University of Virginia Library

3. PART III
THE INDIANS

24. Indian Children sold as Slaves
BY CALEB HEATHCOTE AND WILLIAM JOHNSON (1715)

I HAVE been told, my lord, that the reasons which the Indians give for their breach with Carolina is the injustice which has been done them by taking away their land without its being fairly purchased or paid for.[62] They complain also that their children were many of them bound out for a limited time to be taught and instructed by the Christians. The Indians complain that, contrary to the intent of their agreement, these children were transported to other plantations and sold as slaves.[63]

I don't know but there may be some truth in what they allege. I make bold most humbly to offer your lordship my opinion thereon. I do humbly suppose it might be very advisable to quench the fire already begun and prevent the like grounds of complaint hereafter.

His majesty would be pleased with as little loss of time as may be. It might be advisable to direct all the governors on this continent to send for the sachems and heads of the Indians in their respective governments.

After renewing the covenant chain with them, as they call it, a strict inquiry should be made into all their complaints and grievances. This should be done both with regard to their lands and on other accounts. Assure them of redress. Let them know that 'tis his majesty's express commands to have it so.

Something of this sort, my lord, would be very proper to do. Thus we may, if possible, keep the Indians quiet and in good temper, till we have our country better settled and secured and the French rooted out. Then we may expect to have the heathen on better terms, although justice ought forever to be done them.

I am very glad your Excellency has given orders to have the Indian children returned, who are kept by the traders as pawns or pledges as they call it. Rather they have been stolen from them.[64]

The parents came at the appointed time to redeem the children, but they sent them away beforehand. They were children of our friends and allies.

If they are not returned next spring it will confirm what the French told the Six Nations. They told them that we looked upon them as our slaves or negroes. This affair cost me a great deal of trouble at that time to reconcile the Indians.

25. Indian Hospitality
BY JOHN BARTRAM (1743)[65]

AFTER having enjoyed this enchanting prospect we descended easily for several miles, over good land producing sugar-maples, many of which the Indians

had tapped to make sugar of the sap; we also saw oaks, hickory, white walnuts, plums and some apple trees, full of fruit. The Indians had set long bushes all round the trees at a little distance, I suppose to keep the small children from stealing the fruit before it were ripe.

Here we halted and turned our horses to grass, while the inhabitants cleared a cabin for our reception. They brought us victuals, and we dispatched a messenger immediately to Onondago to let them know how near we were; it was only four miles away. All the Indians, men, women and children came to gaze at us and our horses. The little boys and girls climbed on the roofs of their cabins, about ten in number, to enjoy a fuller view.

We set out about ten, and travelled over good land all the way, mostly an easy descent, down the east hill, over ridges of lime-stone rock, into the fine vale where this capital (if I may so call it) is situated.

We alighted at the council house, where the chiefs were already assembled to receive us, which they did with a grave cheerful complaisance, according to their custom. They showed us where to lay our baggage, and to repose ourselves during our stay with them; they set apart the two end apartments of this large house.

The Indians that came with us, were placed over against us: this cabin is about eighty feet long, and seventeen broad, the common passage about six feet wide;[66] and the apartments on each side five feet high, raised a foot above the passage by a long sapling hewed square, and fitted with joists that go from it to the back of the house; on these joists they lay large pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions they

spread mats made of rushes, which favor we had. On these floors they sit or lie down every one as he will. The apartments are divided from each other by boards or bark, six or seven feet long, from the lower floor to the upper, on which they put their lumber. When they have eaten their hominy, they can put the bowl over head, having not above five feet to reach.

They sit on the floor sometimes at each end, but mostly at one. They have a shed to put their wood into in the winter, or in the summer, to sit to converse or play; it has a door to the south. All the sides and roof of the cabin are made of bark, bound fast to poles set in the ground, and bent round on the top, or set aflat, for the roof, as we set our rafters.

Over each fire place they leave a hole to let out the smoke, which in rainy weather they cover with a piece of bark. This they can easily reach with a pole to push it on one side or quite over the hole.

The town in its present state is about two or three miles long, yet the scattered cabins on both sides the water, are not above forty in number, many of them hold two families. All stand single, and rarely above four or five near one another. The whole town is a strange mixture of cabins, interspersed with great patches of high grass, bushes and shrubs, some of peas, corn and squashes.

At night, soon after we were laid down to sleep, and our fire was almost burnt out, we were entertained by a comical fellow, disguised in as odd a dress as Indian folly could invent. He had on a clumsy vizard of wood colored black, with a nose four or five inches long, a grinning mouth set awry, furnished with long teeth. Round the eyes, circles of bright brass, surrounded by a larger circle of white paint.

From his forehead hung long tresses of buffaloes' hair, and from the back part of his head ropes made of the plaited husks of Indian corn. I cannot recollect the whole of his dress, but it was equally uncouth. He carried in one hand a long staff, in the other a calabash gourd with small stones in it, for a rattle; this he rubbed up and down his staff.

He would sometimes hold up his head and make a hideous noise like the braying of a donkey. He came in at the further end, and made this noise at first, whether it was because he would not surprise us too suddenly I can't say. I asked Conrad Weiser, who as well as myself lay next the alley, what noise that was? and Shickalamy the Indian chief, our companion, who I supposed, thought me somewhat scared, called out, "Lie still, John" I never heard him speak so much plain English before.

The jack-pudding presently came up to us, and an Indian boy came with him and kindled our fire, that we might see his glittering eyes and antick[67] postures as he hobbled round the fire. Sometimes he would turn the buffaloes' hair on one side that we might

take the better view of his ill-favored phiz.[68] When he had tired himself, which was sometime after he had well tired us, the boy that attended him struck two or three smart blows on the floor, at which the hobgoblin seemed surprised, and on repeating them he jumped fairly out of doors and disappeared.

I suppose this was to divert us and get some tobacco for himself, for as he danced about he would hold out his hand to any he came by to receive this gratification, and as often as any one gave it he would return an awkward compliment. By this time I found it no new diversion to any one but myself; and after the farce we endeavored to compose ourselves to sleep.

26. Esquimaux and their Children
BY WILLIAM DOUGLASS (1749)[69]

THE Esquimaux are a particular kind of American savages, who live only near the water, and never far in the country, on Terra Labrador, between the most outward point of the mouth of the river St. Lawrence and Hudson's bay.

The Esquimaux are entirely different from the Indians of North-America, in regard to their complexion and their language. They are almost as white as Europeans, and have little eyes: the men have likewise beards.[70] The Indians, on the contrary, are copper-colored, and the men have no beards.

Their houses are either caverns or clefts in the mountains, or huts of turf above ground. They never sow or plant vegetables, living chiefly on various kinds of whales, on seals, and walruses.

Sometimes they likewise catch land animals, on which they feed. They eat most of their meat quite raw. Their drink is water; and people have likewise seen them drinking the sea-water which was like brine.

Their shoes, stockings, breeches, and jackets, are made of seal-skins well prepared, and sewed together with sinews of whales, which may be twisted like threads, and are very tough. Their clothes, the hairy side of which is turned outwards, are sewed together so well, that they can go up to their shoulders in the water without wetting their under clothes.[71] Under their upper clothes, they wear shirts and waistcoats made of sealskin, prepared so well as to be quite soft.

I saw one of their women's dresses; a cap, a waistcoat, and coat, made all of one piece of seal-skin well prepared, soft to the touch, and the hair on the outside. There is a long train behind at their coats, which scarce reach them to the middle of the thigh before; under it they wear breeches and boots, all of one piece.

The shirt I saw was likewise made of a very soft seal's skin. The Esquimaux women are said to be handsomer than any of the American Indian women, and their husbands are accordingly more jealous in proportion.

I have likewise seen an Esquimaux boat. The outside of it consists entirely of skins, the hair of which has been taken off; and the sides of the skins on which they were inserted are turned outwards, and feel as smooth as vellum. The boat was near fourteen feet long, but very narrow, and very sharp-pointed at the extremities.

In the inside of the boat they place two or three thin boards, which give a kind of form to the boat.[72] It is quite covered with skins at the top, excepting, near one end, a hole big enough for a single person to sit and row in, and keep his thighs and legs under the deck. The figure of the hole resembles a semicircle, the base or diameter of which is turned towards the larger end of the boat. The hole is surrounded with wood, on which a soft folded skin is fastened with straps at its upper end.

When the Esquimaux makes use of his boat, he puts his legs and thighs under the deck, sits down at the bottom of the boat, draws the skin before-mentioned around his body, and fastens it well with the straps. The waves may then beat over his boat with considerable violence, and not a single drop comes into it; the clothes of the Esquimaux keep the wet from him. He has an oar in his hand, which has a paddle at each end; it serves him for rowing, and keeps the boat balanced during a storm. The boat will contain but a single person. Esquimaux have often been found safe in their boats many miles from land, in violent storms, where ships found it difficult to save themselves. Their boats float on the waves like bladders, and they row them with incredible velocity. They have boats of different shapes. They have likewise larger boats of wood covered with leather, in which several people may sit, and in which their women commonly go to sea.

Bows and arrows, javelins and harpoons, are their arms. With the harpoons they kill whales, and other large marine animals. The points of their arrows and harpoons are sometimes made of iron, sometimes of bone, and sometimes of the teeth of the walrus

Their quivers are made of seal-skin. The needles with which they sew their clothes are likewise made of iron, or of bone. All their iron they get, by some means or other, from the Europeans.

They sometimes go on board the European ships, in order to exchange some of their goods for knives and other iron. But it is not advisable for Europeans to go on shore, unless they be numerous; for the Esquimaux are false and treacherous, and cannot suffer strangers among them.

If they find themselves too weak, they run away at the approach of strangers; but if they think they are an over-match for them, they kill all that come in their way, without leaving a single one alive. The Europeans, therefore, do not venture to let a greater number of Esquimaux come on board their ships than they can easily master. If they are shipwrecked on the Esquimaux coasts, they may as well be drowned in the sea as come safe to the shore: this fate many Europeans have experienced.

The European boats and ships which the Esquimaux get into their power, are immediately cut in pieces, and robbed of all nails and other iron, which they work into knives, needles, arrowheads, &c. They make use of fire for no other purposes but working iron, and preparing the skins of animals. Their meat is eaten all raw.

When they come on board a European ship, and are offered some of the sailors' meat, they never will taste of it till they have seen some Europeans eat it. Though nothing pleases other savage nations so much as brandy, yet many Frenchmen have assured me that they never could prevail on the Esquimaux to take a dram of it. Their mistrust of other nations

is the cause of it; for they undoubtedly imagine that they are going to poison them, or do them some hurt; and I am not certain whether they do not judge right.

They have no earrings, and do not paint the face like the American Indians. For many centuries past they have had dogs whose ears are erected, and never hang down. They make use of them for hunting, and instead of horses in winter, for drawing their goods on the ice.

They themselves sometimes ride in sledges drawn by dogs. They have no other domestic animals. There are indeed plenty of reindeer in their country: but it is not known that either the Esquimaux or any of the Indians in America, have ever tamed them.

For the use of those who are fond of comparing the languages of several nations, I have here inserted a few Esquimaux words, communicated to me by the Jesuit Saint Pie. One, kombuc; two, tigal; three, ke; four, missilagat; water, sillalokto; rain, killaluck; heaven, taktuck, or nabugakshe; the sun, shikonak, or sakaknuk; the moon, takock; an egg, manneguk; the boat, kagack; the oar, pacotick; the knife, shavie; a dog, mekké, or timilok; the bow, petiksick; and arrow, katso; the head, niakock; the ear, tchiu; the eye, killik, or shik; the hair, nutshad; a tooth, ukak; the foot, itikat. Some think that they are nearly the same nation with the Greenlanders, or Skralingers; and pretend that there is a great affinity in the language.

27. On the War Path
BY PETER KALM ( 1749)

July5th. Whilst we were at dinner, we several times heard a repeated disagreeable outcry, at some distance from the fort, in the river Woodcreek: Mr. Lusignan, the governor, told us this cry was no good omen, because he could conclude from it that the Indians, whom he escaped near Fort Anne, had completed their design of revenging the death of one of their brethren upon the English. Their shouts showed that they had killed an Englishman.[73]

As soon as I came to the window, I saw their boat, with a long pole at one end, on the extremity of which they had put a bloody skull. As soon as they were landed, we heard that their party, six in number, had continued their journey (from the place where we had marks of their passing the night), till they came within the English boundaries. There they found a man and his son employed in mowing the corn.

They crept on towards this man, and shot him dead upon the spot. This happened near the very village, where the English, two years before, killed the brother of one of these Indians, who were then gone out to

attack them. According to their custom the Indians cut off the skull of the dead man, and took it with them, together with his clothes and his son, who was about nine years old.

As soon as they came within a mile of Fort St. Frederic, they put the skull on a pole, in the fore part of the boat, and shouted as a sign of their success. They were dressed in shirts as usual, but some of them had put on the dead man's clothes, one his coat, the other his breeches, another his hat. Their faces were painted with vermillion, with which their shirts were marked across the shoulders.

Most of them had great rings in their ears, which seemed to be a great inconvenience to them, as they were obliged to hold them when they leaped, or did anything which required a violent motion. Some of them had girdles of the skins of rattlesnakes, with the rattles on them. The son of the murdered man had nothing but his shirt, breeches and cap, and the Indians had marked his shoulders with red.

When they got on shore, they took hold of the pole on which the skull was put, and danced and sung at the same time. Their view in taking the boy, was to carry him to their habitations, to educate him instead of their dead brother, and afterwards to marry him to one of their relations.

Notwithstanding they had perpetrated this act of violence in time of peace, contrary to the command of the governor in Montreal, and to the advice of the governor of St. Frederic, yet the latter could not at present deny them provisions, and whatever they wanted for their journey, because he did not think it advisable to exasperate them. When they came to Montreal, the governor called

them to account for this action, and took the boy from them, whom he afterwards sent to his relations. Mr. Lusignan asked them, what they would have done to me and my companions, if they had met us in the desert? They replied, that as it was their chief intention to take their revenge on the Englishmen in the village where their brother was killed, they would have let us alone. It much depended on the humor they were in, just at the time when we first came to their sight. However, the commander and all the Frenchmen said, that what had happened to me was infinitely safer and better.

28. Wampum
BY PETER KALM (1749)[74]

AMONG the numerous shells which are found on the seashore, there are some which by the English here are called clams, and which bear some resemblance to the human ear. They have a considerable thickness, and are chiefly white, excepting the pointed end, which both without and within has a blue color, between purple and violet.

They are met with in vast numbers on the seashore of New York, Long Island, and other places. The shells contain a large animal, which is eaten both by the Indians and Europeans settled here.

A considerable commerce is carried on in this article, with such Indians as live farther up the country. When these people inhabited the coast, they were able to catch their own clams, which at that time made a great part of their food; but at

present this is the business of the Dutch and English who live in Long Island and other maritime provinces.

As soon as the shells are caught, the fish is taken out of them, drawn upon a wire, and hung up in the open air, in order to dry by the heat of the sun. When this is done, the flesh is put into proper vessels, and carried to Albany upon the river Hudson; there the Indians buy them, and reckon them one of their best dishes.

Besides the Europeans, many of the native Indians come annually down to the seashore, in order to catch clams, proceeding with them afterwards in the manner I have just described.

The shells of these clams are used by the Indians as money, and make what they call their wampum; they likewise serve their women for an ornament, when they intend to appear in full dress. These wampums are properly made of the purple parts of the shells, which the Indians value more than the white parts.

A traveller, who goes to trade with the Indians, and is well stocked with them, may become a considerable gainer; but if he take gold coin, or bullion, he will undoubtedly be a loser; for the Indians, who live farther up the country, put little or no value upon these metals which we reckon so precious, as F have frequently observed in the course of my travels.

The Indians formerly made their own wampum, though not without a deal of trouble; but at present the Europeans employ themselves that way; especially the inhabitants of Albany, who get a considerable profit by it.

29. How to Build a Bark Canoe
BY PETER KALM (1749)[75]

ABOUT two o'clock this afternoon we arrived at Fort Anne. We stayed here all this day, and the next, in order to make a new boat of bark, because there was no possibility of going down the river without it.

The making of our boat took up half yesterday, and all this day. To make such a boat, they pick out a thick tall elm, with a smooth bark, and with as few branches as possible. This tree is cut down, and great care is taken to prevent the bark from being hurt by falling against other trees, or against the ground. For this reason some people do not cut down the trees, but climb to the top of them, split the bark, and strip it off, which was the method our carpenter took. The bark is split on one side, in a straight line along the tree, as long as the boat is intended to be; at the same time, the bark is carefully cut off a little way on both sides of the slit, that it may more easily separate.

The bark is then peeled off very carefully, and particular care is taken not to make any holes in it; this is easy when the sap is in the trees, and at other seasons the tree is heated by the fire, for that purpose. The bark thus stripped off is spread on the ground, in a smooth place, turning the inside downwards, and the rough outside upwards; and to stretch it better, some logs of wood or stones are carefully put on it, which press it down. Then the sides of the bark are gently bent upwards, in order to form the sides of the boat; some sticks are then fixed into the ground, at

the distance of three or four feet from each other, in the curved line, which the sides of the boat are intended to make, supporting the bark intended for the sides. The sides of the bark are then bent in the form which the boat is to have, and according to that form the sticks are either put nearer or further off.

The ribs of the boat are made of thick branches of hickory, which are tough and pliable. They are cut into several flat pieces, about an inch thick, and bent into the form which the ribs require, according to their places in the broader or narrower part of the boat. When thus bent, they are put across the boat, upon the back, or its bottom, pretty close, about ten inches from each other.

The upper edge on each side of the boat is made of two thin poles, of the length of the boat, which are put close together, on the side of the boat, and are flat, where they are to be joined. The edge of the bark is put between these two poles, and sewed up with threads, mouse-wood bark, or other tough bark, or with roots.

But before it is thus sewed up, the ends of the ribs are likewise put between the two poles on each side, taking care to keep them at some distance from each other. After that is done, the poles are sewed together, and when bent properly, both their ends join at each end of the boat, where they are tied together with ropes. To prevent the widening of the boat at the top, three or four bands are put across it, from one edge to the other, at the distance of thirty or forty inches from each other.

These bands are commonly made of hickory, on account of its toughness and flexibility, and have a good length. The ends are put through the bark

on both sides, just below the poles which make the edges; they are bent up above those poles and twisted round the middle part of the bands, where they are carefully tied by ropes. As the bark at the two ends of the boat cannot be put so close together as to keep the water out, the crevices are stopped up with the crushed or pounded bark of the red elm. Some pieces

A BIRCH CANOE.

[Description: Sketch of a canoe on a patch of grass; water and trees are seen in the distance. A middle-aged man (not Indian) sits in front of the canoe, resting one hand on it; two young boys sit behind it.]

of bark are put upon the ribs in the boat, without which the foot would easily wear through the thin and weak bark below, which forms the bottom of the boat.

For better security some thin boards are commonly laid at the bottom, which may be trod upon with more safety. The side of the bark which has been upon the wood, thus becomes the outside of the boat, because

it is smooth and slippery, and cuts the water more easily than the other. The building of these boats is not always quick; for sometimes it happens that after peeling the bark off an elm, and carefully examining it, it is found pierced with holes and splits, or it is too thin to venture one's life in.

In such a case another elm must be looked for; and it sometimes happens that several elms must be stripped of their bark, before one is found fit for a boat. That which we made was big enough to bear four persons, with our baggage, which weighed somewhat more than a man.

All possible care must be taken in rowing on the rivers and lakes of these parts with a boat of bark. For as the rivers, and even the lakes, contain numbers of broken trees, which are commonly hidden under the water, the boat may easily run against a sharp branch. This would tear half the boat away, if you rowed on very fast. The people in it would be in great danger, where the water is very deep, especially if such a branch held the boat.

To get into such a dangerous boat must be done with great care, and for the greater safety, without shoes. For with the shoes on, and still more with a sudden leap into the boat, the heels may easily pierce through the bottom of the boat. This might sometimes be attended with very disagreeable circumstances, especially when the boat is near a rock, and close to a sudden depth of water; and such places are common in the lakes and rivers here.

30. Indian Speeches
BY GEORGE WASHINGTON (1754)[76]

ABOUT two miles from this, on the southeast side of the river, lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares. We called upon him to invite him to a council at Logstown. Shingiss attended us to Logstown. As soon as I came into town I went to Monacatoocha (as the Half-King[77] was out hunting). I informed him that I was sent as a messenger to the French general, and was ordered to visit the sachems of the Six Nations so that they might know my errand.

I gave him a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco, [78] and desired him to send for the Half-King, and for other sachems, which he promised to do by a runner in the morning. I invited him and the other great men present to my tent, where they stayed about an hour, and returned.

About three o'clock this evening, the Half-King came to town. I went up and invited him, with an interpreter, privately to my tent. I desired him to

relate some of the particulars of his journey to the French commandant, and of his reception there.

When he went to the fort, he said he was received in a very stern manner by the late commander, who asked him very abruptly what he had come about and told him to declare his business. So the Half-King said he made the following speech:—

"Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches, what your own mouths have declared.

"Fathers, in former days you set a silver dish before us, wherein there was a leg of a beaver.[79] You desired all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat in peace and plenty and not to be churlish to one another.

"And you said that if any such disturbing person should be found, you there laid down, by the edge of the dish, a rod with which you would scourge them.

"And you said that if your own father should get foolish in your old days, you desired that we might use it upon you as well as on others.

"Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns, and taking our land away unknown to us and by force.

"The Great Being above allowed the land to be a place of residence for us. So, fathers, I desire you to withdraw, just as I have desired our brothers the English to withdraw, for I will keep you at arm's length.

"I am not afraid to send you off this land."

The French general made this reply:—

"Now, my child, I have heard your speech; you spoke first but it is my time to speak now. Where is my wampum that you took away with the marks of towns on it?[80] This new wampum with which you

have ordered me off the land, I do not know that wampum. But you need not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, for I will not hear you.

"I am not afraid of flies or mosquitoes, for that is what Indians are. I tell you I will go down the Ohio river and build upon it according to my command.

"If the river should be blocked up, I have forces sufficient to burst it open and tread under my feet all that oppose me, together with their allies. My force is as the sand upon the sea shore. Therefore here is your wampum; I sling it at you.

"If people will be ruled by me they may expect kindness, but not otherwise."

31. How the Trader Fleeced the Indian
BY MRS. ANNE GRANT (ABOUT 1740)

Indian.—"Brother, I am come to trade with you; but I forewarn you to be more moderate in your demands than formerly."

Trader.—"Why, brother, are not my goods of equal value with those you had last year? "

Indian.—"Perhaps they may be; but mine are more valuable now because more scarce. The Great Spirit who has withheld from you strength and ability to provide food and clothing for yourselves, has given you cunning and art to make guns and provide scaura;[81] and by speaking smooth words to simple men, when they have swallowed madness, you have by little and little purchased their hunting grounds, and made them

corn lands. Thus the beavers grew more scarce, and the deer flee farther back; yet after I have reserved skins to buy my blanket and the clothing of my wife, I will exchange the rest."

Trader.—"Be it so, brother: I came not to wrong you, or to take your furs against your will. It is true the beavers are few, and you go further for them. Come, brother, let us deal fair first, and smoke friendly afterwards. Your last gun cost fifty beaver skins; you shall have this for forty; and you shall give marten and racoon skins in the same proportion for powder and shot."

Indian.—"Well, brother, that is fair. Now for two silver bracelets, with long pendent ear-rings of the same, such as you sold to Cardarani in the sturgeon-month[82] last year, how much will you demand?"

Trader.—"The skins of two deer for the bracelets, and those of two fawns for the earrings."

Indian.—"That is a great deal; but wampum grows scarce, and silver never rusts. Here are the skins."

Trader.—"Do you buy any more? Here are knives, hatchets, and beads of all colours."

Indian.—"I will have a knife and a hatchet; but must not take more; the rest of the skins will be little enough to clothe the women and children, and buy wampum. Your beads are of no value, no warrior who has slain a wolf will wear them."

Trader.—"Here are many things good for you, which you have not skins to buy; here is a looking-glass, and here is a brass kettle, in which your woman may boil her maize, her beans, and above all her maple sugar. Here are silver brooches, and here are pistols for the youths."

Indian.—"The skins I can spare will not purchase them."

Trader.—"Your will determines, brother; but next year you will want nothing but powder and shot, for you have already purchased your gun and ornaments. If you will purchase from me a blanket to wrap round you, a shirt and blue stroud for garments for yourself

and your woman; and the same for leggings, this will pass the time, and save you the great labour of dressing the skins, and making the thread for your clothing: which will give you more fishing and shooting time, in the sturgeon and bear months." Indian.—"But the custom of my fathers!"

Trader.—"You will not break the custom of your fathers, by being thus clad for a single year. They did not refuse those things which were never offered to them."

Indian.—"For this year, brother, I will exchange my skins; in the next I shall provide apparel more befitting a warrior. One pack alone I will reserve to dress for a future occasion. The summer must not find a warrior idle."

Trader.—"The governor has forbid bringing scaura to steal away the wisdom of the warriors; but we white men are weak and cold; we brings kegs for ourselves, lest death arise from the swamps. We will not sell scaura; but you shall taste some of ours in return for the venison with which you have feasted us."[83]

Indian.—"Brother, we will drink moderately."

32. How Mackinac was taken and Detroit was saved
BY JONATHAN CARVER (1764)[84]

MICHILLIMACKINAC, from whence I began my travels, is a fort composed of a strong stockade, and is usually defended by a garrison of one hundred men. It contains about thirty houses, one of which belongs to the Governor, and another to the Commissary. Several traders also dwell within its fortifications, who find it a convenient situation to traffic with the neighbouring nations.

Michillimackinac, in the language of the Chipéway Indians, signifies a Tortoise; and the place is supposed to receive its name from an island, lying about six or seven miles to the north-east, within sight of the fort, which has the appearance of that animal.

During the Indian war that followed soon after the conquest of Canada in the year 1763, under the direction of Pontiac, a celebrated Indian warrior, it was taken by surprise in the following manner.

The Indians having settled their plan, drew near the fort, and began a game at ball, a pastime much used among them, and not unlike tennis. In the height of their game, at which some of the English officers, not suspecting any deceit, stood looking on, they struck the ball, as if by accident, over the stockade; this they repeated two or three times, to make the deception more complete.

At length, having by this means lulled every suspicion of the sentry of the south gate, a party rushed by him; and the rest soon following, they took possession of the fort, without meeting with any opposition. Their design accomplished, the Indians had the humanity to spare the lives of the greatest part of the garrison and traders, but they made them all prisoners, and carried them off. However, some time after they took them to Montreal, where they were redeemed at a good price.

Pontiac, under whom the party that surprised Fort Michillimackinac acted, was an enterprising chief or head-warrior of the Miames. He collected an army of. confederate Indians to renew the war. However, instead of openly attacking the English settlements, he laid a scheme for taking by surprise those distant forts. To get into his hands Detroit, a place of greater consequence, and much better guarded, required greater resolution, and more consummate art.

He of course took the management of this expedition on himself, and drew near it with the principal body of his troops. He was however, prevented from

carrying his design into execution, by an apparently trivial and unforeseen circumstance. On such does the fate of mighty Empires frequently depend!

The town of Detroit, when Pontiac formed his plan, was garrisoned by about three hundred men commanded by Major Gladwyn, a gallant officer. As at that time every appearance of war was at an end, and the Indians seemed to be on a friendly footing, Pontiac therefore approached the Fort, without exciting any suspicions in the breast of the governor or the inhabitants.

He encamped at a little distance from it, and sent to let the commandant know that he was come to trade; and from a wish to strengthen the chain of peace between the English and his nation, desired that he and his chiefs might be admitted to hold a council with him. The governor, still unsuspicious, and not in the least doubting the sincerity of the Indians, granted their general's request, and fixed on the next morning for their reception.

The evening of that day, an Indian woman who had been employed by Major Gladwyn to make him a pair of Indian shoes, out of curious elk-skin, brought them home. The Major was so pleased with them, that he wanted to keep these as a present for a friend, and ordered her to take the remainder of the skin back, and make it into other shoes for himself.

He then directed his servant to pay her for what she had done, and dismissed her. The woman went to the door that led to the street but no further; she there loitered about as if she had not finished the business on which she came. A servant at length observed her, and asked her why she stayed there; but she gave him no answer.

Some short time after, the governor himself saw her; and enquired of his servant what occasioned her stay. Not being able to get a satisfactory answer, he ordered the woman to be called in. When she came into his presence he desired to know why she loitered about, and did not hasten home before the gates were shut, that she might complete in due time the work he had given her to do.

She told him, after much hesitation, that as he had always behaved with great goodness towards her, she was unwilling to take away the remainder of the skin, because he put so great a value upon it; and yet had not been able to prevail upon herself to tell him so. He then asked her. why she was more reluctant to do so now, than she had been when she made the former pair. With increased reluctance she answered, that she never should be able to bring them back.

His curiosity was now excited, and he insisted on her disclosing to him the secret that seemed to be struggling in her bosom for utterance. At last, on receiving a promise that the intelligence she was about to give him should not turn to her prejudice, and that if it appeared to be beneficial, she should be rewarded for it, she informed him that at the council to be held with the Indians the following day, Pontiac and his chiefs intended to murder him; and, after having massacred the garrison and inhabitants, to plunder the town.

That for this purpose all the chiefs who were admitted into the council-room, had cut their guns short, so that they could conceal them under their blankets; another, at a signal given by their general, on delivering the belt they were all to rise up, and instantly to fire on him and his attendants. Then they were to

rush into the town, where they would find themselves supported by a great number of their warriors, that were to come into it during the sitting of the council, under presence of trading, but privately armed in the same manner. Having gained from the woman every necessary particular relative to the plot, and also of the means by which she acquired a knowledge of them, he dismissed her with injunctions of secrecy, and a promise of fulfilling on his part with punctuality the engagements he had entered into.

The intelligence the governor had just received, gave him great uneasiness; and he immediately consulted the officer who was next to him in command on the subject. But that gentleman considered the information as a story invented for some artful purpose, and advised him to pay no attention to it.

This conclusion, however, had happily no weight with him. He thought it prudent to conclude it to be true, till he was convinced that it was not so; and therefore, without revealing his suspicions to any other person, he took every needful precaution that the time would admit of. He walked round the fort during the whole night, and saw himself that every sentinel was on duty, and every weapon of defence in proper order.

As he traversed the ramparts which lay nearest to the Indian camp, he heard them in high festivity, and, little imagining that their plot was discovered, probably pleasing themselves with the anticipation of their success. As soon as the morning dawned, he ordered all the garrison under arms; and then imparted his apprehensions to a few of the principal officers, and gave them such directions as he thought necessary.

At the same time he sent round to all the traders,

to inform them that as it was expected a great number of Indians would enter the town that day, who might be inclined to plunder, he desired they would have their arms ready, and repel every attempt of that kind.

About ten o'clock, Pontiac and his chiefs arrived; and were conducted to the council-chamber, where the governor and his principal officers, each with pistols in their belts, awaited his arrival. As the Indians passed on, they could not help observing that a greater number of troops than usual were drawn up on the parade, or marching about.

No sooner were they entered, and seated on the skins prepared for them, than Pontiac asked the governor for what occasion his young men, meaning the soldiers, were thus drawn up, and parading the streets. He received for answer, that it was only intended to keep them perfect in their exercise.

The Indian chief-warrior now began his speech, which contained the strongest professions of friendship and good will towards the English; and when he came to the delivery of the belt of wampum, the particular sign which, according to the woman's information, was to be the signal for his chiefs to fire, the governor and all his chiefs drew their swords halfway out of their scabbards. The soldiers at the same instant made a clattering with their arms before the doors, which had been purposely left open.

Pontiac, though one of the boldest of men, immediately turned pale, and trembled; and instead of giving the belt in the manner proposed, delivered it according to the usual way. His chiefs who had impatiently expected the signal, looked at each other with astonishment, but continued quiet, waiting the result.

The governor in his turn made a speech; but instead of thanking the great warrior for the professions of friendship he had just uttered, he accused him of being a traitor. He told him that the English, who knew every thing, were convinced of his treachery and villainous designs.

As a proof that they were well acquainted with his most secret thoughts and intentions, he stepped towards the Indian chief that sat nearest to him, and drawing aside his blanket, discovered the shortened firelock. This entirely disconcerted the Indians, and frustrated their design.

He then continued to tell them, that as he had given his word at the time they desired an audience, that their persons should be safe, he would hold his promise inviolable, though they so little deserved it. However, he advised them to make the best of their way out of the fort, lest his young men, acquainted with their treacherous purposes, should cut every one of them to pieces.

Pontiac tried to deny the accusation, and to make excuses for his suspicious conduct, but the governor was satisfied of the falsity of his protestations, and would not listen to him. The Indians immediately left the fort, but instead of being sensible of the governor's generous behaviour, they threw off the mask, and the next day made a regular attack upon it.

33. On the Dark and Bloody Ground
BY DANIEL BOONE (1769-1775)[85]

IT was on the first of May, in the year 1769, that I resigned my domestic happiness for a time, and left my family and peaceable habitation on the Yadkin River, in North Carolina, to wander through the wilderness of America, in quest of the country of Kentucky, in company with John Finley, John Stewart, Joseph Holden, James Monay, and William Cool.

We proceeded successfully, and after a long and tiresome journey through a mountainous wilderness, in a westward direction, on the seventh day of June following, we found ourselves on Red-River, where John Finley had formerly gone trading with the Indians; and, from the top of an eminence, saw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky.[86]

We found every where abundance of wild beasts of all sorts, through this vast forest. The buffalo were more frequent than I have seen cattle in the settlements, browzing on the leaves of the cane, or cropping the herbage on those extensive plains, fearless, because ignorant, of the violence of man. Sometimes we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing.

As we ascended the brow of a small hill, near Kentucky River, a number of Indians rushed out of a thick cane-brake upon us, and made us prisoners. The time of our sorrow was now arrived, and the scene fully opened. They plundered us of what we had, and kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with

common savage usage. During this time we showed no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them less suspicious of us. But in the dead of night, as we lay in a thick cane-brake by a large fire, when sleep had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing me for rest, I touched my companion and gently woke him.

We improved this favorable opportunity, and departed, leaving them to take their rest, and speedily directed our course towards our old camp, but found it plundered, and the company dispersed and gone home.

Soon after this, my companion in captivity, John Stewart, was killed by the savages, and the man that came with my brother returned home by himself. We were then in a dangerous, helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death amongst savages and wild beasts, not a white man in the country but ourselves.

One day I undertook a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature I met with in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought.[87] I laid me down to sleep, and I awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. I continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first.

I returned again to my old camp, which was not disturbed in my absence. I did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick cane-brakes, to avoid the savages, who, I believe, often visited my camp, but fortunately for me, in my absence. In this situation I was constantly exposed to danger and death. How unhappy such a situation for a man! Tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger

comes. The prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings.

In 1772 I returned safe to my old home, and found my family in happy circumstances. I sold my farm on the Yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us; and on the twenty-fifth day of September, 1773, bade a farewell to our friends, and proceeded on our journey to Kentucky, in company with five families more, and forty men that joined us in Powel's Valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from the now settled parts of Kentucky.[88]

This promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversity; for upon the tenth day of October, the rear of our company was attacked by a number of Indians, who killed six, and wounded one man.[89] Of these my eldest son was one that fell in the action.

Though we defended ourselves, and repulsed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and so discouraged the whole company, that we retreated forty miles, to the settlement on Clench River.

Within fifteen miles of where Boonsborough now stands, we were fired upon by a party of Indians that killed two, and wounded two of our number; yet, although surprised and taken at a disadvantage, we stood our ground. This was on the twentieth of March, I 775.

Three days after, we were fired upon again, and had two men killed, and three wounded. Afterwards we proceeded on to Kentucky River without opposition; and on the first day of April began to erect the fort of Boonsborough at a salt lick, about sixty yards from the river, on the south side. On the fourth day, the Indians killed one of our men.

In a short time, I proceeded to remove my family from Clench to this garrison; where we arrived safe without any other difficulties than such as are common to this passage, my wife and daughter being the first white women that ever stood on the banks of Kentucky River. On the twenty-fourth day of December following, we had one man killed, and one wounded, by the Indians, who seemed determined to persecute us for erecting this fortification.

On the fourteenth day of July, 1776, two of Col. Calaway's daughters, and one of mine, were taken prisoners near the fort. I immediately pursued the Indians, with only eight men, and on the sixteenth overtook them, killed two of the party, and recovered the girls. The same day on which this attempt was made, the Indians divided themselves into different parties, and attacked several forts, which were shortly before this time erected, doing a great deal of mischief. This was extremely distressing to the new settlers. The innocent husbandman was shot down, while busy in cultivating the soil for his family's supply. Most of the cattle around the stations were destroyed. They continued their hostilities in this manner until the fifteenth of April, 1777, when they attacked Boonsborough with a party of above one hundred in number, killed one man, and wounded four.—Their loss in this attack was not certainly known to us.

On the fourth day of July following, a party of about two hundred Indians attacked Boonsborough, killed one man, and wounded two. They besieged us forty-eight hours; during which time seven of them were killed, and, at last, finding themselves not likely to prevail, they raised the siege, and departed.

The Indians had disposed their warriors in different parties at this time, and attacked the different garrisons to prevent their assisting each other, and did much injury to the distressed inhabitants.

On the nineteenth day of this month, Col. Logan's fort was besieged by a party of about two hundred Indians. During this dreadful siege they did a great deal of mischief, distressed the garrison, in which were only fifteen men, killed two, and wounded one.

This campaign in some measure damped the spirits of the Indians, and made them sensible of our superiority. Their connections were dissolved, their armies scattered, and a future invasion put entirely out of their power; yet they continued to practice mischief secretly upon the inhabitants, in the exposed parts of the country.

In October following, a party made an excursion into that district called the Crab Orchard, and one of them, who was advanced some distance before the others, boldly entered the house of a poor defenceless family, in which was only a Negro man, a woman and her children, terrified with the apprehensions of immediate death. The savage, perceiving their defenceless situation, without offering violence to the family, attempted to captivate the Negro, who happily proved an over-match for him, threw him on the ground, and, in the struggle, the mother of the children drew an axe from a corner of the cottage, and cut his head off, while her little daughter shut the door. The savages instantly appeared, and applied their tomahawks to the door. An old rusty gun-barrel, without a lock, lay in a corner, which the mother put through a small crevice, and the savages, perceiving it, fled. In the mean time, the alarm spread through the neighbourhood;

the armed men collected immediately, and pursued the ravagers into the wilderness. Thus Providence, by the means of this Negro, saved the whole of the poor family from destruction. From that time, until the happy return of peace between the United States and Great Britain, the Indians did us no mischief.

To conclude, I can now say that I have verified the saying of an old Indian who signed Col. Henderson's deed. Taking me by the hand, at the delivery thereof, Brother, says he, we have given you a fine land, but I believe you will have much trouble in settling it.—My footsteps have often been marked with blood, and therefore I can truly subscribe to its original name. Two darling sons, and a brother, have I lost by savage hands, which have also taken from me forty valuable horses, and abundance of cattle. Many dark and sleepless nights have I been a companion for owls, separated from the cheerful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness. But now the scene is changed: peace crowns the sylvan shade.

34. Indian Games
BY JONATHAN CARVER (1766)

THE Indians are greatly addicted to gaming, and will even stake, and lose with composure, all the valuables they are possessed of. They amuse themselves at several sorts of games; but the principal and most esteemed among them is that of the ball, [90] which is not unlike the European game of tennis.

The balls they use are rather larger than those made use of at tennis, and are formed of a piece of deer-skin. It is moistened to render it supple, and then stuffed hard with the hair of the same creature, and sewed with its sinews. The ball-sticks are about three feet long; at the end there is fixed a kind of racket, resembling the palm of the hand, and fashioned of thongs cut from a deer-skin. In these they catch the ball, and throw it to a great distance, if they are not prevented by some of the opposite party, who fly to intercept it.

This game is generally played by large companies, that sometimes consist of more than three hundred; and it is not uncommon for different bands to play against each other.[91]

They begin by fixing two poles in the ground at about six hundred yards apart, and one of these goals belong to each party of the combatants. The ball is thrown up high in the centre of the ground, and in a direct line between the goals: towards which each party endeavors to strike it. Whichever side first causes it to reach their own goal, reckons towards the game.

They are so exceedingly dextrous in this manly exercise, that the ball is usually kept flying in different directions by the force of the rackets, without touching the ground during the whole contention. They are not allowed to catch it with their hands. They run with amazing velocity in pursuit of each other. When one is on the point of hurling it to a great distance, an antagonist overtakes him, and by a sudden stroke dashes down the ball.

They play with so much vehemence that they frequently wound each other, and sometimes a bone is

broken. Notwithstanding these accidents, there never appears to be any spite or wanton exertions of strength to affect them; nor do any disputes ever happen between the parties.

There is another game also in use among them worthy of remark, and this is the game of the Bowl or Platter. This game is played between two persons only. Each person has six or eight little bones not unlike a peach stone either in size or shape, except that they are quadrangular. Two of the sides of these are colored black, and the others white. These they throw up into the air, from whence they fall into a bowl or platter placed underneath, and made to spin round.

According as these bones present the white or black side upwards they reckon the game. He that happens to have the greatest number turn up of a similar color, counts five points; and forty is the game. The winning party keeps his place, and the loser yields his to another who is appointed by one of the umpires. A whole village is sometimes concerned in the party, and at times one band plays against another.

During this play the Indians appear to be greatly excited, and at every decisive throw set up a hideous shout. They make a thousand contortions, addressing themselves at the same time to the bones, and loading with imprecations, the evil spirits that assist their successful antagonists.

At this game some will lose their apparel, all the moveables of their cabins, and sometimes even their liberty; notwithstanding there are no people in the universe more jealous of their freedom than the Indians are.

35. Defeated by the Indians
BY DANIEL BOONE (1782)

TOWARD Spring, we were frequently harassed by Indians; and, in May, 1782, a party assaulted Ashton's

station, killed one man, and took a negro prisoner. Captain Ashton, with twenty-five men, pursued, and overtook the savages, and a smart fight ensued, which lasted two hours; but as they were superior in number, they obliged Captain Ashton's party to retreat, with the loss of eight killed and four mortally wounded; their brave commander himself was numbered among the dead.

The Indians continued their hostilities; and, about the tenth of August following, two boys were taken from Major Hoy's station. This party was pursued by Capt. Holder and seventeen men, who were also defeated, with the loss of four men killed, and one wounded. Our affairs became more and more alarming. Several stations which had lately been erected in the country were continually infested with savages, who stole the horses and killed the men at every opportunity. In a field, near Lexington, an Indian shot a man, and while running to scalp him, was himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon his enemy.

Every day we experienced numerous mischiefs. The barbarous savage nations of Shawanese, Cherokees, Wyandots, Tawas, Delawares, and several others near Detroit, united in a war against us, and assembled their choicest warriors at old Chelicothe to go on the expedition, in order to destroy us, and entirely depopulate the country. Their savage minds were inflamed to mischief by two abandoned men, Captains M'Kee and Girty,[92] who led them to execute every diabolical scheme.

On the fifteenth day of August, a party of about five hundred Indians and Canadians attacked Briant's station, five miles from Lexington. Without demanding a surrender, they furiously assaulted the garrison, which was happily prepared to oppose them; and, after they had expended much ammunition in vain, and killed the cattle round the fort, seeing they were not likely to make themselves masters, they raised

the siege, and departed in the morning of the third day after they came, with the loss of about thirty killed, and the number of wounded uncertain.—Of the garrison four were killed, and three wounded.

On the eighteenth day Col. Todd, Col. Trigg, Major Harland, and myself, speedily collected one hundred and seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued the savages. They had marched beyond the Blue Licks to a remarkable bend of the main fork of Licking River, about forty-three miles from Lexington, where we overtook them on the nineteenth day. The savages observed us and gave way; while we, ignorant of their numbers, passed over the river.

The enemy saw our proceedings, as they had greatly the advantage of us in situation, and formed the line of battle, from one bend of Licking to the other, about a mile from the Blue Licks. An exceeding fierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen minutes, when we were overpowered by numbers and obliged to retreat, with the loss of fifty-seven men, seven of whom were taken prisoners. The brave and much-lamented Colonels Todd and Trigg, Major Harland, and my second son, were among the dead. We were informed that the Indians, on numbering their dead, found they had four killed more than we; and therefore, four of the prisoners they had taken were, by general consent, ordered to be killed, in a most barbarous manner, by the young warriors, in order to train them up to cruelty; and then they proceeded to their towns.

On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, hastening to join us, with a number of well armed men. This powerful assistance we unfortunately wanted in the battle; for notwithstanding the enemy's superiority

of numbers, they acknowledged that if they had received one more fire from us, they would undoubtedly have given way. So valiantly did our small party fight, that to the memory of those who unfortunately fell in the battle, enough of honour can" not be paid. Had Col. Logan and his party been with us, it is highly probable we should have given the savages a total defeat.

I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, but sorrow fills my heart. A zeal for the defence of their country led these heroes to the scene of action, ready with a few men to attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. When we gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread destruction. The river was difficult to cross, and many were killed in the flight, some just entering the river, some in the water, others after crossing, in ascending the cliffs. Some escaped on horseback, a few on foot; and dispersed every where in a few hours, and brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate battle to Lexington. Many widows were now made. The reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding any thing that I am able to describe.

As soon as General Clark, then at the Falls of the Ohio, who was ever our ready friend, and merits the love and gratitude of all his countrymen, understood the circumstances of this unfortunate action, he ordered an expedition, with all possible haste, to pursue the savages. The plan was expeditiously effected, and we overtook them within two miles of their towns, and probably might have obtained a great victory, had not two of their number met us about two hundred rods before we came up. These returned quick

as lightening to their camp with the alarming news of a mighty army in view. The savages fled in the utmost disorder, evacuated their towns, and reluctantly left their territory to our mercy. Without opposition, we immediately took possession of Old Chelicothe, deserted by its inhabitants; and then we continued our pursuit through five towns on the Miami rivers, Old Chelicothe, Pecaway' New Chelicothe, Will's Towns, and Chelicothe, burnt them all to ashes, entirely destroyed their corn, and other fruits, and everywhere spread a scene of desolation in the country. In this expedition we took seven prisoners and five scalps, with the loss of only four men, two of whom were accidentally killed by our own men.

36. A Captive well treated by Indians
BY DANIEL BOONE (ABOUT 1780)[93]

FOR the space of six weeks, we had skirmishes with Indians, in one quarter or other, almost every day. The savages now learned the superiority of the Long Knife, as they called the Virginians, by experience; for they were out-generalled in almost every battle. Our affairs began to wear a new aspect, and the enemy, not daring to venture on open war, practiced secret mischief.

On the first day of January, 1778, I went with a party of thirty men to the Blue Licks, on Licking River, to make salt for the different garrisons in the country.

On the 7th day of February, as I was hunting to procure meat for the company, I met with a party of one hundred and two Indians, and two Frenchmen, on their march against Boonsborough, a place particularly the object of the enemy.

They pursued and took me; and brought me on the eighth day to the Licks, where were twenty-seven of my party, three of them having previously returned home with the salt. I knew it was impossible for them to escape, and arranged with the enemy to stand at a distance in their view, and give notice to my men of their situation, with orders not to resist, but to surrender themselves captives.

The generous usage the Indians had promised before in my capitulation, was afterwards fully complied with, and we proceeded with them as prisoners to old Chilicothe, the principal Indian town on Little Miami,[94] where we arrived, after an uncomfortable journey in very severe weather, on the eighteenth day of February, and received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages.—On the tenth day of March following, I and ten of my men were conducted by forty Indians to Detroit, where we arrived the thirtieth day, and were treated by Governor Hamilton, the British commander at that post, with great humanity.

During our travels, the Indians entertained me well; and their affection for me was so great, that they utterly refused to leave me there with the others, although the Governor offered them one hundred pounds sterling for me, on purpose to give me a parole to go home. Several English gentlemen there, sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with human sympathy, generously offered a friendly

supply for my wants, which I refused, with many thanks for their kindness; adding, that I never expected it would be in my power to recompense such unmerited generosity.

The Indians left my men in captivity with the British at Detroit, and on the tenth day of April brought me towards Old Chilicothe, where we arrived on the twenty-fifth day of the same month. This was a long and fatiguing march, through an exceeding fertile country, remarkable for fine springs and streams of water. At Chilicothe I spent my time as comfortably as I could expect; was adopted, according to their custom, into a family, where I became a son, and had a great share in the affection of my new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends.

I was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always appearing as cheerful and satisfied as possible, and they put great confidence in me. I often went a hunting with them, and frequently gained their applause for my activity at our shooting-matches. I was careful not to exceed many of them in shooting; for no people are more envious than they in this sport. I could observe, in their countenances and gestures, the greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me; and, when the reverse happened, of envy.

The Shawanese king took great notice of me, and treated me with profound respect, and entire friendship, often trusting me to hunt at my liberty. I frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as often presented some of what I had taken to him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. My food and lodging were in common with them; not so good indeed as I could desire, but necessity made every thing acceptable.

I now began to meditate an escape, and carefully avoided their suspicions, continuing with them at Old Chilicothe until the first day of June following; then I was taken by them to the salt springs on Sciota, and kept there ten days, making salt. During this time I hunted for them, and found the land for a great extent about this river, better than the soil of Kentucky, if possible, and remarkably well watered.

When I returned to Chilicothe, I was alarmed to see four hundred and fifty Indians, of their choicest warriors, painted and armed in a fearful manner, ready to march against Boonsborough, and I determined to escape on the first opportunity.

On the sixteenth, before sun-rise, I departed in the most secret manner, and arrived at Boonsborough on the twentieth, after a journey of one hundred and sixty miles; during which, I had but one meal.

I found our fortress in a bad state of defence; but we proceeded immediately to repair our flanks, strengthen our gates and posterns, and form double bastions, which we completed in ten days. All this time we daily expected the arrival of the Indian army; and at length, one of my fellow prisoners arrived, who had escaped from them, and informed us that the enemy had postponed their expedition three weeks on account of my departure.—The Indians had spies out viewing our movements, and were greatly alarmed with our increase in number and fortifications. The Grand Councils of the nations were held frequently, and with more deliberation than usual. They evidently saw the approaching hour when the Long Knife would dispossess them of their desirable habitations; and, anxiously concerned for futurity, determined utterly to extirpate the whites out of Kentucky.