allotment of land. This place
became a Latin colony and was called the "Colony of the Libertini." The
African prince Gulussa, Masinissa's son, arrived in Rome simultaneously
with a deputation from Carthage. Audience was granted to Gulussa first. He
described the nature of the force that his father had sent for the Macedonian
war and promised, should the senate require anything more, that he would
supply their demands, out of gratitude for the kindness which the people of
Rome had shown towards him. He then warned the senate to be on their
guard against the bad faith of the Carthaginians; they had formed the design
of fitting out a great fleet, ostensibly to assist the Romans against the
Macedonians. When this fleet was equipped and manned they would have it
in their power to choose whom they would as an enemy or an ally . . . .
43.4
They
entered the camp displaying the heads and created such a panic that if the
army had been brought up at once the camp might have been taken. Even as
it was, there was a general flight, and some thought that envoys ought to be
sent to beg for peace. A large number of communities when they heard what
had happened made their surrender. They tried to clear themselves by
throwing all the blame on the madness of two men who had voluntarily
offered themselves for punishment. The praetor pardoned them and
immediately set out to visit other cities. Everywhere he found his orders
were being carried out and his army was unmolested. The country through
which he passed, and which had been so shortly before seething with unrest
and turbulence, was now quiet and peaceable. This gentleness on the part of
the praetor, who had curbed the temper of a most warlike nation without
bloodshed, was all the more welcomed by the senate and the plebs as the war
in Greece had been conducted in a most ruthless and rapacious spins both by
the consul Licinius and the praetor Lucretius The tribunes of the plebs were
perpetually holding up to odium the absent Lucretius in their speeches,
though it was pleaded on his behalf that he was absent in the service of the
republic. But people in those days were so ignorant of what was going on in
their vicinity that he was actually at that very time residing on his estate at
Antium, and was bringing water to that town from the Loracina from his
share of the spoils of the war. It is said that this work cost 130,000 ases. He
also decorated the shrine of Aesculapius with pictures which had formed part
of the plunder.
The general odium and disgrace which Lucretius had incurred were
diverted from him to his successor, Hortensius. A deputation from Abdera
arrived in Rome, and stood weeping in the porch of the senate-house and
protesting that their town had been stormed and sacked by Hortensius. He
had ordered them to supply 100,000 denarii and 50,000 modii of wheat, and
they asked for time to send to the consul Hostilius and to Rome. Hardly had
they reached the consul when they heard that their town had been taken by
storm, their leaders beheaded and the rest of the population sold into slavery.
The senate regarded this as a disgraceful proceeding and they made the same
decree in the case of the Abderites that they had made the previous year in
the case of the Coronaeans, with instructions to the praetor to announce the
decree to the Assembly. Two commissioners, C. Sempronius Blaesus and
Sextius Julius Caesar, were sent to restore the Abderites to freedom, and to
inform Hostilius and Hortensius that the senate considered the attack upon
Abdera as utterly unjustifiable, and demanded that search should be made for
all who were enslaved in order that they might be set free.
43.5
At the
same time complaints were laid against C. Cassius, who had been consul the
year before and was now serving as military tribune in Macedonia with A.
Hostilius. The brother of the king of the Gauls, Cincibilus, headed the
deputation, and charged Cassius before the senate with devastating the fields
of Alpine tribes who were friendly to Rome, and carrying off many
thousands into slavery. They were followed by deputations from the Carni,
the Histri and the Iapydes. They informed the senate that in the first instance
Cassius required them to furnish guides to direct his route while he was
leading his army into Macedonia. He left them quite peaceably, his intention
being apparently to make war elsewhere, and then in the middle of his march
he turned back and invaded their territory, spreading everywhere bloodshed,
rapine and fire, nor did they up to that moment know the consul's reason for
treating them as enemies. The reply which the senate made to these
deputations and to the Gaulish prince, who had left Rome, was to the effect
that with regard to the subjects of complaint, they were quite unaware that
such things would happen, and if they had happened they did not sanction
them. It would, however, be unjust for a man of consular rank to be indicted
and condemned in his absence, when he was absent in the service of the
commonwealth. When C. Cassius had returned from Macedonia, the senate
would, if they wished to bring their charges against him in his presence,
investigate the facts and make it their business to give them satisfaction.
They did not confine themselves to a verbal reply; it was decided that two
commissioners should be sent to the prince beyond the Alps and to the three
surrounding tribes to make known the senate's decision. They also agreed
that presents ought to be made to each of the envoys to the value of 2000
ases. To the two princes were given two gold chains five pounds in weight,
five pieces of silver plate twenty pounds in weight, two horses caparisoned
and their grooms with them, outfits of cavalry armour and military cloaks,
and for their suites, including the slaves, wearing apparel. They requested
and were allowed to purchase each ten horses and to take them out of Italy.
The commissioners who accompanied the Gauls beyond the Alps were C.
Laelius and M. Aemilius Lepidus; to the other communities C. Sicinius, P.
Cornelius Blasio, and T. Memmius.
43.6
There
was a gathering of numerous deputations from Greece and Asia in Rome.
The Athenians were the first to obtain an audience. They explained that they
had sent to the consul and the praetor what ships and soldiers they had. They
had, however, made no use of them, but demanded 100,000 modii of corn.
Though the soil which they tilled was unproductive and even the cultivators
themselves had to be fed on corn from abroad, they had nevertheless made
up the amount that they should not fail in their duty, and they were prepared
to supply other things which might be required. The people of Miletus
mentioned that they had not furnished anything, but expressed their readiness
to carry out any orders the senate might wish to give with regard to the war.
The people of Alabanda stated that they had built a temple to "The City of
Rome" and had instituted annual Games in honour of that deity. They had
also brought a golden crown weighing fifty pounds to be placed in the
Capitol as an offering to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and 300 cavalry shields
which they would hand over to whomsoever the senate might name. They
requested to be allowed to place the gift in the Capitol and to offer
sacrifices. The deputation from Lampsacus, who had brought a crown eighty
pounds in weight, made the same request. They explained that though they
had been under the rule of Perseus and of his father Philip before him, they
had revolted as soon as the Roman army appeared in Macedonia. In
consideration of this and of their having given all possible assistance to the
Roman commanders they made this one request that they might be admitted
amongst the friends of Rome and if peace were made with Perseus they
might be left out of the conditions so as not to fall again under the power of
the king. A gracious answer was vouchsafed to the other deputations; in the
case of the Lampsacans the praetor Q. Mucius was instructed to enrol them
amongst the allied States. Each of the delegates received a present of 2000
ases. The Alabandians were told to take the shields to A. Hostilius in
Macedonia.
Legates from Carthage and from Masinissa arrived simultaneously
in Rome. The Carthaginians reported that they had taken down to the coast
one million modii of wheat and half a million of barley, to be transported
wherever the senate should order. They knew, they said, that this gift, which
they regarded as a duty, was not adequate to the services which the Roman
people had rendered, nor was it what they would have wished to give, but on
other occasions, when both nations were in a prosperous condition, they had
fulfilled the duty of loyal and grateful allies. Masinissa's representatives
promised to furnish the same amount of wheat, 1200 cavalry and 12
elephants, and asked the senate to say if anything else was required, as he
would supply that just as readily as what he had voluntarily offered Thanks
were accorded to the Carthaginians and to the king, and they were asked to
forward the supplies they had promised to the consul Hostilius in
Macedonia. Each member of the legations received a gift of 2000 ases.
43.7
The
Cretan delegates assured the senate that they had sent into Macedonia as
large a body of archers as the consul had demanded. When questioned, they
did not deny the number of their archers serving with Perseus was greater
than that serving with the Romans. The senate, in reply to this, told the
Cretans that if they were earnest and resolute in their determination to prefer
the friendship of Rome to that of Perseus, the Roman senate would treat
them as faithful allies. Meantime, they were to take back word to their
people that it was the senate's wish that the Cretans should see to it that as
many as possible of the soldiers serving with Perseus should be recalled.
With this reply the Cretans were dismissed and the Chalcidians were called
in. The entrance of this deputation caused a sensation, for Micion, their
leader, was brought in on a litter as he had lost the use of his feet. It was at
once recognised that the business on which he had come must be of vital
importance, for, afflicted as he was, he either had not thought it right to ask
to be excused on the ground of health, or if he had done so, he had met with
a refusal. He began by saying that there was nothing alive in him except his
tongue to deplore the calamities of his native land, and then went on to
enumerate the services that Chalcis had rendered to the Roman generals and
their armies in the past and now in the war with Perseus. He then described
the tyrannical, rapacious and brutal treatment which the Roman praetor C.
Lucretius had meted out to his countrymen and the way in which L.
Hortensius was actually behaving at the present moment. Though they
thought it better to suffer even worse things than these, rather than abandon
their allegiance, they were convinced, so far as Lucretius and Hortensius
were concerned, that it would have been safer to close their gates than to
admit them into the city. The cities which had shut them out were unharmed;
in their own case the temples had been despoiled of their adornments and the
sacrilegious plunder had been carried off by Lucretius in his ships to Antium;
the persons of freemen had been hurried away into slavery; the property of
the allies of Rome had been plundered and was being plundered every day.
Following the precedent set by C. Lucretius, Hortensius kept his crews in
billets winter and summer alike; their homes were filled with rowdy sailors,
these men were living amongst them, their wives and their children, men who
did not in the least care what they said or did.
43.8
The
senate decided to send for Lucretius, that he might meet his accusers and
clear himself from their charges. When, however, he put in an appearance he
had to listen to many more accusations than those made in his absence, and
accusers now came forward of greater weight and authority in the persons of
two tribunes of the plebs, M. Juventius Thalna and Cnaeus Aufidius. They
not only handled him very severely in the senate, they compelled him to
appear before the Assembly, and after he had been exposed to much
vituperation and obloquy a day was fixed for his trial. The senate gave the
following reply to the Chalcidians through the praetor Q. Maenius: "With
regard to the services which they say they have rendered to Rome, the senate
is aware that they are stating what is true, and they are duly grateful to them.
As to the complaints of the conduct of C. Lucretius and L. Hortensius, no
one who knew that the war with Perseus and his father before him was
entered upon by the people of Rome on behalf of the liberty of Greece and
not that their friends and allies should suffer at the hands of their magistrates
-no one who knew this could possibly imagine that such conduct was in
accordance with the wish or had the concurrence of the senate. They would
send a letter to L. Hortensius informing him that the acts which the
Chalcidians complained of were displeasing to the senate, and whatever
freemen had gone into slavery he was to make it his care that they were
discovered as soon as possible and restored to freedom. The senate insisted
that no member of the crews, with the exception of the captains, should be
billeted in private houses." Such was the gist of the despatch sent to
Hortensius. Each of the delegates received a present of 2000 ases, and
carriages were hired at the public cost to convey Micion in comfort to
Brundisium. When the day of trial came, the tribunes indicted Lucretius
before the Assembly and demanded a fine of 100,000 ases. When the votes
were taken it was found that the thirty-five tribes had unanimously found him
guilty.
43.9
In
Liguria nothing of any importance took place, the enemy made no hostile
movement and the consul did not take his legions into their country. As he
was tolerably certain that there would be peace for that year, he demobilised
the men of the two Roman legions within two months of his coming into the
province. The army of the Latin allies went early into winter quarters at Luna
and Pisae, and he with his cavalry visited most of the towns in his province
of Gaul. Nowhere but in Macedonia was there a state of war. Gentius,
however, the king of Illyria, had fallen under suspicion. The senate
accordingly made an order that eight ships fully fitted out and manned
should be sent from Brundisium to C. Furius, who with two ships furnished
by the inhabitants was in charge of the island of Issa. Two thousand soldiers
were placed on board the eight ships; they had been raised by M. Raecius, on
instructions from the senate, in that part of Italy which lies opposite to
Illyria. The consul Hostilius sent Appius Claudius with 4000 infantry into
Illyria to protect the adjacent population. Not feeling satisfied with the
troops he had brought with him, Claudius made the friendly cities furnish
him with troops, and he succeeded in arming a mixed force of 8000 men.
After marching through the whole of that district he fixed his headquarters at
Lychnidus, a town in Dassaretia.
43.10
Not
far from there lay the town of Uscana; its territory mostly lay in Perseus'
dominions. It had a population of 10,000 and a small detachment of Cretans
was garrisoned there to protect it. A secret message was sent to Claudius
assuring him that if he would approach the city there were men ready to
betray it to him, and it would be worth his while to do so, as he would be
able to enrich not only himself and his friends but his soldiers also with the
plunder. The prospect thus held out to his avaricious disposition so blinded
him that he did not detain a single person amongst those who came with the
message, nor did he demand hostages as a security against treachery, nor did
he send anyone to ascertain the facts, nor did he insist upon an oath to
guarantee the good faith of those who made the offer. He simply advanced
upon the appointed day to a spot within twelve miles of the city where he
encamped. At the first watch he went forward, leaving about 1000 men to
guard the camp. His troops reached the city in no proper formation, spread
out in a long column, and few in number, having become separated from one
another through losing their way in the darkness of the night. Their
carelessness increased when they saw no armed men on the walls. As soon,
however, as they came within range, a sortie was made simultaneously from
two gates. Above the shouts of those who were sallying forth a horrible din
arose from the walls, women yelling and banging brazen vessels, whilst the
air resounded with the discordant cries of a rabble of townsfolk and slaves.
These appalling sights and sounds, multiplied in all directions, so unnerved
the Romans that they could not withstand the first onset which burst upon
them like a storm. More were killed in flight than in actual fighting, barely
2000 men, including Claudius himself, gained their camp. The distance they
had to cover made it all the easier for the enemy to overtake them, wearied
as they were. Appius did not even stay in his camp to rally the fugitives as
they came in, though this would have saved many who were straggling
through the fields. He at once took the remnant of his force back to
Lychnidus.
43.11
These
and other unsuccessful operations in Macedonia were ascertained from
Sextus Digitius, a military tribune who had come to Rome to offer sacrifices.
The senators were afraid that still deeper humiliation might be incurred, and
they sent M. Fulvius Flaccus and M. Caninius Rebilus into Macedonia to find
out what was going on and to report. The consul A. Atilius was requested to
give notice that the consular elections would be held in January, and to
return to the City as soon as he possibly could. In the meantime, M. Raecius
was instructed to recall all the senators in Italy to Rome, except those on
business of the State, and to prohibit any who were in Rome from going
more than a mile from the City. All these measures were carried out. The
consular elections were held on January 28, the new consuls being Q.
Marcius Philippus, for the second time, and Cnaeus Servilius Caepio, and
two days later the following praetors were elected: C. Decimius, M.
Claudius Marcellus, C. Sulpicius Gallus, C. Marcius Figulus, Ser. Cornelius
Lentulus, and P. Fonteius Capito. Four provinces in addition to the civic
jurisdiction were assigned to them, viz. Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the
command of the fleet.
Towards the end of February the commission returned from
Macedonia. They described the successes which Perseus had gained and the
serious alarm felt by the allies of Rome at so many cities being secured by
the king. The consul's army was much reduced in numbers owing to the
indiscriminate granting of furloughs in order to curry favour with the
soldiers, the consul threw the blame for this on the military tribunes, the
military tribunes threw it back on the consul. The senate were given to
understand that they made light of Claudius' ignominious defeat; amongst
those lost, it was explained, were very few Italian troops, they were mostly
those who had been conscripted for the irregular force. As soon as the new
consuls entered upon office they were instructed to bring up the question of
Macedonia; Macedonia and Italy were assigned as their provinces. This year
(B.C. 170) was an intercalary one, the additional days being intercalated two
days after the Terminalia. During its course some members of the priesthood
died, L. Flamininus . . . Two of the pontiffs passed away, L. Furius Philus
and C. Livius Salinator. The pontiffs elected T. Manlius Torquatus in place
of Furius and M. Servilius in place of Livius.
43.12
When
at the beginning of the new year the consuls consulted the senate about their
provinces, it was decided that as soon as possible they should come to an
agreement or else ballot for Macedonia and Italy. Before the ballot gave its
decision and the question was still undecided so that personal bias could not
influence the senate, they decreed the necessary reinforcements for each
province; for Macedonia, 6000 Roman infantry and 6000 raised from the
Latin allies, 250 Roman and 300 allied cavalry. The old soldiers were
discharged, so that for each of the Roman legions there were not more than
6000 infantry and 300 cavalry. In the case of the other consul no definite
number of Roman citizens was fixed for him from which to select
reinforcements, he was only ordered to raise two legions, each to consist of
5200 infantry and 300 cavalry. A larger proportion of Latin and allied troops
was decreed to him than to his colleague -10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry.
Four additional legions were to be raised for service wherever they were
wanted. For these legions the consuls were not allowed to select the military
tribunes, the people elected them. The Latin allies were required to supply
16,000 infantry and 1000 cavalry. It was intended that this force should only
be in readiness to go wherever circumstances demanded its presence.
Macedonia was the main cause of anxiety. To man the fleet 1000 Roman
citizens of the status of freedmen and 500 from the rest of Italy were
impressed; the same number was to be raised in Sicily, and the magistrate to
whom that province was allotted received instructions to see that they were
shipped to wherever the fleet was stationed off Macedonia. Three thousand
Roman infantry and 300 cavalry were despatched to reinforce the troops in
Spain. There also the number of soldiers in each legion was fixed at 5200
infantry and 300 cavalry. The praetor who was to command in Spain was
instructed to demand from the allies 4000 infantry and 300 cavalry.
43.13
I am
quite aware that the spirit of indifference which in these days makes men in
general refuse to believe that the gods warn us through portents, also
prevents any portents whatever from being either made public or recorded in
the annals. But as I narrate the events of ancient times I find myself
possessed by the ancient spirit, and a religious feeling constrains me to
regard the matters which those wise and thoughtful men considered
deserving of their attention as worthy of a place in my pages. At Anagnia
two portents were announced this year: a fiery torch had been seen in the sky
and a cow had spoken; the cow was being fed at the public cost. At
Menturnae also the appearance of the sky was as though it was on fire. At
Reate there was a shower of stones. At Cumae the Apollo in the citadel shed
tears for three days and three nights. Two temple custodians in the City of
Rome announced portents; one stated that a crested snake had been seen by
several persons in the Temple of Fortune; the other declared that two
distinct portents had appeared in the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia on the
Quirinal, a palm tree sprang up in the temple precinct and a rain of blood had
fallen in the daytime. There were two portents which were not taken into
consideration, one because it occurred on private, the other on foreign soil.
The former was reported by T. Marcius Figulus, a palm tree had sprung up
in the inner court of his house; the latter by L. Atreus who stated that in his
house at Fregellae a spear which he had bought for his soldier son was in
flames for more than two hours in broad daylight, but no part of it was
consumed by the fire. The Keepers consulted the Sacred Books about those
portents which affected the State and gave the names of the deities to be
propitiated. They directed that the expiatory sacrifices should consist of forty
of the larger victims and be performed by the consuls; all the magistrates
were to join in offering similar sacrifices at every shrine; there were to be
special intercessions and the people were to wear chaplets of bay. These
directions were carefully carried out.
43.14
Then
notice was given of the election of censors. Some of the leading men in the
commonwealth were candidates, such as C. Valerius Laevinus, L. Postumius
Albinus, P. Mucius Scaevola, M. Junius Brutus, C. Claudius Pulcher, and
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. The two latter were elected censors by the
people of Rome. Though, owing to the Macedonian war, greater care than
usual was being shown in the raising of new troops, the consuls complained
of the plebs in the senate, the younger men were avoiding enlistment. The
two praetors C. Sulpicius and M. Claudius put forward the case for the
plebs. The difficulty was due to the consuls, not because they were consuls,
but because they were popularity-hunting consuls, they made no man a
soldier against his will. That the senate might see how true this was, they, the
praetors, though they had less power and authority, were prepared, if the
senate approved, to carry the enlistment through. The senate quite approved
and the praetors were entrusted with the task, not without some insulting
remarks from the consuls. In order to help them the censors announced in a
meeting of the Assembly that they should make it a rule in their assessment
that in addition to the oath taken by all the citizens, the following questions
must be answered: "Are you under 46 years of age? Have you come forward
to be enrolled as required by the edict of the censors, C. Claudius and
Tiberius Sempronius? As long as these censors are in office, will you,
whenever troops are being raised, come forward to be enrolled if you have
not already been made a soldier?" Moreover, owing to a report that many
men in the legions in Macedonia were absent from the army, the
commanders having granted furloughs for all sorts of reasons, that they
might be popular, they issued an edict requiring all soldiers who had been
conscripted in the consulship of P. Aelius and C. Popilius or subsequently,
and were at the time in Italy, to return to Macedonia within thirty days after
making their returns to the censors. Those who were under the guardianship
of father or grandfather must give in the names of these to the censors. The
censors would investigate the reasons for discharge, and where men had
been discharged before serving their time simply as a favour they should
order them to resume their place in the ranks. This notice of the censors was
published in all the towns throughout Italy, and such a multitude of men of
military age flocked to Rome that the City was inconveniently crowded by
the unusual influx.
43.15
In
addition to the troops which had to be raised as reinforcements, four legions
were enrolled by the praetor C. Sulpicius and the enrolment was completed
within eleven days. The consuls now balloted for their provinces; the
praetors had already done so, on account of the jurisdiction. The civic
jurisdiction fell to C. Sulpicius, the alien to C. Decimius, Spain to M.
Claudius Marcellus, Sicily to Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, Sardinia to P. Fonteius
Capito, the command of the fleet to C. Marcius Figulus. Of the two consular
provinces, Italy fell to Cn. Servilius and Macedonia to Q. Marcius, and he
started as soon as the Latin Festival was over. On Caepio's consulting the
senate as to which two out of the four newly-raised legions he should take
with him into Gaul, the senate decreed that C. Sulpicius and M. Claudius
should give the consul what legions they thought fit out of those they had
raised. The consul was highly indignant at being thus subjected to the will of
the praetors, and after dismissing the senate stood at the praetors' tribunal
and demanded that in accordance with the senate's resolution they should
give him two legions. The praetors left the consul at liberty to select them.
The censors next revised the roll of the senate. They chose M. Aemilius
Lepidus as leader of the House, and they were the third censors who did so.
Seven names were removed from the roll. In revising the assessment of the
citizens they discovered from the returns how many men from the army in
Macedonia were absent from the standards and they compelled them to
return to duty. They investigated the grounds of dismissal and in all cases
where there did not appear so far any just reason for it they required the
following question to be answered on oath: "Will you pledge yourself
without reserve or evasion to return to Macedonia in obedience to the edict
of the censors, C. Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius?"
43.16
The
revision of the register of the equites was strict and drastic. Many were
degraded from the order, and this action was resented by the whole body of
the equites. The ill-will thus evoked was further aggravated by an edict
which the censors published forbidding anyone who had leased the public
taxes or private contracts from the censors C. Claudius and Tiberius
Sempronius from attending the present sale or becoming partner or associate
in any transaction there. In spite of their frequent protests, the former
tax-farmers had been unable to induce the senate to place any restrictions on
the censorial powers. At last they got a tribune of the plebs, P. Rutilius, who
was hostile to the censors on personal grounds, to champion their cause. The
censors had ordered a client of his, a freedman, to pull down a wall which
faced a public building in the Via Sacra, because it had been built on ground
belonging to the State. The owner appealed to the tribunes. As no one but
Rutilius interposed his veto the censors sent men to distrain his goods and
imposed a fine. A sharp dispute arose, and when the former tax-farmers had
recourse to the tribune, a measure was suddenly brought forward by this one
tribune providing that the public and private contracts which had been leased
out by C. Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius should be cancelled and all the
business done over again, so that everybody might have an equal chance to
tender for and work the lease. The tribune fixed a day for the discussion of
this proposal in the Assembly. When he appeared, the censors stood forward
to oppose the measure. There was silence while Gracchus was speaking, but
Claudius met with interruptions and disturbance, and he ordered the usher to
call for silence that he might be heard. The tribune declared that by doing
this he had withdrawn the Assembly from his control and impugned his
authority, and at once left the Capitol where the Assembly had met. The next
day he created a serious disturbance. First of all, he pronounced the property
of Tiberius Gracchus to be forfeited to the gods because in fining and
distraining upon a man who had appealed to a tribune, he had not yielded to
his veto and had impugned his authority. He formally impeached C. Claudius
because he had withdrawn the Assembly from his control, and he declared
that he should bring both censors to trial for high treason, and requested C.
Sulpicius to convene the citizens in their centuries to hear and adjudicate on
the case. The censors offered no opposition to the people passing judgment
on them as soon as possible, and September 24 and 25 were fixed upon as
the days for the trial. On this they went up to the Hall of Liberty, sealed up
the civic registers, closed the office, dismissed their staff and gave out that
they would not deal with any public business whatever until the people had
given their verdict. The case of Claudius was taken first. Eight out of the
twelve centuries of equites and several other centuries of the first class
sentenced him to a fine. No sooner was this known than the leading
patricians put off their gold rings in the sight of the people and laid aside
their robes, so that they might make a suppliant appeal to the plebs. It is said,
however, that the change of mind was mainly due to Tiberius Gracchus.
When shouts arose from the plebs on all sides that "Gracchus was in no
danger," he took a solemn oath and declared that if his colleague were
condemned he would not wait for his own trial, but would be his companion
in exile. So little hope, however, had Claudius of acquittal that only eight
centuries were wanted to secure his condemnation. Claudius was acquitted,
and then the tribune said that he would not keep Gracchus waiting any
longer.
43.17
The
Aquileians sent to Rome during the year to ask that the number of colonists
might be augmented, and the senate ordered a list to be made of 1500
households. The commissioners who were to settle these colonists were T.
Annius Luscus, P. Decius Subulo, and M. Cornelius Cethegus. The two
members of the mission sent to Greece, C. Popilius and Cnaeus Octavius,
published, first at Thebes and then through all the cities of the Peloponnese,
the order of the senate that no one should make any contribution to the
Roman commanders other than what the senate had fixed. This order created
confidence for the future, for people knew that they were relieved from the
incessant drain of the burdens and expenses which had been imposed upon
them. They then addressed the council of the Achaeans which had assembled
to meet them at Aegium in a most friendly spirit, and met with an equally
friendly reception, and they left that loyal and faithful nation completely
reassured as to their future position. From there they passed on to Aetolia.
Though there was as yet no actual fighting, there was an atmosphere of
universal mistrust and mutual recrimination. Under these circumstances they
demanded hostages, but were unable to effect a settlement. From there they
proceeded to Acarnania; a council was assembled at Thyrium to meet them.
There, too there was a party conflict; some of their leaders asked that
garrisons might be introduced into their cities to check the madness of those
who were trying to draw them to the side of Macedonia; others objected that
it would be a disgrace for peaceable and friendly cities to be subjected to the
same humiliation as those captured in war. This objection was considered a
reasonable one. The commissioners returned to Hostilius at Larisa; Octavius
he kept with him, Popilius he sent with 1000 soldiers into winter quarters in
Ambracia.
43.18
(B.C.
170-69) In the early days of winter Perseus did not venture beyond his
frontiers for fear of the Romans attempting an invasion while he was absent
from his kingdom. About mid-winter, however, when snow had blocked the
mountain passes on the side of Thessaly, he thought it a good opportunity
for crushing the hopes and spirits of his neighbours, so that there might be
no danger from them while his attention was wholly devoted to the war with
Rome. Cotys was a guarantee of peace on the side of Thrace, and Cephalus,
since his sudden defection from Rome, on the side of Epirus, and the late
war had tamed the courage of the Dardanians. Macedonia, as Perseus saw,
was only open to attack from Illyria. The Illyrians were becoming restless
themselves and they were allowing a passage to the Romans; Perseus
thought, therefore, that if he crushed their next neighbours, King Gentius,
who had long been wavering, might become his ally. Accordingly he
marched to Stuberra with a force of 10,000 infantry, some of whom
belonged to the phalanx, 2000 light-armed troops and 500 cavalry. Having
taken up corn enough to serve for several days and leaving orders for the
siege engines to follow, he encamped after a three days' march near Uscana -the largest city in the land of Penestia. Before he had resort to force,
however, he sent emissaries to tamper with the loyalty of the officers of the
garrison -this was a Roman detachment with some Illyrian troops -or failing
that, to work on the feelings of the townsmen. They brought back word that
there was no thought of peace, so he began the attack and tried to capture
the place by a close investment. Day and night, without any intermission, the
troops relieved each other, some bringing up scaling-ladders to the walls,
others applying fire to the gates. The defenders, however, held out against
this storm of assailants; they expected that the Macedonians would not be
able much longer to stand the winter in the open, and they hoped that the
exigencies of the war with Rome would make it impossible for them to linger
there. When, however, they saw the vineae brought up and the movable
towers in motion their resolution gave way. Apart from the fact that their
strength was no match for that of the enemy, they had not sufficient supplies
either of corn or anything else, for they had not expected a siege. As further
resistance was now hopeless, C. Carvilius Spoletinus and C. Afranius were
sent by the Roman garrison to ask Perseus to allow them to depart with their
arms and belongings; if this were refused, they were to ask him to guarantee
them their life and liberty. The king's promise was more generous than his
performance, for after telling them to depart and take what they possessed
with them, the first thing he did was to deprive them of their arms. After the
departure of the Romans the Illyrian cohort, 500 strong, and the Uscanians
all surrendered themselves and their city. Perseus posted a garrison there and
removed the whole of the population, almost equal in numbers to an army,
to Stuberra. The Roman troops, numbering 4000, with the exception of their
officers were distributed amongst different cities for safe-keeping; the
Uscanians and Illyrians were sold as slaves to the Penestae.
43.19
After
this he led his army back to Oaeneus with the intention of becoming master
of the place, as its situation would be a convenience to him as affording
amongst other things a passage to Libeates, where Gentius had his seat of
government. Whilst he was marching past a strongly held fort called
Daudracum, some who knew the country assured him that nothing would be
gained by the capture of Oaeneus if Daudracum was not in his power; its
position was more advantageous in every way. When he had brought up his
army, the whole of the garrison surrendered. He was much elated at gaining
the place so much more quickly than he had expected, and as he saw what
terror the approach of his army created, he went to reduce eleven other
fortified posts in the same way. Very few had to be stormed; the rest
surrendered voluntarily, and 1500 Roman soldiers who were stationed in
these forts were made prisoners. Carvilius Spoletinus had been most useful
to him in negotiating the surrenders by asserting that he and his men had not
been treated cruelly or harshly. Then he arrived before Oaeneus. This place
could only be taken by a regular siege; it was considerably stronger than the
other places both in the number of its defenders and in the strength of its
fortifications. It is encircled on one side by the river Artatus, and on the
other by a very lofty and almost impassable mountain. These advantages
gave the townsmen courage to resist.
Perseus completely invested the town and began to construct a
raised way against the upper part of it which was to overtop the walls. While
this work was being completed there was continual fighting and sorties in
which the townsmen tried to defend their own walls and at the same time
impede the progress of the enemy's siege-works. A large part of the
population were carried off by the various accidents of war, and the
survivors were rendered useless through their wounds and the incessant toil
and exertions by day and night alike. As soon as the raised way was
connected to the walls the king's cohort, who bear the title of "nicatores,"
passed over it, and at the same time the walls were scaled at many points and
a simultaneous assault was delivered on all sides of the city. All the adult
males were put to the sword, their wives and children were placed under
guard and the rest of the booty went to the soldiers. After this victory he
returned to Stuberra and sent Pleuratus, the Illyrian, who was a refugee in
his suite, and Adaeus, a Macedonian from Beroea, on a mission to Gentius.
Their instructions were to give an account of Perseus's summer and winter
campaigns against the Romans and the Dardanians, and also the results of his
winter expedition in Illyria. They were to urge Gentius to form a league of
friendship with him and the Macedonians.
43.20
These
envoys crossed the summit of Mount Scordus and made their way through
the desert solitudes in Illyria, which the Macedonians had created in their
systematic devastations to prevent the Dardanians from finding an easy
passage into either Illyria or Macedonia. It was with the utmost difficulty
that they at last reached Scodra. The king was at Lissus. He invited them
there and lent a favourable ear to what they had been instructed to say. His
reply, however, was one of noncommittal; he said that it was not the will to
join in the war against Rome that was lacking; the greatest lack of all was the
lack of money; this prevented him from attempting what he wished. This
reply was brought to the king just when he happened to be selling the Illyrian
prisoners. He at once sent the negotiators back again, together with
Glaucias, one of his bodyguard, but without a mention of money; though
without this the needy barbarian could not have been dragged into the war.
After devastating Ancyra, Perseus led his army into Penestia and secured
Uscana, and all the fortified places in its neighbourhood which he had
captured, with garrisons, after which he returned into Macedonia.
43.21
L.
Coelius was commanding in Illyria. He did not venture to make any
movement while the king was in those parts, but after his departure he
attempted to recover Uscana from the Macedonians who were garrisoned
there. He was, however, repulsed, and a large number of his men were
wounded, and he led his force back to Lychnidus. A few days afterwards he
sent M. Trebellius Fregellanus with a fairly strong force into Penestia to
receive the hostages from those cities which had remained loyal, and then to
go on to the Parthini; they, too, had undertaken to furnish hostages. He
obtained them from both nations without trouble. Those from the Penestae
were sent to Apollonia; those from the Parthini to Dyrrhachium, better
known to the Greeks of that day as Epidamnus. Appius Claudius was eager
to wipe out the disgrace of his defeat in Illyria and proceeded to attack a
stronghold in Epirus. He had with him contingents of Chaonians and
Thesprotians, which with his Roman army amounted to 6000 men. The
attempt was a complete failure, as Clenas who had been left there by Perseus
had a strong force for defence.
Perseus advanced to Elimea and offered the purificatory sacrifices
for his army in its neighbourhood. He then marched to Stratus at the call of
the Epirots. Stratus was at that time the strongest city in Aetolia. It lies
beyond the Ambracian Gulf near the Inachus. Owing to the narrowness and
roughness of the roads, Perseus took a comparatively small force with him -10,000 infantry and 300 cavalry. In a three days' march he reached Mount
Citium which, owing to the deep snow, he had great difficulty in crossing,
and only after much trouble was he able to find a position for his camp.
Resuming his march, more because he could not stay where he was than
because the road or the weather made progress tolerable, he encamped the
next day, after much hardship and suffering, especially among the animals, at
a temple sacred to Jupiter, called Nicaeum. From there he made a very long
march to the River Arathus. The depth of the river necessitated his remaining
there until a bridge could be built. After his troops had crossed the river he
advanced a day's march and met Archidamus, an Aetolian magnate, through
whom Stratus was to be betrayed.
43.22
He
encamped on the frontier of Aetolia and the following day appeared before
Stratus. Forming his camp near the Inachus, he waited in the expectation
that the Aetolians would come in crowds from all the gates and make terms
with him. He found the gates shut, and on the very night of his arrival a
Roman detachment under C. Popilius had been admitted within the city. As
long as Archidamus was in the city he had sufficient influence to compel the
aristocratical party to invite the king, but after he had left to meet him, they
showed less activity and gave the opposite party an opportunity of calling in
Popilius from Ambracia with 1000 infantry. Dinarchus, too, the commandant
of the Aetolian cavalry, came in just at the right moment with 600 infantry
and 100 cavalry. It was clear that he had gone to Stratus with the intention
of supporting Perseus and then changing his mind with the change of
circumstances joined the Romans whom he had come to oppose. Surrounded
by such fickle people, Popilius neglected no proper precaution. He at once
took into his own hands the keys of the gates and the defence of the walls;
he removed Dinarchus and his Aetolians and also the fighting force of
Stratus into the citadel ostensibly to defend it. Perseus attempted to hold
conversations from the hills which looked down on the upper part of the
city, but when he found that their determination was unshaken, and that they
even prevented his nearer approach by hurling missiles at him, he withdrew
to a spot five miles from the city on the side of the River Petitarus where he
fixed his camp. Here he held a council of war. Archidamus and the Epirot
refugees were for his staying there, but the Macedonian leaders gave it as
their opinion that he ought not to fight against the inclemency of the season,
with no reserve of supplies, for the besiegers would suffer from the effects of
scarcity sooner than the besieged. What alarmed Perseus most was that the
enemy's winter quarters were not far away, and he shifted his camp to
Aperantia. Archidamus had great weight and influence with that nation and
Perseus's presence among them was universally welcomed. Archidamus
himself was appointed their governor and furnished with a force of 800 men.
43.23
The
king's return to Macedonia inflicted as much suffering on both man and beast
as they had endured in the advance upon Stratus. However, the report of
Perseus's march to that city was sufficient to make Appius abandon the siege
of Phanote. On his retreat he was followed up by Clenas with a body of
vigorous and untiring troops to the almost impassable spurs of the mountain
range, and 1000 of his men were killed and 200 made prisoners. Appius
struggled through the pass, and remained for a few days in camp in what is
known as the Plain of Meleon. Meanwhile Clenas, who had been joined by
Philostratus commanding a force of Epirots, invaded the district round
Antigonea. The Macedonians went out to devastate the country and
Philostratus with his cohort formed an ambush in a darkly overshadowed
spot. When the troops in Antigonea hurried out to attack the scattered
plunderers, the latter fled and carried their pursuers headlong into the hollow
where the ambush was set; 1000 were killed and about 100 made prisoners.
As they had been everywhere successful, they moved their camp near to
Appius's permanent encampment, to prevent the Roman army from inflicting
any injury on the cities which were friendly to them. Appius had been
wasting his time in this locality; he sent home the Chaonians and all the
Epirots who were with him; returned to Illyria with his Italian soldiers; sent
his men into winter quarters in the different cities, and then returned to
Rome to offer sacrifices. Perseus recalled 1000 infantry and 200 cavalry
from Penestia and sent them to garrison Cassandrea. The envoys who had
been sent again to Gentius returned with the same reply, but Perseus
persisted in sending fresh envoys time after time; he quite saw what a
valuable support he would be to him, but he could not bring himself to spend
money over a thing which was in every way of the utmost importance.
End of Book 43