University of Virginia Library

8. PART VIII
IN THE FIELD

77. Battle of Lexington
BY JONAS CLARK (1775)[194]

BETWEEN the hours of twelve and one, on the morning of the nineteenth of April, we received intelligence by express from the Hon. Joseph Warren, Esq., at Boston that a large body of the King's troops were embarked in boats from Boston. They were supposed to be a brigade of about twelve or fifteen hundred. They were said to have gone over to land on Lechmere's Point, in Cambridge.

It was shrewdly suspected that they were ordered to seize and destroy the stores, belonging to the colony, and then deposited at Concord. This was in consequence of General Gage's unjustifiable seizure of the provincial magazine of powder at Medford, and other colony stores at several other places.

Upon this intelligence, as also upon information of the conduct of the officers as above mentioned, the militia of this town were alarmed, and ordered to meet on the usual place of parade. This was not with any design of commencing hostilities upon the

King's troops, but to consult what might be done for our own and the people's safety.

This was in order to be ready for whatever service Providence might call us out to, upon this alarming occasion, in case overt acts of violence or open hostilities should be committed.

About the same time two persons were sent express to Cambridge, if possible to gain intelligence of the motions of the troops and what route they took.

The militia met according to order, and awaited the return of the messengers, that they might order their measures as occasion should require. Between three and four o'clock, one of the expresses returned, reporting that there was no appearance of the troops on the roads, either from Cambridge or Charlestown. It was supposed that the movements in the army the evening before were only a feint to alarm the people.

Thereupon therefore the militia company were dismissed for the present. But they had orders to be within call of the drum waiting the return of the other messenger. He was expected in about an hour, or sooner, if any discovery should be made of the motions of the troops.

He was prevented by their silent and sudden arrival at the place where he was waiting for intelligence. So that after all this precaution, we had no notice of their approach until the brigade was actually in the town, and upon a quick march within about a mile of the meeting house and place of parade.

However the commanding officer thought best to call the company together. He had no intention of opposing so superior a force, much less of commencing hostilities. It was done only with a view to determine what to do, when and where to meet, and to dismiss and disperse.

Accordingly, about half after four o'clock alarm guns were fired, and the drums beat to arms; and the militia were collected together. Some, to the number of fifty or sixty, or possibly more, were on the parade, others were coming towards it. In the meantime the troops, having thus stolen a march upon us, and to prevent any intelligence of their approach, seized and held prisoners several persons whom they met unarmed upon the road.

They seemed to come determined for murder and bloodshed; and that whether provoked to it or not! When within about half a quarter of a mile of the meeting house, they halted. The command was given to prime and load. This being done they marched on until they came up to the east end of the meeting house in sight of our militia.

Immediately upon their appearing so suddenly, and so nigh, Captain Parker who commanded the militia company, ordered the men to disperse and take care of themselves; and not to fire. Upon this our men dispersed. But many of them not so speedily as they might have done, not having the most distant idea of such brutal barbarity and more than savage cruelty, from the troops of a British King as they immediately experienced!

For no sooner did they come in sight of our company, but one of them, supposed to be an officer of rank, was heard to say to his troops, "Now we will have them!"[195] Upon which the troops shouted aloud, huzzaed, and rushed furiously towards our men.

About the same time three officers advanced on horseback to the front of the body, and coming within five or six rods of the militia, one of them cried out, "Ye villains, ye rebels, disperse; disperse!" or words to this effect.[196] One of them (whether the same or not is not easily determined) said, "Lay down your arms; why don't you lay down your arms!"

The second of these officers about this time fired a pistol towards the militia, as they were dispersing.[197] The foremost, who was within a few yards of our men, brandished his sword and then pointed towards them. With a loud voice he said, "Fire!" which was instantly followed by a discharge of arms from the troops.

This was succeeded by a heavy and close fire upon our party, dispersing so long as any of them were within reach. Eight were left dead upon the ground! Ten were wounded. The rest of the company, through divine goodness, were, by a miracle, preserved unhurt in this murderous action!

78. The Capture of Boston
BY GEORGE WASHINGTON (1776)[198]

As some account of the late manoeuvres of both armies may not be unacceptable, I shall, hurried as I always am, devote a little time to it. Having received a small supply of powder, very inadequate to our wants, I resolved to take possession of Dorchester Point, lying east of Boston, looking directly into it, and commanding the enemy's lines on Boston Neck. To do this, which I knew would force the enemy to an engagement, or subject them to be enfiladed by our cannon,[199] it was necessary, in the first instance, to possess two heights (those mentioned in General Burgoyne's letter to Lord Stanley, in his account of the battle of Bunker's Hill), which had the entire command of the point.

Inasmuch as the ground at this point was frozen upwards of two feet deep, and as impenetrable as a rock, nothing could be attempted with earth. We were obliged, therefore, to provide an amazing quantity of chandeliers and fascines for the work;[200] and, on the night of the 4th, after a previous severe cannonade and bombardment for three nights together, to divert the enemy's attention from our real design, we removed our material to the spot, under cover of darkness, and took full possession of those heights, without the loss of a single man.

Upon their discovery of the works next morning, great preparations were made for attacking them; but not being ready before the afternoon, and the weather getting very tempestuous, much blood was saved, and a very important blow, to one side or the

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

[Description: The unfinished Stuart portrait of George Washington.]

other, was prevented. That this most remarkable interposition of Providence is for some wise purpose, I have not a doubt. But, as the principal design of the manoeuvre was to draw the enemy to an engagement under disadvantages to them, as a premeditated plan was laid for this purpose, and seemed to be succeeding to my utmost wish, and as no men seem better disposed to make the appeal than ours did upon that occasion, I can scarcely forbear lamenting the disappointment, unless the dispute is drawing to an accommodation, and the sword going to be sheathed.

The enemy thinking, as we have since learnt, that we had got too securely posted, before the second morning, to be much hurt by them, and apprehending great annoyance from our new works, resolved upon a retreat, and accordingly on the 17th embarked in as much hurry, precipitation, and confusion, as ever troops did, not taking time to fit their transports, but leaving the King's property in Boston, to the amount, as is supposed, of thirty or forty thousand pounds in provisions and stores.

Many pieces of cannon, some mortars, and a number of shot and shells are also left; and baggage-wagons and artillery-carts, which they have been eighteen months preparing to take the field with, were found destroyed, thrown into the docks, and drifted upon every shore. In short, Dunbar's destruction of stores after General Braddock's defeat, which made so much noise, affords but a faint idea of what was to be met with here.

The enemy lay from the 17th to the 27th in Nantasket and King's Roads, about nine miles from Boston, to take in water from the islands thereabouts, and to prepare themselves for sea. Whither they are now

bound, and where their tents will be next pitched, I know not; but, as New York and Hudson's River are the most important objects they can have in view, as the latter secures the communication with Canada, at the same time that it separates the northern and southern colonies, and the former is thought to abound in disaffected persons, who only wait a favorable opportunity and support to declare themselves openly, it becomes equally important for us to prevent their gaining possession of these advantages; and, therefore, as soon as they embarked, I detached a brigade of six regiments to that government, and, when they sailed, another brigade composed of the same number; and to-morrow another brigade of five regiments will march. In a day or two more, I shall follow myself, and be in New York ready to receive all but the first.

The enemy left all their works standing in Boston and on Bunker's Hill; and formidable they are. The town has shared a much better fate than was expected, the damage done to the houses being nothing equal to report. But the inhabitants have suffered a good deal, in being plundered by the soldiery at their departure. All those who took upon themselves the style and title of government-men in Boston, in short, all those who have acted an unfriendly part in the great contest,[201] have shipped themselves off in the same hurry, but under still greater disadvantages than the King's troops, being obliged to man their own vessels, as seamen enough could not be had for the King's transports, and submit to every hardship that can be conceived. One or two have done, what a great number ought to have done long ago, committed suicide.

By all accounts, there never existed a more miserable set of beings, than these wretched creatures now are.

Taught to believe that the power of Great Britain was superior to all opposition, and, if not, that foreign aid was at hand, they were even higher and more insulting in their opposition than the regulars. When the order issued, therefore, for embarking the troops in Boston, no electric shock, no sudden explosion of thunder, in a word, not the last trump could have struck them

CANNON FROM THE REVOLUTION.

[Description: Sketch showing two cannon, set in front of a large building and trees.]

with greater consternation. They were at their wits' end, and, conscious of their black ingratitude, they chose to commit themselves, in the manner I have above described, to the mercy of the waves at a tempestuous season, rather than meet their offended country-men.

I believe I may with great truth affirm, that no man perhaps since the first institution of armies ever commanded one under more difficult circumstances, than I have done. Many of my difficulties and distresses

were of so peculiar a cast, that, in order to conceal them from the enemy, I was obliged to conceal them from my friends, and indeed from my own army, thereby subjecting my conduct to interpretations unfavorable to my character, especially by those at a distance, who could not in the smallest degree be acquainted with the springs that governed it.

79. A Soldier's Song
(1776)

80. The Death of Nathan Hale[202]
(1776)

81. A Brisk Little Fight
BY TENCH TILGHMAN (1776)[203]

I have the pleasure to inform you that I am safe and well after a most successful enterprise against three regiments of Hessians consisting of about fifteen hundred men lying in Trenton, which was planned and executed under his Excellency's immediate command. Our party amounted to twenty-four hundred men, we crossed the river at McKonkeys ferry nine miles above Trenton, the night was excessively severe, both cold and snowy, which the men bore without the least murmur.

We were so much delayed in crossing the river, that we did not reach Trenton till eight o'clock, when the division which the General headed in person, attacked the enemy's outpost. The other division which marched the lower road, attacked the advanced post at Phillip Dickinson's, within a few minutes after we began ours.

Both parties pushed on with so much rapidity, that the enemy had scarce time to form, our people advanced up to the mouths of their field pieces, shot down their horses and brought off the cannon. About six hundred ran off upon the Bordentown Road the moment the attack began, the remainder finding themselves surrounded laid down their arms.

We have taken thirty Officers and eight hundred and eighty-six privates among the former Colonel Rahls the Commandant, who is wounded. The General left him and the other wounded officers upon their parole, under their own surgeons, and gave to all the privates their baggage. Our loss is only Captain Washington and his lieutenant slightly wounded and two privates killed and two wounded.

If the ice had not prevented General Ewing from crossing at Trenton ferry, and Colonel Cadwalader from doing the same at Bristol, we should have followed the blow and driven every post below Trenton. The Hessians have laid all waste since the' British troops went away, the inhabitants had all left the town and their houses were stripped and torn to pieces.

The inhabitants about the country told us, that the British protections would not pass among the Hessians. I am informed that many people have of choice kept their effects in Philadelphia supposing if General Howe got possession that they would be safe. So they may be, if he only carries British troops with him, but you may depend it is not in his power, neither does he pretend to restrain the foreigners. I have just snatched time to scrawl these few lines by Colonel Baylor, who is going to Congress—

Yours is this moment put into my hands but you would receive mine by Colonel Baylor giving you a full account of the affair at Trenton a little after you dispatched the messenger—We are just going over to Jersey again in pursuit of the remainder of the Hessian army who have left Bordentown—The General waits while I write this much. My most affectionate love to my sisters.

It generally happens that when an opportunity to send to Philadelphia offers, my time is taken up with the public dispatches. Since our lucky stroke upon the enemy's rear at Princetown,[204] they have evacuated all their posts in New Jersey except Amboy and Brunswick where they are shut up almost destitute of provisions, fuel and forage.

Depending upon the whole province of New Jersey for supplies this winter, they had established no general magazine, but ordered small ones to be laid up in and about the several Towns; all these have fallen into our hands. We found most of the mills on the Raritan full of flour, laid up for the British Commissaries.

There is no good blood between the English and foreigners; the former tax the latter with negligence in the loss of Trenton, which they say is the cause of their misfortunes.

I received a parcel of hard money from you for Hacket's son; but as most of the prisoners taken at Fort Washington are sent out, I think it likely that Hacket may be among them; if so, sending in the money would probably be to lose it. I will therefore keep it till I hear more of the matter. Whenever you write to or see my sisters remember me most affectionately to them.

82. A German Lady's Campaign
BY MADAME RIEDESEL (1777)[205]

WHEN the army broke up, on the 11th of September, 1777, I was at first told that I must remain behind; but on my repeated entreaties, and as other ladies had been permitted to follow the army, the same indulgence was extended to me.

We advanced by short journeys, and went through many toils; yet I would have purchased at any price the privilege thus granted to me of seeing daily my husband. I had sent back my baggage, and only kept a small bundle of summer dresses.

In the beginning all went well, we thought that there was little doubt of our being successful, and of reaching "the promised land," and when on the passage across the Hudson, general Burgoyne exclaimed, "Britons never retrograde," our spirits rose mightily.

I observed, however, with surprise, that the wives of the officers were beforehand informed of all the military plans; and I was so much the more struck

with it, as I remembered with how much secrecy all dispositions were made in the armies of Duke Ferdinand, during the seven-years' war.[206]

Thus the Americans anticipated all our movements, and expected us wherever we arrived: and this of course injured our affairs.

For our farther march, I had caused a calash to be made for me,[207] in which I could take, not only my children, but also my two female attendants: and thus I followed the army in the midst of the troops, who were in great spirits, and sang and longed for victory.

We marched through endless forests, and a beautiful district, though deserted by the inhabitants, who ran away at our approach, to reinforce General Gates' army. They are naturally soldiers, and excellent marksmen, and the idea of fighting for their country and their liberty, increased their innate courage.

My husband was encamped with the rest of the army: being myself about an hour's ride behind the army, I went every morning to pay him a visit in the camp, and sometimes I dined there with him, but generally he took his dinner in my quarters.

But all at once, on the 7th of October, he marched away with the whole staff, and then our misfortunes began. While breakfasting with my husband, I heard that something was under contemplation. General Fraser, and, I believe, Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, were to dine with me on that day.

I remarked much movement in the camp. My husband told me that it was a mere reconnoissance; and as this was frequent, I was not much alarmed at it. On my way homeward, I met a number of Indians armed with guns, and clad in their war dresses. I asked them where they were going, and they replied

"War, war"; by which they meant that they were about to fight.

This made me very uneasy, and I had scarcely reached home, before I heard reports of guns; and

soon the fire became brisker, till at last the noise grew dreadful, upon which I was more dead than alive. About three o'clock in the afternoon, instead of guests whom I had expected to dine with me, I saw one of them, poor General Fraser, brought upon a hand-barrow, mortally wounded.

The table, which was already prepared for dinner, was immediately removed, and a bed placed in its stead for the general. I sat terrified and trembling in a corner. The noise grew more alarming, and I was in a continual agony and tremor, while thinking that my husband might soon also be brought in, wounded like General Fraser.

That poor general said to the surgeon, "tell me the truth: is there no hope?" I heard often amid his groans, such words as these, "O bad ambition! poor General Burgoyne! poor Mistress Fraser." . . !

Orders had already been issued, that the army should break up immediately after the funeral, and our calashes were ready. I was unwilling to depart sooner. Major Harnage, though hardly able to walk a step, left his bed, that he might not remain in the hospital, upon which a flag of truce had been erected.

When he saw me thus in the midst of danger, he put my children and female attendants into the vehicle, and told me that I had not a moment to lose. I begged to be permitted to remain a little longer. "Do what you please," replied he; "but your children I must at least save."

83. A Lady in Battle
BY MADAME RIEDESEL (1777)

ABOUT two o'clock, we heard a report of muskets and cannon, and there was much alarm and bustle among our troops. My husband sent me word that I should immediately retire into a house that was not far off.

I got into my calash with my children, and when we were near the house, I saw on the opposite bank of the Hudson, five or six men who aimed at us with guns. Without knowing what I did, I threw my children into the back part of the vehicle, and laid myself upon them.

At the same moment the fellows fired, and broke the arm of a poor English soldier who stood behind us, and who, already wounded, sought a shelter. Soon after our arrival a terrible cannonade began. The fire was principally directed against the house, where we had hoped to find a refuge.

This was probably because the enemy inferred from the great number of people who went towards it, that this was the headquarters of the generals. In reality none were there except women and crippled soldiers.

We were at last obliged to descend into the cellar, where I laid myself in a corner near the door. My children put their heads upon my knees. An abominable smell, the cries of the children, and my anguish of mind, did not permit me to close my eyes during the whole night.

On the next morning the cannonade began anew, but in a different direction. On an inspection of our retreat, I discovered that there were three cellars, spacious and well vaulted. I suggested that one of them should be appropriated to the use of the officers, who were most severely wounded, the next to the females, and the third to all the rest of the company.

We were just going down, when a new thunder of cannon threw us again into alarm. Many persons who had no right to enter threw themselves against the door. My children were already at the bottom of the staircase, and every one of us would probably have

been crushed to death, had I not put myself before the entrance and resisted the intruders.

Eleven cannon-balls passed through the house, and made a tremendous noise. A poor soldier who was about to have a leg amputated, lost the other by one of these balls. All his comrades ran away at that moment, and when they returned, they found him in one corner of the room in the agonies of death.

I was myself in the deepest distress, not so much on account of my own dangers as of those to which my husband was exposed. He however frequently sent me messages inquiring after my health. Major Harnage's wife, a Mrs. Reynell, the wife of the good lieutenant who had on the previous day shared his soup with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself were the only officers' wives at present with the army.

We sat together, deploring our situation, when somebody entered. All my companions exchanged looks of deep sorrow, whispering at the same time to one another. I immediately suspected that my husband had been killed. I shrieked aloud, but was immediately told that nothing had happened to my husband. I was given to understand by a sidelong glance that the lieutenant had been killed.

His wife was soon called out and found that the lieutenant was yet alive, though one of his arms had been shot off, near the shoulder, by a cannon-ball. We heard his groans and lamentations during the whole night: they were dreadfully reechoed through the vaulted cellars. In the morning he expired.

My husband came to visit me during the night. This served to diminish my sadness and dejection in some degree. On the next morning, we thought of making our cellar a more convenient residence.

Major Harnage and his wife, and Mrs. Reynell took possession of one corner, and transformed it into a kind of closet by means of a curtain. I was also to have a similar retreat; but I preferred to remain near the door, that I might escape more easily in case of fire.

I had straw put under my mattresses; and on these I laid myself with my children, and my female servants slept near us. Opposite to us were three officers, who, though wounded, were determined not to remain behind, if the army retreated. All three swore they would not depart without me, in case of a sudden retreat, and that each of them would take one of my children on his horse.

One of my husband's horses was constantly in readiness for myself. He thought often of sending me to the American camp, to save me from danger. I declared that nothing would be more painful to me than to live on good terms with those with whom he was fighting. Upon this he consented that I should continue to follow the army.

However the apprehension that he might have marched away, repeatedly intruded itself into my mind. I crept up the staircase more than once, to confirm or dispel my fears. When I saw our soldiers near their watch fires, I became more calm, and could even sleep.

The danger in which my husband was, kept me constantly in the most unpleasant state of mind. I was the only one who had not lost her husband, or whose husband had not been wounded, and I asked myself very often, "Is so much happiness reserved for me alone?"

This reflection was so much the more natural, as he was day and night in the very jaws of death. He

never passed a whole night in his tent, but sat by the watch-fires. This alone considering the coldness and dampness of the ground might have been sufficient to have killed him.

The want of water continuing to distress us, we were extremely glad to find a soldier's wife so courageous as to fetch some water from the river. This was an occupation from which the boldest might have shrunk, as the Americans shot every one who approached it. They told us afterwards that they spared her on account of her sex. At last the capitulation was talked of, and a cessation of hostilities took place.

84. Cruise of the Fair American
(1777)[208]

85. Capture of Stony Point
BY HENRY LEE (1779)[211]

AN official account of the enterprise on the night of the 15th must have reached Congress. For your satisfaction I furnish the particulars.

Early on the morning of the 15th, I received orders from General Wayne to join the light infantry with my corps. The General was so polite as to show me his disposition of attack, and as my station was the post of intelligence, he also consulted with me on the line of approach.

The right column under the command of General Wayne took the route along the beach, crossed the morass up to their knees in mud and water, and moved on to the enemy's left.

Colonel Butler commanded our left column, and made his way through the morass over the relic of the bridge, although the passage was very and defended by a work twenty steps in it; a feint was made in the centre; my corps of infantry followed on the rear of the two columns as a reserve.

The troops rushed forward with a vigor hardly to be paralleled, and with a silence that would do honor to the first veterans on earth. General Wayne has gained immortal honor; he received a slight wound, one proof that Providence had decreed him every honor in her gift.

Every officer acquired fame in proportion to his opportunity. The storm was more rapid than can be conceived, and in fifteen minutes, the works were carried with the loss only of eleven killed on the spot, which every officer engaged reckoned would be purchased by the sacrifice of nothing less than every third man.

Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury led on the right, Major Stewart the left; Captain Lawson and Lieutenant Gibbons, who commanded the vans of the columns, distinguished themselves by their valor and coolness.

We captured the whole garrison excepting a few who got off in boats. One hundred of them were killed and wounded; four hundred and forty-four inclusive of eighteen officers have marched towards Lancaster as prisoners. The humanity of the Americans perhaps never was more conspicuous than on this occasion.

Although from the repeated cruelties of the enemy exercised on our countrymen, known by all and fell by many, from the nature of assaults by storm and particularly in the dead of night, yet I can venture to affirm the moment a surrender was announced, the bayonet was laid aside. The British officers are candid enough to declare their gratitude for the lenity of their treatment. May this fresh proof of the magnanimity of our soldiers tend to civilize our foe; if it does not, it must and will be the last.

Fifteen cannon, mortars, cohorns, howitzers, &c., were found in the fort, an abundance of military stores and a quantity of baggage. The most valuable of these are safe, the rest are now burning. Some unfortunate accidents have prevented till too late the intended attack on Verplank's Point. General Clinton is at hand, and we have evacuated Stony Point.

I fear the consequences from this signal success will not be adequate to moderate expectations. It is probable it will be repossessed by the British, and of course our old position will be reassumed, a position which affords neither policy nor comfort.[212]

To-morrow perhaps Clinton's intentions will begin to show themselves; should anything turn up and I should be among the fortunate, you may expect to hear from me, provided you assure me that my hasty incorrect epistles are not disagreeable.

86. Capture of the Serapis
BY ROBERT DALE (1779)[213]

ON the 23d of September, 1779, I was roused by an unusual noise upon deck. This induced me to go upon deck, when I found the men were swaying up the royal yards, preparatory to making sail for a large fleet under our lee. I asked the coasting pilot what fleet it was? He answered, "The Baltic Fleet, under convoy of the Serapis of 44 guns, and the Countess of Scarborough of 20 guns."

A general chase then commenced by the Bon Homme Richard, the Vengeance, the Pallas, and the

Alliance; the latter ship was then in sight, after a separation from the squadron of nearly three weeks; but that ship, as usual, disregarded the signals of the commodore.

At seven P.M. it was evident that the Baltic fleet perceived we were in chase, from the signal of the Serapis to the merchantmen to stand in shore. At the same time, the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough tacked ship and stood off shore, with the intention of drawing off our attention from the convoy.

At about eight, being within hail, the Serapis de. mended, "What ship is that?" He was answered, "I can't hear what you say." Immediately after the Serapis hailed again, "What ship is that? Answer immediately, or I shall be under the necessity of firing into you." At this moment I received orders from Commodore Jones to commence the action with a broadside, which, indeed, appeared to be simultaneous on board both ships. Our position being to windward of the Serapis, we passed ahead of her, and the Serapis coming up on our larboard quarter, the action commenced with the ships abreast of each other.

The Serapis soon passed ahead of the Bon Homme Richard, and when he thought he had gained a distance sufficient to go down athwart the forefoot to rake us, found he had not enough distance, and that the Bon Homme Richard would be aboard him, put his helm alee, which brought the two ships on a line. The Bon Homme Richard having headway, ran her bows into the stern of the Serapis.

We had remained in this situation but a few min. uses, when we were again hailed by the Serapis; "Has your ship struck?" To which Captain Jones

answered, "I have not yet begun to fight." As we were unable to bring a single gun to bear upon the Serapis, our topsails were backed, while those of the Serapis filled, and the ships separated.

The Serapis wore short round upon her heels, and her jib-boom ran into the mizzen-rigging of the Bon Homme Richard; in this situation the ships were made fast together with a hawser, the bowsprit of the Serapis to the mizzen-mast of the Bon Homme Richard, and the action recommenced from the starboard sides of the two ships.

With the view of separating the ships, the Serapis let go her anchor, which manoeuvre brought her head and the stern of the Bon Homme Richard to the wind, while the ships lay closely pressed against each other. A novelty in naval combats was now presented to many witnesses, but to few admirers. The rammers were run into the respective ships to enable the men to load, after the lower part of the Serapis had been blown away, to make room for running out their guns, and in this situation the ships remained until between 10 and 11 o'clock P.M. when the engagement terminated by the surrender of the Serapis.

From the commencement to the termination of the action there was not a man on board of the Bon Homme Richard ignorant of the superiority of the Serapis, both in weight of metal and in the qualities of the crews. Neither the consideration of the relative force of the ships, the fact of the blowing up of the gun-deck above them, by the bursting of two of the eighteen-pounders, nor the alarm that the ship was sinking, could depress the ardour or change the de termination of the brave Captain Jones, his officers and men. Neither the repeated broadsides of the

Alliance,[214] given with the view of sinking or disabling the Bon Homme Richard, the frequent necessity of suspending the combat to extinguish the flames, which several times were within a few inches of the powder magazine, nor the liberation, by the master-at-arms, of nearly five hundred prisoners, could change or weaken the purpose of the American commander

At the moment of the liberation of the prisoners; one of them, a commander of a twenty gun ship taken a few days before, passed through the ports on board the Serapis, and informed Captain Pearson, that if he would hold out only a little while longer, the ship alongside would either strike or sink, and that all the prisoners had been released to save their lives. The combat was accordingly continued with renewed ardour by the Serapis. The fire from the tops of the Bon Homme Richard was conducted with so much skill and effect as to destroy ultimately every man who appeared upon the quarter-deck of the Serapis, and induced her commander to order the survivors to go below.

Upon finding that the flag of the Serapis had been struck, I went to Captain Jones, and asked whether I might board the Serapis? to which he consented; and, jumping upon the gunwale, I seized the mainbrace pennant, and swung myself upon her quarterdeck. Midshipman Mayant followed with a party of men, and was immediately run through the thigh with a boarding-pike by some of the enemy stationed in the waist, who were not informed of the surrender of the ship. I found Captain Pearson standing on the leeward side of the quarter-deck, and addressing myself to him, said, "Sir, I have orders to send you on board the ship alongside."

The first lieutenant of the Serapis coming up at this moment, inquired of Captain Pearson whether the ship alongside had struck to him? To which I replied, "No sir, the contrary; he has struck to us." The lieutenant renewing his inquiry, "Have you struck, sir?" was answered, "Yes, I have."

The lieutenant replied, "I have nothing more to say," and was about to return below, when I informed him, he must accompany Captain Pearson on board the ship alongside. He said, "If you will permit me to go below, I will silence the firing of the lower-deck guns." This request was refused, and, with Captain Pearson, he was passed over to the deck of the Bon Homme Richard. Orders being sent below to cease firing, the engagement terminated, after a most obstinate contest of three hours and a half.

87. The Execution of André
BY WILLIAM HEATH (1780)[215]

October 2d. Major Andre is no more among the living. I have just witnessed his exit. It was a tragical scene of the deepest interest. During his confinement and trial, he exhibited those proud and elevated sensibilities which designate greatness and dignity of mind. Not a murmur or a sigh ever escaped him, and the civilities and attentions bestowed on him were politely acknowledged.

Having left a mother and two sisters in England, he was heard to mention them in terms of the tenderest affection, and in his letter to Sir Henry Clinton, he recommends them to his particular attention.

The principal guard officer who was constantly in the room with the prisoner, relates that when the hour of his execution was announced to him in the morning, he received it without emotion, and while all present were affected with silent gloom, he retained a firm countenance, with calmness and composure of

mind. Observing his servant enter the room in tears he exclaimed, "leave me till you can show yourself more manly."

His breakfast being sent to him from the table of General Washington, which had been done every day of his confinement, he partook of it as usual, and having shaved and dressed himself, he placed his hat on the table, and cheerfully said to the guard officers,

"I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait on you."

The fatal hour having arrived, a large detachment of troops was paraded, and an immense concourse of people assembled; almost all our general and field officers, excepting his Excellency and his staff, were present on horseback; melancholy and gloom pervaded all ranks, and the scene was affectingly awful. 1 was so near during the solemn march to the fatal spot, as to observe every movement, and share in every emotion which the sad scene was calculated to produce.

Major Andre walked from the stone house, in which he had been confined, between two of our subaltern officers, arm in arm; the eyes of the immense multitude were fixed on him, who, rising superior to the fears of death, appeared as if conscious of the dignity which he displayed.

. He betrayed no want of fortitude, but retained a complacent smile on his countenance, and politely bowed to several gentlemen whom he knew, which was respectfully returned. It was his earnest desire to be shot, as being the mode of death most fitting to the feelings of a military man, and he had indulged the hope that his request would be granted.

At the moment, therefore, when suddenly he came in view of the gallows, he involuntarily started backward, and made a pause. "Why this emotion, Sir," said an officer by his side? Instantly recovering his composure, he said, "I am reconciled to my death, but I detest the mode.'' While waiting and standing near the gallows, I observed some degree of trepidation; placing his foot on a stone, and rolling it over and choking in his throat, as if attempting to swallow.

So soon, however, as he perceived that things were in readiness, he stepped quickly into the wagon, and at this moment he appeared to shrink, but instantly elevating his head with firmness, he said, "It will be but a momentary pang," and he took from his pocket two white handkerchiefs; the provost marshal with one loosely pinioned his arms, and with the other, the victim, after taking off his hat and stock, bandaged his own eyes with perfect firmness, which melted the hearts, and moistened the cheeks, not only of his servant, but of the throng of spectators.

When the rope was appended to the gallows, he slipped the noose over his head and adjusted it to his neck, without the assistance of the awkward executioner. Colonel Scammel now informed him that he had an opportunity to speak, if he desired it; he raised the handkerchief from his eyes and said, "I pray you to bear me witness that I meet my fate like a brave man."

The wagon being now removed from under him, he was suspended and instantly expired; it proved indeed "but a momentary pang." He was dressed in his royal regimentals and boots, and his remains, in the same dress, were placed in an ordinary coffin, and interred at the foot of the gallows; and the spot was consecrated by the tears of thousands. Thus died in the bloom of life, the accomplished Major Andre, the pride of the royal army.

88. A Surprise
BY TIMOTHY DWIGHT (1781)[216]

GENERAL PELEG WADSWORTH was appointed to the command in Camden, in the district of Maine. General Wadsworth dismissed his troops, retaining six soldiers only as his guard, and was making preparations to depart from the place.

A neighboring inhabitant communicated his situation to the British commander at Penobscot, and a party of twenty five soldiers commanded by Lieutenant Stockton, was sent to make him a prisoner. They embarked in a small schooner, and landing within four miles of the general's quarters, they were concealed at the house of one Snow, a Methodist preacher, professedly a friend to him, but really a traitor, till eleven o'clock in the evening, where they made their arrangements for the attack on the general's quarters.

The party rushed suddenly on the sentinel, who gave the alarm and one of his comrades instantly opened the door of the kitchen, and the enemy were so near as to enter with the sentinel. The wife of the general, and her friend Miss Fenno, of Boston, were in the house at the time, and Mrs. Wadsworth escaped from the room of her husband into that of Miss Fenno.

The assailants soon became masters of the whole house, except the room where the general was, which was strongly barred, and they kept up a constant firing of musketry into the windows and doors except into those of the ladies' room. General Wadsworth was provided with a pair of pistols, a blunderbuss

and a fusee, which he employed with great dexterity, being determined to defend himself to the last moment.

With his pistols, which he discharged several times, he defended the windows of his room and a door which opened into the kitchen. His blunderbuss he snapped several times, but unfortunately it missed fire, he then seized his fusee, which he discharged on some who were breaking through one of the windows, and obliged them to flee.

He next defended himself with his bayonet, till he received a ball through his left arm, when he surrendered, which terminated the contest. The firing however, did not cease from the kitchen till the general unbarred the door, when the soldiers rushed into the room, and one of them who had been badly wounded, pointing a musket at his breast, exclaimed with an oath, "you have taken my life and I will take yours."

But Lieutenant Stockton turned the musket and saved his life. The commanding officer now applauded the general for his admirable defence, and assisted in putting on his clothes, saying, "you see we are in a critical situation, you must excuse haste." Mrs. Wadsworth threw a blanket over him, and Miss Fenno applied a handkerchief closely round his wounded arm. In this condition, though much exhausted, he, with a wounded American soldier, was directed to march on foot, while two British wounded soldiers were mounted on a horse taken from the general's barn. They departed in great haste.

When they had proceeded about a mile, they met at a small house, a number of people who had collected, and who inquired if they had taken General Wadsworth. They said no, and added, that they

must leave a wounded man in their care, and if they paid proper attention to him they should be compensated, but if not, they would burn down their house.

General Wadsworth was now mounted on the horse behind the other wounded soldier, and was warned that his safety depended on his silence. Having crossed over a frozen mill pond about a mile in length, they were met by some of their party who had been left behind.

At this place they found the British privateer which brought the party from the fort. When the captain was told that he must return there with the prisoner and the party, and saw some of his men wounded, became outrageous, and called the general a rebel, demanding how he dared to fire on the king's troops, and ordered him to help launch the boat or he would put his hanger through his body.

The general replied that he was a prisoner, and badly wounded and could not assist in launching the boat. Lieutenant Stockton, on learning of this abusive treatment, in a manner honorable to himself, told the captain that the prisoner was a gentleman, had made a brave defence, and was to be treated accordingly, and added, that his conduct should be represented to General Campbell.

After this the captain treated the prisoner with great civility and afforded him every comfort in his power. General Wadsworth had left the ladies in the house, not a window of which escaped destruction. The doors were broken down and two of the rooms were set on fire, the floors covered with blood, and on one of them lay a brave old soldier dangerously wounded begging for death, that he might be released from misery.

The anxiety and distress of Mrs. Wadsworth was inexpressible, and that of the general was greatly increased by the uncertainty in his mind respecting the fate of his little son, only five years old, who had been exposed to every danger by the firing into the house, but he had the happiness afterward to hear of his safety.

When he arrived at the British post, the capture of General Wadsworth was soon announced and the shore thronged with spectators to see the man who, through the preceding year, had disappointed all the designs of the British in that quarter; and loud shouts were heard from the rabble which covered the shore. But when he arrived at the fort and was conducted into the officers' guard room, he was treated with politeness.

General Campbell, the commandant of the British garrison, sent his compliments to him and a surgeon to dress his wounds, assuring him that his situation should be made comfortable. The next morning, General Campbell invited him to breakfast, and at table paid him many compliments on the defence he had made, observing however, that he had exposed himself in a degree not perfectly justifiable.

General Wadsworth replied, that from the manner of the attack he had no reason to suspect any design of taking him alive, and that he intended therefore to sell his life as dearly as possible. "But, Sir," says General Campbell, "I understand that the captain of the privateer treated you very ill; I shall see that matter set right."

He then informed the prisoner, that a room in the officers' barracks within the fort, was prepared for him, and that he should send his orderly sergeant

daily to attend him to breakfast and dinner at his table. General Wadsworth retired to his solitary apartment, and while his spirits were extremely depressed by a recollection of the past, and by his present situation, he received from General Campbell several books of amusement, and soon after a visit, kindly intended to cheer the spirits of the prisoner by conversation.

Not long after, the officers of the party called, and among others the redoubtable captain of the privateer, who called to ask pardon for what had fallen from him when in a passion, adding, that it was not in his nature to treat a gentleman prisoner ill, that the unexpected disappointment of his cruise had thrown him off his guard, and he hoped that this would be deemed a sufficient apology. This General Wadsworth accepted.

89. An Escape from Prison
BY TIMOTHY DWIGHT (1781)

ABOUT the same time, orders were received from the commanding general at New York, which were concealed from General Wadsworth, but he finally learned that he was not to be paroled nor exchanged, but was to be sent to England as a rebel of too much consequence to be at liberty.

Not long afterwards Major Benjamin Burton, a brave and worthy man, who had served under General Wadsworth the preceding summer, was taken and brought into the fort, and lodged in the same room with General Wadsworth. He had been informed that both himself and the general were to be

sent, immediately after the return of a privateer now out on a cruise, either to New York or Halifax, and thence to England.

The prisoners immediately resolved to make a desperate attempt to effect their escape. They were confined in a grated room in the officers' barracks within the fort. The walls of this fortress, exclusively of the depth of the ditch surrounding it, were twenty feet high, with fraising on the top, and chevaux de frise[217] at the bottom.

Two sentinels were always in the entry, and their door, the upper part of which was of glass, might be opened by these watchmen whenever they thought proper, and was actually opened at seasons of peculiar darkness and silence. At the exterior doors of the entries, sentinels were also stationed, as were others in the body of the fort, and at the quarters of General Campbell.

At the guard house, a strong guard was daily mounted. Several sentinels were stationed on the walls of the fort, and a complete line occupied them by night. Outside the ditch, glacis and abattis, another complete set of soldiers patroled through the night. The gate of the fort was shut at sunset, and a guard was placed on or near the isthmus leading from the fort to the main land.

The room in which they were confined was railed with boards. One of these they determined to cut off so as to make a hole large enough to pass through, and then to creep along till they should come to the next or middle entry; and then lower themselves down into this entry by a blanket. If they should not be discovered, the passage to the walls of the fort was easy.

In the evening, after the sentinels had seen the prisoners retire to bed, General Wadsworth got up and standing in a chair attempted to cut with his knife the intended opening, but soon found it impracticable. The next day by giving a soldier a dollar they procured a gimlet.

With this instrument they proceeded cautiously and as silently as possible to perforate the board, and in order to conceal every appearance from their servants and from the officers their visitors, they carefully covered the gimlet holes with chewed bread. At the end of three weeks their labors were so far completed that it only remained to cut with a knife the parts which were left to hold the piece in its place.

When their preparations were finished, they learned that the privateer in which they were to embark was daily expected. In the evening of the 18th of June, a very severe storm of rain, with great darkness and almost incessant lightning came on. This the prisoners considered as the propitious moment.

Having extinguished their lights, they began to cut the corners of the board, and in less than an hour the intended opening was completed. The noise which the operation occasioned was drowned by the rain falling on the roof. Major Burton first ascended to the ceiling, and pressed himself through the opening.

General Wadsworth came next, put the corner of his blanket through the hole and made it fast by a strong wooden skewer, and then attempted to make his way through by standing on a chair below; but it was with extreme difficulty that he at length effected it, and reached the middle entry.

From this he passed through the door, which he found open, and made his way to the wall of the fort,

and had to encounter the greatest difficulty before he could ascend to the top. He had now to creep along the top of the fort between the sentry boxes at the very moment when the relief was shifting sentinels, but the falling of heavy rain kept the sentinels within their boxes, and favored his escape.

He now fastened his blanket around a picket at the top, and he let himself down through the chevaux de frise to the ground, and in a manner astonishing to himself made his way into the open field. Here he was obliged to grope his way among rocks, stumps and brush in the darkness of night, till he reached the cove. Happily the tide had ebbed and enabled him to cross the water, about a mile in breadth and not more than three feet deep. About two o'clock in the morning General Wadsworth found himself a mile and a half from the fort, and he proceeded through a thick wood and brush to the Penobscot river; and after passing some distance along the shore, seven miles from the fort, to his unspeakable joy he saw his friend Burton advancing towards him.

Major Burton had been obliged to encounter in his course equal difficulties with his companion, and such were the incredible perils, dangers and obstructions, which they surmounted, that their escape may be considered almost miraculous. It was now necessary they should cross the Penobscot river, and very fortunately they discovered a canoe with oars on the shore suited to their purpose.

While on the river they discovered a barge with a party of British from the fort in pursuit of them, but by taking an oblique course, and plying their oars to the utmost, they happily eluded the eyes of their pursuers and arrived safe on the western shore.

After having wandered in the wilderness for several days and nights, exposed to extreme fatigue and cold, and with no other food than a little dry bread and meat, which they brought in their pockets from the fort, they reached the settlements on the river St. George, and no further difficulties attended their return to their respective families.

90. Difficulties of Ocean Travel
BY JOHN TRUMBULL (1780-1781)[218]

Two opportunities offered for going to America; one was on a small fast sailing merchant vessel, unarmed, and relying entirely upon her speed to avoid the British cruisers which she must expect to meet; the other was the South Carolina, commanded by Commodore Gillon, a frigate of the first class, too strong to fear anything less than a ship of the line.

I chose the Carolina. Several of us passengers went on board, and on the 12th of August, soon after sunrise, the wind began to blow from the northwest, directly on shore, with every appearance of a heavy gale. The proper thing to have done, was to have run back into the Texel roads, but that we dared not do, lest the ship should be seized. We dared not run for the English channel, lest we should fall in with British cruisers of superior force.

The gale soon increased to such a degree, that it would have been madness to remain at anchor on such a lee shore. The only thing which could be done, therefore, was to lay the ship's head to the northeast, and carry sail. A fog soon came on, so

thick that we could hardly see from stem to stern; the gale increased to a very hurricane, and soon brought us to close-reefed topsails. The coast of Holland was under our lee, and we knew that we were running upon the very edge of the sands, which extend so far from the shore, that if the ship should touch, she must go to pieces before we could even see the land, and all hands must perish. We passed the morning in the deepest anxiety; in the afternoon we discovered that we had started several of the bolts of the weather main-chain plates. This forced us to take in our close-reefed topsails, as the masts would no longer bear the strain of any sail aloft, and we were obliged to rely upon a reefed foresail.

By this time, we knew that we must be not far from Heligoland, at the mouth of the Elbe, where the coast begins to trend to the northward, which increased the danger. At ten o'clock at night, a squall struck us heavier still than the gale, and threw our only sail aback; the ship became unmanageable, the officers lost their self-possession, and the crew all confidence in them, while for a few minutes all was confusion and dismay.

Happily for us, Commodore Barney was among the passengers, (he had just escaped from Mill prison in England,) hearing the increased tumult aloft, and feeling the ungoverned motion of the ship, he flew upon deck, saw the danger, assumed the command, the men obeyed, and he soon had her again under control.

It was found that with the squall the wind had shifted several points, so that on the other tack we could lay a safe course to the westward, and thus relieve our mainmast. That our danger was imminent

no one will doubt, when informed that on the following morning, the shore of the Texel Island was covered with the wrecks of ships, which were afterwards ascertained to have been Swedish.

Among them was a ship of seventy-four guns, convoying twelve merchantmen all were wrecked, and every soul on board perished. The figure-head of the ship-of-war, a yellow lion, the same as ours, was found upon the shore, and gave sad cause to our friends for believing, for some time, that the South Carolina had perished.

When the gale subsided, we stood to the northward, made the Orkneys, then Shetland, and when off Faro encountered another gale, more furious, if possible, than that of the 12th, but we had now sea-room and deep water. In the night, however, the ship labored so heavily as to roll the shot out of her lockers.

Several of us passengers had our cots slung in the great cabin, over the guns, which were forty-two pounders, and it was by no means a pleasant sight to see several dozens of these enormous shot rolling from side to side of the ship, with the roar of thunder, and crushing all that stood in their way, whether furniture, trunks or chests, while we hung over them swinging in our hammocks. This difficulty was overcome, and the rolling of the shot stopped, by throwing the sailors' hammocks among them.

Another danger was also apprehended that some of the immense heavy guns might break loose. They were secured by running one of the cables outside, fore and aft, in front of the open port-holes, and passing strong lashings around that; by this addition to the usual ring-bolts, all was held safe until the gale was over.

We had now cleared the land of the British islands, and were off the west coast of Ireland, when it was thought to be necessary to examine into the state of our provisions and water. We were short; consequently, instead of continuing our course for America, it was determined to bear away for Corunna in Spain, the nearest friendly port.

We arrived in safety, in a few days. There we found the Cicero, of twenty guns and one hundred and twenty men, belonging to the house of Cabot in Beverly. She was to sail immediately for Bilboa, there to take on board a cargo, which was lying ready for her, and to sail for America.

The usual time required to run from Corunna to Bilboa was two to three days. We were again unfortunate; the wind being dead a-head, we were twenty-one days in making the passage, and, as if Jonah himself had been among us, at the end of eighteen days, we fell in with a little fleet of Spanish coasters who told us that they had seen a ship and two brigs, which they believed to be British cruisers. At sunset we saw what appeared to be the force described, and about midnight found we were within hail.

The Cicero ran close alongside of the ship, and hailed her in English no answer; in French no answer. The men, who were at their guns, impatient of delay, did not wait for orders, but poured in her broadside; the hostile squadron (as we supposed them) separated, and made all sail in different directions, when a boat from the large ship came alongside with her captain, a Spaniard, who informed us that they were Spanish vessels from St. Sebastians, bound to the West Indies that his ship was very

much cut in her rigging, but happily, no lives lost. He had mistaken us for British vessels, and was delighted to find his mistake. We apologized for ours, offered assistance, and we parted most amicably.

No accident befel, until the last day of our passage. We saw the land of America, (the Blue Hills of Milton, near Boston,) in the afternoon of a beautiful day in January; at six o'clock, P.M., we laid the ship's head to the eastward, and stood off under easy sail

until midnight, when we hove about, and stood in to the westward, under the same sail. We expected to find ourselves at sunrise, at about the same distance from the land, and all was joy and merriment on board, at the near approach of home.

One honest old tar was happily on the lookout, and at three o'clock sung out from the forecastle, "breakers! breakers! close under our bow, and right ahead!" He was just in time; the crew, though merry, were obedient, and flew upon deck in time to escape the danger.

We found we were close upon the rocks of Cape Ann. We must have been drifted by a very strong current, for our course had been careful, and could never have brought the ship there. Before noon, we were safe in the port of Beverly, where we found eleven other ships, all larger and finer vessels than the Cicero all belonging to the same owners, the brothers Cabot laid up for the winter.

Yet such are the vicissitudes of war and the elements, that before the close of the year they were all lost by capture or wreck, and the house of Cabot had not a single ship afloat upon the ocean. In the evening, after we got into port, a snow storm came on, with a heavy gale from the eastward. The roads were so completely blocked up with snow, that they were impassable, and we did not get up to Boston until the third day; but I was at last safe on American land, and most truly thankful.

91. The Siege of Yorktown
BY A CHAPLAIN (1781)

TO-DAY some of the troops arrived. General Washington arrived from the French fleet. The vessel he came in ran aground.[219]

Sunday, 23d. General Lincoln returned to-day ~rom the mouth of the river, having been down to supply the troops with provisions. His vessel ran aground, and he was in great danger. I went to Williamsburgh and preached to the light infantry commanded by the Marquis De la Fayette.

28th. This day we marched to a place which is about two miles from the town of York.

29th. Our troops lay on their arms last night and expected an attack from the enemy; but they did not disturb us. This day the whole army approached the enemy's lines. A cannonade from the enemy took place, but we received very little injury.

October 2d. The firing of the enemy has continued all day, in order to annoy our men who are working on a redoubt. No men have been killed to-day in the American camp.

3d. This day the firing from the enemy abated. Last night four men were killed in our camp by one cannon ball by the enemy.

5th. Preparations are making to besiege the enemy with great vigor. Our troops vie with each other in the performance of duty and the love of danger.

9th. This day an American battery of six guns, eighteen and twenty four pounders, and four mortars began to play on the town.

10th. Last night the cannonade and bombardment did not cease. A second American battery is opened, and a French battery increases the horrors of war. The British batteries are mostly silent.

11th. A cannonade and bombardment continued through the greater part of last night. All day the engines of war have raged with redoubled fury. Two of the enemy's ships were burned last night; one to-day. They were fired by red-hot shot from a battery under the direction of Simon de St. Simon. I have heard of no man being killed to-day.

12th. The French have this day played upon the enemy from seven batteries. The horrors of war must have been very evident to our enemies.

13th. Last night the firing of the enemy was very constant and severe.

Sunday, 14th. No cessation of firing last night. This day Captain White and four soldiers were killed, and ten wounded in our trenches.

15th. Last night an attack was made on two redoubts of the enemy. They were both carried in the most gallant and enterprising manner.

The American light infantry, under the Marquis De La Fayette, in storming the redoubt had about eight killed and but four wounded. None of the enemy were put to death after they asked for mercy. This is an evidence of the generosity and humanity which dwell in the breasts of Americans, when they have a cruel and unmerciful enemy in their power.

17th. This day we opened some batteries on the second parallel, and are almost prepared to cannonade and bombard the town with seventy pieces of ordnance. The cannonade of to-day has been prevented by the arrival of a flag from the enemy.

They request a cessation of arms for twenty four hours; also desire to know upon what conditions the garrison may expect to surrender. General Washington informed them what terms he would give them. He has allowed them only two hours to consider them and to give an answer.

Four years ago to-day Burgoyne and his whole army surrendered to the United States. That signal instance of the smiles of heaven, and what we now have in prospect, should make us very thankful to Almighty God.

18th. This day the enemy have agreed to surrender themselves prisoners of war to the combined arms of France and America. Hallelujah!

19th. This day the enemy marched out of their works and laid down their arms. Some French and American troops have taken possession of the town.

20th. What an alteration do we find! The fields and plains, which so lately were the theatres of death and carnage, are now places of safety, and peace!