University of Virginia Library

6. PART VI
REVOLUTIONARY FIRESIDES

55. A Philadelphia Boy's Sports
BY ALEXANDER GRAYDON (ABOUT 1765)[150]

I NEVER could boast my winning at marbles or checkers; and as I chiefly played them for pastime, I never attained to that degree of perfection in them, which the keener stimulus of profit is calculated to produce, and which alone perhaps can lead to the fame of an expert.

When in possession of any of these implements that were reckoned handsome or good, I never felt the inclination I have observed in those of better trading parts, of turning them into pence: with me they were hobby horses, not articles of commerce; and though I had no dislike to money, it never impressed me as a primary good, a circumstance more essential than may be imagined, to what is called success in life.

I do not speak of this as a virtue; and if it were one, I have certainly little reason to rejoice in it. It is not one of those, at least, which leads to riches and advancement; or which, under the world's law, has a

right to look for other than its own reward. In gymnastic exercises, however, my relish was keen and altogether orthodox.

For those of running, leaping, swimming and skating, no one had more appetite; and for the enjoyment of these, fatigue and hunger were disregarded. To these succeeded a passion for fowling and boating; fishing being too sedentary and inactive for my taste. If furnished, on Saturday afternoon or other holyday, with cash enough for the purchase of powder and shot, or the hire of a batteau or skiff, as the propensity of the day might incline, I had nothing more to wish for. In my land rambles, the environs of Philadelphia for several miles round were thoroughly traversed, from the uplands of Springetsbury, Bushhill and Centre-wood, to the low grounds and meadows of Passyunk and Moyamensing.

In my water excursions, the sedgy shores of the Delaware, as well as the reedy cover of Petty's, League and Mud Islands, were pervaded and explored in pursuit of ducks, reed-bird and rail.

I was extremely fond of rowing, and took great delight in feathering my oar, sometimes skimming it along the surface of the water in the manner of a wherry man, sometimes resting it horizontally between the thole pins in the fashion of a bargeman. I had also made some proficiency in sculling, which appeared to me a highly enviable qualification: but the trimming of sails, laying a boat to the wind, with the management of the helm and the application of the proper terms, were, in my eyes, acquirements truly more honourable than the best of those which are attained in a college. The subject recalls a memorable expedition I engaged

in, when perhaps about the age of thirteen. Returning from morning school at eight o'clock, a boy, a brother of the late Mr. Robert Morris, proposed an excursion to Chester, for the purpose of seeing the Coventry frigate which there rode at anchor. From a love of show his plan was to have two boats, whereas one would have been very ample for four of us, the number of the company. But then the projector of the voyage might have found competitors for the helm, which he wished to manage; and he had accordingly secured an unambitious ship-mate, in a son of Captain Loxley.

A skiff he had already prepared for himself and his comrade, and suggested where a batteau might be obtained for the other two of the party,[151] one Corbett from the island of Montserrat, and myself. Each boat had a sail, and he observed, that as the wind and tide would be favorable, we could run down in a few hours. I objected, that I had not breakfasted. Neither had he, he said, nor indeed any of us; but this was of little consequence, as we could furnish ourselves with cakes.

My mind varied awhile between the charms of the adventure and the wrong of going without permission, and consequently subjecting my mother to a most distressing state of anxiety on my account. For I was neither an habitual truant-player, nor regardless of the feelings of a most affectionate parent, though I should have been ashamed to have said so. But such was the eagerness for the frolic with my friends that it would not admit of a moment's delay; and the allurements of pleasure proving too strong for principle, I yielded to persuasion, and we embarked.

It was a fine morning; a gentle breeze propelled us in our course, and in a few hours we were delight fully wafted to the place of destination. We saw the frigate, had the pleasure of sailing round her, the satisfaction of counting her guns, of contemplating her bright sides, (for she appeared to be new,) of admiring her rigging, and the duck-like beauty with which she sat upon the water.

But here we ended. Water excursions are keen whetters of the appetite, and the calls of hunger began to be heard. I forget whether we had taken any cakes with us, but if we had, the supply had been very insufficient for the day's provision. Hereupon, a canvass took place of the state of our pockets: they were found empty and penniless: We were, in short, a miserable crew, and since we were too proud to beg for food, we had no resource but unripe fruit.

As the wind was unfavourable to our return, we were obliged to wait for the turning of the tide, and in the mean time, employed ourselves in sauntering about the village, the orchards, and the shore. We found, too, that we were very much out in our reckoning, the flood-tide not making for above an hour later than our calculation.

At length, however, we had the joy of finding that the marks we had made in the sand were covered by the water, and that floating substances were at a stand, if not really changed in their direction.

We hailed the event, and immediately embarked. But now our toils began. It was already late in the afternoon: The wind, still ahead, had considerably increased, and the lowering aspect of the sky indicated approaching rain. It came on about dusk, and in this situation we had to tug at our oars like galley

slaves, for the whole distance of from sixteen to eighteen miles. Then it was, we perceived the folly of taking two boats. It was between ten and eleven at night when we reached the city, wet, almost starved, and exhausted with labor. As I well knew what must be my mother's cruel situation, I hastened to show myself, and found her a prey to the most greatest anxiety.

She had not been able to obtain any satisfactory tidings of me, and knew not what to conclude. My trespass, however, being readily forgiven, I had some supper and went to bed. Great fatigue, especially when it has been mingled with anxiety, is not favorable to repose, and I slept but ill.

The exercises of swimming and skating were so much within the reach of the boys of Philadelphia, that it would have been surprising, had they neglected them, or even had they not excelled in them. Both Delaware and Schuylkill present the most convenient and delightful shores for swimming, whilst the heat and the length of the summers invite to the luxury of bathing; and these same rivers seldom fail in winter, to offer the means of skating; and when they do, the ponds always afford them.

With respect to skating, though the Philadelphians have never reduced it to rules like the Londoners, nor connected it with their business like Dutchmen, I will yet hazard the opinion, that they were the best and most elegant skaters in the world. I have seen New England skaters, Old England skaters, and Holland skaters, but the best of them could but "make the judicious grieve."

56. A Little Letter from a Future President
BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS (1774)[152]

I have been trying ever since you went away to learn to write you a letter. I shall make

poor work of it; but, sir, mamma says you will accept my endeavors, and that my duty to you may be expressed in poor writing as well as good. I hope I grow a better boy, and that you will have no occasion to be ashamed of me when you return. Mr. Thaxter says I learn my books well. He is a very good master. I read my books to mamma. We all long to see you.

57. An American Belle at Court
BY MARGARET HUTCHINSON (1774)[153]

MY task is over. I have been at court again. It has been a fatiguing though not altogether an unpleasant day. I sent yesterday to Mrs. Keene to know if it would be agreeable to her to go to-day. We were both of a mind; for while a servant was going with my card she sent one to me; and to-day about one o'clock papa and I set off for St. James.[154] We called for Mrs. Keene, but found that one coach could not contain more than two such mighty hoops; and papa and Mr. K. were obliged to go in another coach.

There was a very full Drawing-Room for the time of year. The King and Queen both spoke to me.[155] I felt much easier than I did before, as I had hot the ceremony of being presented to go through: indeed, my dear, it is next to being married. I thought I should not mind it, but there is something that strikes an awe when you enter the Royal Presence. I had, however, many compliments paid me on my

performance: if I tell you what the Queen said of me to-day, will you not think me vain? The company all stand round in a circle, and the King and Queen go round, and speak to everybody that has been presented. As she advanced toward me, I felt in a little flutter, and whispered Mrs. K. that I should behave like a fool. "You need not," says she, "for the Queen has been saying many fine things of you to my sister. She says you are very genteel, and have much the appearance of a woman of fashion."

I can't say but I felt of more importance, and perhaps answered her questions with a better grace. She asked me how long I had been in town? I answered: "About a fortnight."

"Are you come for the winter?"

"Yes, ma-am."

"How do you like England—better than the country you came from?"

"I think it a very fine country."

"What part of it have you been in?"

"Norfolk."

"I hope you have your health better for it."

"Much better." Thus ended our conversation; and had it been with any other than a queen, I should have thought it too trifling to relate. She told papa she was very glad to see his daughter look so well. We were fatigued with standing, and got out of the Presence Chamber as soon as we could.

Lord Dartmouth came and spoke to me. I congratulated him on the birth of his daughter, which is a great rarity, after seven sons. He is the most amiable man I ever saw; and was he not married, and not a Lord, I should be tempted to set my cap at him,—two substantial reasons however to prevent me.

Four of the young Princes came in after I had been there about half an hour.[156] I never saw four so fine boys. After the Drawing-Room was over we went into the nursery, and saw the rest of them. I was highly delighted, and could hardly keep my hands off them: such sweet creatures I never beheld. The Princess Royal with two sisters and a little boy whom I took to be about three years old, stood in a row, one just above the other, and a little one in leading strings, sitting in a chair behind them, composed this beautiful group.

I was determined, if possible, to kiss one of their little hands, and with some difficulty persuaded Mrs. K. to go up to them, there being a great deal of company in the room. She at last went, and I followed her. I asked Prince Ernest for his hand, which he very readily gave me, and I gave it a very hearty kiss.

They behaved very prettily: they courtesied to everybody that came in, and the boy nodded his head just like little Tom Oliver. We did not get home till almost five o'clock, and found Elisha and Billy fretting for their dinner.

58. A Woman at the War
BY MRS. ABIGAIL ADAMS (1775)[157]

IN consequence of the powder being taken from Charlestown, a general alarm spread through many towns and was caught pretty soon here. The report reached here on Friday, and on Sunday a soldier was

seen lurking about the Common, supposed to be a spy, but most likely a deserter.

However, intelligence of it was communicated to the other parishes, and about eight o'clock, Sunday evening, there passed by here about two hundred men, preceded by a horsecart, and marched down to the powder house, from whence they took the powder, and carried it into the other parish and there secreted it.

I opened the window upon their return. They passed without any noise, not a word among them till they came opposite this house, when some of them perceiving me, asked me if I wanted any powder. I replied, No, since it was in so good hands.—The reason they gave for taking it was, that we had so many Tories here, they dared not trust us with it.[158]

They had taken Vinton the officer in their train, and upon their return called upon him to deliver two warrants for summoning juries. Upon his producing them, they put it to vote whether they should burn them, and it passed in the affirmative. They then made a circle and burnt them. They then called a vote whether they should huzza, but, it being Sunday evening, it passed in the negative.

They called upon Vinton to swear that he would never be instrumental in carrying into execution any of these new acts. They were not satisfied with his answers; however, they let him rest a few days; afterwards, upon his making some foolish speeches, they assembled to the amount of two or three hundred, and swore vengeance upon him unless he took a solemn oath. Accordingly, they chose a committee and sent it with him to Major Miller's to see that he complied; and they waited his return, which proving satisfactory, they dispersed.

This town appears as high as you can well imagine, and, if necessary, would soon be in arms. Not a Tory but hides his head.

The church parson[159] thought they were coming after him, and ran up garret; they say another jumped out of his window and hid among the corn, whilst a third crept under his board fence and told his beads.

I suppose you have had a formidable account of the alarm we had last Sunday morning. When I rose, about six o'clock, I was told that the drums had been some time beating, and that three alarm guns were fired; that Weymouth bell had been ringing.

I immediately sent off an express to know the occasion, and found the whole town in confusion. Three sloops and one cutter had come out and dropped anchor just below Great Hill.[160] It was difficult to tell their designs; some supposed they were coming to Germantown, others, to Weymouth. People, women, children, from the iron-works, came flocking down this way; every woman and child driven off from below my father's; my father's family flying.

Dr. Tufts is in great distress, as you may well imagine, for my aunt had her bed thrown into a cart into which she got herself, and ordered the boy to drive her to Bridgewater, which he did.

The report which they heard was that three hundred had landed, and were upon their march up into town. The alarm flew like lightning, and men from all parts came flocking down, till two thousand were collected. But, it seems, their expedition was to Grape Island for Levett's hay. There it was impossible

to reach them, for want of boats; but the sight of so many persons, and the firing at them, prevented their getting more than three tons of hay, though they had carted much more down to the water.

At last a lighter was mustered, and a sloop from Hingham, which had six port holes. Our men eagerly jumped on board, and put off for the island. As soon as the British perceived it, they decamped.

Our people landed upon the island, and in an instant set fire to the hay, which, with the barn, was soon consumed;—about eighty tons, it is said. We expect soon to be in continual alarms, till something decisive takes place.

Our house has been, upon this alarm, in the same scene of confusion that it was upon the former. Soldiers coming in for a lodging, for breakfast, for supper, for drink, &c. Sometimes refugees from Boston, tired and fatigued, seek an asylum for a day, a night, a week. You can hardly imagine how we live; yet

I wish you were nearer to us; we know not what a day will bring forth, nor what distress one hour may throw us into. Hitherto I have been able to maintain a calmness and presence of mind, and hope I shall, let the exigency of the time be what it will. Adieu, breakfast calls.

Since I arrived here I have really had a scene quite novel to me. The brig Defence, from Connecticut, put in here for ballast. The officers, who are all from thence, and who are intimately acquainted at Dr. Lothrop's, invited his lady to come on board, and bring with her as many of her friends as she could collect.

She sent an invitation to our friend, Mrs. Warren, and to us. The brig lay about a mile and a half from town. The officers sent their barge, and we went. Every mark of respect and attention which was in their power, they showed us. She is a fine brig, mounts sixteen guns, twelve swivels, and carries one hundred and twenty men.

A hundred and seventeen were on board, and no private family ever appeared under better regulation then the crew. It was as still as though there had been only half a dozen; not a profane word among any of them. The captain himself is an exemplary man. Harden (his name) has been in nine sea engagements; says if he gets a man who swears, and finds he cannot reform him, he turns him on shore, yet is free to confess, that it was the sin of his youth.

He has one lieutenant, a very fine fellow, Smelden by name. We spent a very agreeable afternoon, and drank tea on board. They showed us their arms, which were sent by Queen Anne, and everything on board was a curiosity to me. They gave us a mock engagement with an enemy, and the manner of taking a ship.

The young folks went upon the quarter deck and danced. Some of their Jacks played very well upon the violin and German flute. The brig bears the

Continental colors, and was fitted out by the Colony of Connecticut. As we set off from the brig, they fired their guns in honor to us, a ceremony I would very readily have dispensed with.

59. With the Ladies
BY TENCH TILGHMAN (1775)[162]

Sunday, August 20. Hearing that General Schuyler was at his country-seat at Saratoga, we determined to pay him a visit, and set out this morning. From Albany to Saratoga is thirty-two miles through a country entirely settled since the French war, and therefore not very much improved, though pretty thickly settled.

General Schuyler has a very fine settlement at Saratoga. The bottom just there is extensive, and he has two very fine saw mills and a good grist mill on the Fish Kill which runs into the North River just by his house and is as fine a mill seat as I ever saw. Indeed I did not see another good one in the whole province. We were very genteelly entertained by the General and his wife and left them on Monday to return again to Albany.

Tuesday, August 22. I spent the greatest part of this morning in a visit to the ladies, where I had the pleasure of being introduced to Miss Ann Schuyler, the General's eldest daughter. A very pretty young lady. A brunette with dark eyes, and a countenance animated and sensible as I am told she really is.

In the afternoon I attended the funeral of old Mr. Doer, the father of the Commissioner. This was

something in a style new to me. The corpse was carried to the ground and interred without any funeral ceremony, tho' Clergymen attended.

We then returned to the house of the deceased where we found many tables set out with bottles, cool tankards, candles, pipes and tobacco. The company set themselves down, lighted their pipes and handled the bottles and tankards pretty briskly. Some of them I think rather too much so.[163] I fancy the undertakers of the funeral had borrowed all the plate of the neighbourhood for the tankards and candle sticks were all silver or plated.

Having taken leave of mine host, I called at General Schuyler's house to pay my compliments to the General, his wife and daughter. I found none of them at home but Miss Betsy Schuyler the General's second daughter to whom I was introduced by Mr. Commissary Livingston who accompanied me. I was prepossessed in favour of this young lady the moment I saw her. A brunette with the most good natured lively dark eyes that I ever saw, which threw a beam of good temper and benevolence over her whole countenance.

Mr. Livingston informed me that I was not mistaken in my conjecture for that she was the finest tempered girl in the world. On my return to town I waited on my ladies again to settle the plan of a jaunt to the Cohoes Falls.

Wednesday, August 23. This morning we set out for the Cohoes. Miss Lynch and myself in a chaise.[164] We arrived at the Cohoes about 11 o'clock. We had not the pleasure of viewing the beautiful fall, to the best advantage, as the water (from the lowness of the river for want of rain) did not run over more than

one half of the precipice of rock which I am informed is seventy-four feet in height. The river there is about four hundred yards wide. With much difficulty we descended the hills almost perpendicular to the foot of the falls. My foot once slipped, and Miss Lynch whom I was supporting, and myself almost took a short turn to the bottom. I fancy Miss Schuyler had been used to ramble over and climb grounds of this sort for she disdained all assistance and made herself merry at the distress of the other ladies.

Tho' the water did not fairly shoot over the precipice it tumbled down the rock in a foaming sheet which you may imagine made a wild and most agreeable appearance. Having gained the summit of the hill we adjourned to a neighbouring farm house where we refreshed ourselves with sherbet, biscuit and cheese which I had taken care to lay in.

We then returned to a house about six miles from Albany where we had bespoken dinner; we dined and returned to Albany in time enough to be present at an assembly of the Indians who were got together to receive the welcome of the people of Albany.

Colonel Francis told the ladies he would treat them with an Indian dance before our lodgings. We therefore went down there, and I to do my part of the civilities invited them to take a repast of sepawn and milk, which the ladies of Carolina owned was a real treat to them.[165]

Two fires being lighted up in the middle of the street, about eight o'clock the Indians came down, beating their drum, striking sticks together in exact time and yelling after their manner, and after singing some thing keeping time with their drum and sticks,

they would strike out into a dance around the fires with the most savage contortions of body and limbs.

Then upon a signal from one of their chiefs leave off their dance and return again to their singing, which is sometimes in a slow mournful tone and sometimes more brisk and lively. The dance which followed was always slow or quick as the song had been.

I was informed that this song was a recital of the warlike actions of the great men of their tribes, and that sometimes when worked up by drink, exercise, and heated imaginations, they would grow very enthusiastic. The dance concluded about ten o'clock and being entirely novel was the more entertaining to the ladies.

60. Crossing New England
BY GEORGE PAUSCH (1777)[166]

ON the 19th. of October we crossed the Hudson in a few boats, and as night had by this time overtaken us, we could not go any further towards Shetekok (Scaghticoke), a hamlet composed of Dutchmen—a rich and highly interesting people. Accordingly we were obliged to bivouac here in a meadow placed at our disposal. From this time on we began to find great abundance of apples, from which an incredible quantity of cider is made both in New York and all the New England States, which can be kept from three to four years.

At this place they first began to steal our horse—an infernal proceeding, which they have kept up through our entire march. By way of comfort they tell us that we have either stolen them ourselves, or

else have bought them from persons friendly to the king, who in turn have stolen the horses from them! Moreover, they further tell us that we will now become acquainted with the old Roman law, "I take mine own wherever I find it." We cannot understand, however, how they can confound Canadian and German horses with theirs!

On the 20th of October, we passed many Dutch and German farm-houses. The farmers have immense stores of grain, large heaps of which lie in mows covered with movable roofs. We went this day as far as a small town on the Hudson,[167] founded by two individuals named French, who have built beautiful dwellings and ware-houses. Both of these gentlemen, however, being Tories,—that is, friendly to the king,—they were forced to abandon their property. Bakers, smiths, and artisans had established themselves in this village, but most of the houses were standing empty.

We found here a well-equipped hospital, in which we met several wounded soldiers belonging to our army. They told us that they were given tea, sugar, chocolate, and wine, notwithstanding these articles were extremely dear. Our troops had to bivouac at this place and encounter the discomforts of a snow and rain-storm during the night.

Presently we entered a large and wild mountainous district,[168] dismal enough to silence the most disobedient child by threatening to send it there if it did not behave itself.

On the 27th of October it rained still more. I felt so vexed and silent that I threw myself upon an open barn-floor, hoping to get some rest; but the cold, together with a wind-and hail-storm that was raging,

banished all sleep. Then, again, the thoughts of to-morrow's march stung me.

On the 28th we had alternately hail, rain, and snow. The wind was so piercing, that, no matter how warmly we wrapped ourselves in our cloaks, it penetrated to the very marrow. In addition, our wet clothes froze as stiff as iron. A grenadier froze to death upon the march, many pack-horses were lost in the same way, and since that time I am firmly convinced that a man can endure a greater amount of hardship than a horse.

The oldest soldiers admitted that they had never before experienced such a march. Towards evening, we had advanced only ten miles to Westfield, a very neat little village. The experience that we had passed through that day so aroused the sympathies of the inhabitants, that they opened their doors to us. It is the custom in this place to put lightning-rods on the churches and all the handsome buildings and houses, to prevent their being struck by lightning.

On the 29th, the rain continued, accompanied by snow and hail. The roads were still bad, but not so dreadful as before. We were taken into the houses of the villagers. The people were tolerably kind, but cursed inquisitive. From this village, and in fact from the entire neighborhood, whole families of women and their daughters came to visit us, going from house to house to gaze upon the prisoners.

From the general down to the common soldier, all had to stand inspection. The higher the rank of the person so visited, the longer they stayed and "sized him up"! I was delighted when they soon left me, but my brigadier, in spite of his horrible grimaces, was not so fortunate.

I offered chairs to the pretty girls, and by this means gained time partially to revenge myself by watching them in my turn. Finally, we became tired of this sort of thing, as one party after another continued to enter our rooms without knocking. I actually believe that our host charged an admission fee to see us.

On the 30th, we had a day of rest. Early in the morning I had myself shaved, and powdered my hair. It is the custom of the women and girls in this neighborhood either to sit upon side-saddles or ride upon pillows placed at the backs of their husbands or gallants. Very often a young beauty may be seen leading an entire caravan at full gallop. The young "bucks," with their miserable clothing and female trappings, look as if they had stolen their attire from the women themselves.

On the 4th, a short march brought us to Worcester—a thriving little city. After much discussion the citizens finally allowed us to occupy their houses and barns—one battalion being quartered in a large meeting-house. Our brigadier and myself lodged with a lady of distinction who had two sons in the English army, and whose husband was residing for the time being in England.

She was obliged to pay rent for living in her own beautiful house, and her furniture had been levied on by the Committee. In order, also, to make her life as happy and tranquil as possible, the Committee had taken possession of her land, and in fact exercised a general supervision over her entire possessions! To prevent, moreover, anything from being stolen, the Committee have put large locks on the house. This lady, whose condition we pitied from the bottom of

our hearts, received us with attention and friendliness. She had been well brought up; and her two very handsome daughters seemed to pattern after her.

Indeed, we hesitated to receive the many attentions she showered upon us, and we insisted upon doing our own cooking. The elder daughter presented her betrothed to us—a very worthy young man, who in his turn introduced us to other reputable young men in the town. These in former days had servants to wait upon them, but were now compelled to bow the knee before the gentlemen composing the Committee.

In every city, village, and county Congress has appointed Committees, who rule subject to its approval, and see to it that all of its decrees are obeyed. Indomitable zeal in the maintenance of liberty and the execution of the commands of Congress are the necessary requisites for membership in this Committee—a membership which confers upon one the power to rule over his fellow-citizens.

These gentlemen were in other times plebeians; and Heaven help him who is suspected by them of being a Tory! Many families are now living under this suspicion. At their command the minister leaves the altar, and the male members of his congregation grasp the musket and the powder-horn.

61. Pretty Girls in New England
BY A GERMAN OFFICER (1777)

FRIENDS: I am at last in Kinderhook, whence I promised to write you a chapter about pretty girls Before, however, reading my narrative to a lady, examine

it carefully so as to see if there is any danger of its causing future trouble between me and my dear countrywomen. Should you decide against it, have mercy on me, and upset the ink-stand on the entire chapter!

The ladies in this vicinity, and as far as Boston and New York, are slender, of erect carriage, and, without being strong, are plump. They have small and pretty feet, good hands and arms, a very white skin, and a healthy color in the face which requires

no further embellishment. I have seen few disfigured by pock-marks, for inoculation against smallpox has been in vogue here for many years.[169]

They have, also, exceedingly white teeth, pretty lips, and sparkling, laughing eyes. In connection with these charms they have a natural bearing, essentially unrestrained, with open, frank countenances, and much native assurance. They are great admirers of cleanliness, and keep themselves well shod. They frizz their hair every day, and gather it up on the back of the head into a knot, at the same time puffing it up in front.

They generally walk about with their heads uncovered; and sometimes, but not often, wear some light fabric on their hair. Now and then some country nymph has her hair flowing down behind her, braiding it with a piece of ribbon. Should they go out (even though they be living in a hut), they throw a silk wrap about themselves and put on gloves. They have a charming way of wearing this wrap by means of which they manage to show a portion of a small white elbow.

They also put on some well-made and stylish little sun-bonnets, from beneath which their roguish eyes have a most fascinating way of meeting yours. In the English colonies the beauties have fallen in love with red silk or woollen wraps. Dressed in this manner, a girl will walk, run, or dance about you, and bid you a friendly good-morning or give you a saucy answer according to what you have said to her. At all places through which we passed dozens of girls were met with on the road, who either laughed at us mockingly, or now and then roguishly offered us an apple, accompanied by a little courtesy.

At first we thought they were girls from the city, or at least from the middle classes; but lo and behold I they were the daughters of poor farmers. Notwithstanding the many pretty things I have said about the gentler sex in this country, I must still give my loved countrywomen[170] the credit of possessing certain gentle, lovable, and tender qualities which lend additional attractions to their charms, but which are entirely lacking in the beauties to be found here.

Most perfectly formed and beautiful maids are to be seen on all sides; but to find one endowed with all the attractions of one of the graces is a very difficult thing. Enough of this, however. I think it high time to bring this disquisition to a close; and I shall now do so after stating that the fair sex were the cause of our losing some of our comrades on the 23d of October.

One of the things which particularly strikes me in this country is the evident mastery that the women possess over the men. In Canada this power is used by the women to further the interests of the men; but here it is used nearly to ruin them. The wives and daughters of these people spend more than their incomes upon finery. The man must fish up the last penny he has in his pocket.

The funniest part of it is, that the women do not seem to steal it from them; neither do they obtain it by cajolery, fighting, or falling into a faint. How they obtain it—as obtain it they do—Heaven only knows; but that the men are heavily taxed for their extravagance is certain.

The daughters keep up their stylish dressing because the mothers desire it. Should the mother die, her last words are to the effect that the daughter must

retain control of the father's money-bags. Nearly all articles necessary for the adornment of the female sex are at present either very scarce or dear, and for this reason they are now wearing their Sunday finery. Should this begin to show signs of wear I am afraid that the husband and father will be compelled to make their peace with the Crown if they would keep their women-folks supplied with gewgaws!

62. A Child of the Revolution
BY SAMUEL BRECK (1771-1782)

I WAS born on the 17th of July, 1771, in the then town of Boston. It was at a period of political excitement, and I feel myself identified with the Revolution, having been nursed at Lexington, where the first blood was spilt, and an unconscious spectator of the great battle of Bunker Hill.

I say unconscious, because at the date of that battle (17th of June, 1775) I was too young to receive a durable impression, or indeed any recollection at all about it. I have been told, however, that the woman who had the care of me stood on an eminence with me in her arms watching the engagement.

I remember perfectly an event that took place shortly after. Boston was closely invested by Washington, and in the bombardment a shell fell in our courtyard that cracked a beautiful mirror by the concussion of the air in bursting, and gave my father a broad hint to provide for the safety of his family.

He obtained a passport from the British general, and, being allowed to traverse the camp of the

besiegers, brought his wife and children to Philadelphia, stopping a few days at New York, and travelling from that city in company with the late Vice-President, George Clinton, who, as I have heard my father say, had the kindness to bring me part of the way in his sulky.

My parents have often told me how hospitably we were received in that city, where, in common with all the colonies, a strong sympathy was entertained for the sufferers in Boston. I, of course, have few recollections of that period. One thing only can I remember, and that is the inoculation of my sister and myself for the small-pox.

We stayed a few months in Philadelphia, and then removed to Taunton in Massachusetts, in order to be ready to enter Boston as soon as the British should evacuate the town. It was here at Taunton that I distinctly recollect seeing the procession of the Pope and the Devil on the 5th of November, the anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot. Effigies of those two illustrious personages were paraded round the Common, and this was perhaps the last exhibition of the kind in our country.[171]

In due time we returned to Boston, and having been nursed, as I said before, at Lexington, I may boast of having been cradled in the midst of the brave men who so nobly commenced and so gloriously terminated our immortal war of Independence.

The winter of 1780 was colder than any that has occurred since. I was then a scholar at Chelsea, and perfectly well remember being driven by my father's coachman, in a sleigh with two horses, on the ice directly across the bay of Boston, starting from the north part of the town, and keeping for many miles

on the ice, which we left, to traverse farms, without being stopped by the stone fences, which were all covered with snow.

It was in the summer that suceeded this cold weather, I think, that the famous Dark Day happened in New England. I was at the same school. It began about eleven o'clock in the morning, when I was standing by the master reading my lesson. The light grew dim, and in a very short time faded into utter darkness. The school was dismissed, and we went below stairs. The cause was wholly inexplicable at the time, nor do I find that it has ever been satisfactorily explained. Some ascribed it to an extensive conflagration in the backwoods, but I do not remember any heavy smoke or other indication of fire.

I know that candles were lit, and the frightened neighbors groped their way to our house for spiritual consolation and joined in prayer with our reverend principal, and that after we had dined by candlelight—probably about three o'clock—it cleared up and became bright enough to go abroad.

The day having been one of terror, and now more than two-thirds spent, we were not called to school in the afternoon, but were permitted to go into the fields to gather fruit and bird's eggs. Yet the succeeding night was "palpably obscure." Many accidents happened to those who were on the road. Nothing could exceed the darkness. No doubt there was a natural cause for it, but whether smoke or vapor, or other atmospherical density, remains unknown.

Beacon Hill was a famous spot, known to everybody who knew anything of Boston. It received its name from a beacon that stood on it. Spokes were

fixed in a large mast, on the top of which was placed a barrel of pitch or tar, always ready to be fired on the approach of the enemy.

Around this pole I have fought many battles, as a South End boy, against the boys of the North End of the town; and bloody ones too, with slings and stones very skilfully and earnestly used. In what a state of semi-barbarism did the rising generations of those days exist! From time immemorial these hostilities were carried on by the juvenile part of the community.

The schoolmasters whipped, parents scolded—nothing could check it. Was it a remnant of the fighting habit of our British ancestors? or was it an untamed feeling arising from our colonial situation? Whatever was the cause, everything of the kind ceased with the ending of our Revolutionary War.

I forget on what holiday it was that the Anticks, another exploded remnant of colonial manners, used to perambulate the town. They have ceased to do it now, but I remember them as late as 1782. They were a set of the lowest blackguards, who, disguised in filthy clothes and ofttimes with masked faces, went from house to house in large companies, and thrust themselves everywhere, particularly into rooms that were occupied by parties of ladies and gentlemen; and they would demean themselves with great insolence. I have seen them at my father's, when his assembled friends were at cards, take possession of a table, seat themselves on rich furniture and proceed to handle the cards, to the great annoyance of the company. The only way to get rid of them was to give them money, and listen patiently to a foolish dialogue between two or more of them. One of them

would cry out, "Ladies and gentlemen sitting by the fire, put your hands in your pockets and give us our desire." When this was done and they had received some money, a kind of acting took place. One fellow was knocked down, and lay sprawling on the carpet, while another bellowed out,

He calls for a doctor, who soon appears, and enacts the part so well that the wounded man revives. In this way they would continue for half an hour; and it happened not unfrequently that the house would be filled by another gang when these had departed. There was no refusing admittance. Custom had licensed these vagabonds to enter even by force any place they chose.

The celebrated Latin School in my days was kept by Mr. Hunt. He was a severe master, and flogged heartily. I went on, however, very well with him, mollifying his stern temper by occasional presents in money, which my indulgent father sent to him by me. Thus my short career at his school (seventeen or eighteen months) passed without any corporal correction. I was even sometimes selected for the honorable office of sawing and piling his wood, which to most boys is a vastly more delightful occupation than chopping logic, working themes or dividing sums; in short, a translation from intellectual labor to any bodily toil was looked upon as a special favor, and, dunces as we were, we preferred it greatly to a bans ration from Latin into English.

63. A Conscientious Traitor
BY TIMOTHY DWIGHT (1778)

AMONG the prisoners taken by the Americans at the battle of Hoosac, was an inhabitant of Hancock in the County of Berkshire—a plain farmer, named Richard Jackson. This man had conscientiously taken the British side in the Revolutionary contest, and felt himself bound to seize the earliest opportunity of employing himself in the service of his sovereign.

Hearing that Colonel Baum was advancing with a body of troops toward Bennington, he rose early, saddled his horse, and rode to Hoosac, intending to attach himself to this corps. Here he was taken in such circumstances as proved his intention beyond every reasonable doubt. He was besides too honest to deny it. Accordingly, he was transmitted to Great Barrington, then the shire-town of Berkshire, and placed in the hands of General Fellows, High-Sheriff of the County, who immediately confined him in the County jail.

This building was at that time so infirm, that without a guard no prisoner could be kept in it who wished to make his escape. To escape, however, was not according to Richard's idea of right; and he thought no more about making an attempt of this nature, than he would have done had he been in his own house.

After he had lain quietly in jail a few days, he told the Sheriff that he was losing his time and earning nothing, and wished that he would permit him to go out and work in the daytime, promising to return regularly at evening to his quarters in the prison.

The Sheriff had become acquainted with his character, and readily acceded to his proposal. Accordingly, Richard went out regularly during the remaining part of the autumn, and the following winter and spring, until the beginning of May; and every night returned at the proper hour to the jail. In this manner he performed a day's work every day, with scarcely any exception beside the Sabbath, through the whole period.

In the month of May, he was to be tried for high treason. The Sheriff accordingly made preparations to conduct him to Springfield, where his trial was to be held. But he told the Sheriff that it was not worth his while to take this trouble, for he could just as well go alone; and it would save both the expense and inconvenience of the Sheriff's journey. The Sheriff, after a little reflection, assented to his proposal; and Richard commenced his journey—the only one, it is believed, which was ever undertaken in the same manner for the same object.

In the woods of Tyringham, he was overtaken by the Honorable T. Edwards, from whom I had this story. "Whither are you going?" said Mr. Edwards. "To Springfield, sir," answered Richard, "to be tried for my life." Accordingly, he proceeded directly to Springfield, was tried, found guilty, and condemned to die.

The Council of Massachusetts was, at this time, the supreme executive of the State. Application was made to this Board for a pardon. The facts were stated, the evidence by which they were supported, and the sentence grounded on them. The question was then put by the President, "Shall a pardon be granted to Richard Jackson?"

The gentleman who first spoke observed that the case was perfectly clear; the act alleged against Jackson was unquestionably high-treason; and the proof was complete. If a pardon should be granted in this case, he saw no reason why it should not be granted in every other. In the same manner answered those who followed him.

When it came to the turn of Mr. Edwards, he told this story with those little circumstances of particularity, which, though they are easily lost from the memory and have escaped mine, give light and shade a living reality, and a picturesque impressiveness to every tale which is fitted to enforce conviction, or to touch the heart. At the same time he recited it without enhancement, without expatiating, without any attempt to be pathetic. As is always the case, this simplicity gave the narration its full force.

The Council began to hesitate. One of the members at length observed, "Certainly such a man as this ought not be sent to the gallows." To his opinion the members unanimously assented. A pardon was immediately made out and transmitted to Springfield, and Richard returned to his family.

64. A Hard Winter
BY THOMAS JONES (1779)

THE winter of 1779 was the severest ever known in the middle colonies. It may not be amiss to take some notice of it. The snow began to fall about the loth of November, and continued almost every day till the middle of the ensuing March. In the woods it lay at least four feet upon a level.

It was with the utmost difficulty that the farmers got their wood, and all the wood upon New York Island was cut down. The forest trees planted in gardens, in court-yards, in avenues, along lanes, and about the houses of gentlemen by way of ornament, shared the same fate. Quantities of apple trees, peach trees, plum trees, cherry trees, and pear trees were also cut down. The situation of the army and inhabitants in this distressful season was a sufficient justification for the proceeding; necessity required it.

This winter was intensely cold; the rivers, creeks, harbors, ports, and brooks were all frozen up. The bay of New York, and from thence up the North River to Albany, was mere terra firma.[172] It was equally so in the East River for a long way up the Sound. It was so strong that deserters went upon the ice to Connecticut from Lloyd's Neck, upon Long Island, the distance more than twelve miles. The Sound at New Haven, which is thirty miles from Long Island, was frozen over, about two miles in the middle excepted, and these two miles were congealed and filled with particles of ice.

From New York to Staten Island the distance is about ten miles. From Long Island to New Jersey the bay is about six miles wide. The tide from Sandy

Hook to New York, through the Narrows and the bay, is violently rapid. No man living ever before saw this bay frozen up. Yet so intense was the cold this winter, and the bay so hard frozen, that two hundred sleighs laden with provisions, with two horses to each, escorted by two hundred Light Horse, passed upon the ice from New York to Staten Island in a body.

In many places large quantities of water-fowl were picked up by the inhabitants, so frozen as not to be able to take wing. A very remarkable story, if true, was told. I do not aver it as a fact; the report was current, and as the man bore a good character, it was generally believed. He was a substantial farmer upon Staten Island, his name Goosen Adriance. The case was this: He went out in the morning upon his farm, which adjoins the water, and going along the shore he observed a parcel of ducks sitting erect and in their proper posture. Not moving as he approached, it surprised him. He walked up to them, found them stiff, and, as he supposed, perfectly dead.

He carried them home, threw them down upon the table in his kitchen, where a large wood fire was burning, and went into the next room to breakfast with his family. Scarcely was the breakfast over when a great noise and fluttering was heard in the kitchen. Upon opening the door, how great the surprise! The supposed dead ducks were all flying about the room.

A gentleman who had been a prisoner in Connecticut, and returned from thence the very last of April, said that the snow on the north side of the fences, from Middletown to New Haven, was more than a foot deep. This was never known in that part of

America before, at least after the English settled there. The harbors, rivers, and waters about New York were frozen up. Not a ship could move.

Had the rebels[173] thought of an attack, now was their time. The ice was strong, hard, and firm. The Continental army, with their heaviest artillery, stores, provisions, and baggage, might have passed the Hudson with as much ease as they could have marched the same distance upon dry land.

65. High Prices in Paper Money
BY MR. PATTON (1780)[174]

1780, June 6. I went to the Falls to fish for eels, but got none.

7. I caught a salmon that weighed eighteen or twenty pounds. I sold it for one hundred dollars, and sixty twelve-rows of pins for which I paid twenty-four dollars.

17th. The boys got near sixty eels last night and a shad. I got eleven shad. Six of them I gave to Isaac Atwood for eleven dollars I owed him.

27th. I gave Mrs. Chandler twenty-seven and one half dollars to pay Mr. Bean for the newspaper for the present quarter.

28th. I bought eight and three fourths pounds of tobacco from Dr. Stevens for which I am to pay him twenty dollars. I bought a mug at Means's for which I paid nine dollars.

July 27th. I paid Dr. Stevens twenty dollars for what tobacco I got from him at last June probate. I got four pounds of tobacco from him today, for which I paid him twenty dollars.

Sept. 28. I bought a quire of paper at Means's for which I paid him twelve pounds (sixty dollars).

October 18th. I set out for Portsmouth. I kept at Tobias Warren's from Monday afternoon to Wednesday forenoon, being six meals and two lodgings. They would not take any pay for it. My expenses beside were one hundred and four dollars. I bought things on this journey that cost three hundred twenty-six dollars.

While I was from home Alexander McMurphy paid my wife two hundred dollars towards the two thousand of boards I let him have.

Nov. 2nd. I went to Esquire McGregor's and bought three pounds of sugar from him for which I paid thirty dollars.

10th. I bought six pounds of coffee at eighty-four dollars. One fourth pound of pepper at thirty and four rows of pins at eight and one fourth dollars.

One half yard broad cloth at one hundred eighty seven and one half dollars of Major Pinkerton. I paid for my ferriage going and coming six dollars.

13. Ran surveying lines for Joseph Saunders and David and Nathaniel Merrill, and wrote two deeds for them and took the acknowledgment. I charged them one hundred and twenty dollars.

They paid me the money and I gave it to Joseph Saunders for which he is to give me four pounds of cotton.

18th. I held a Court at Chandler's. I had one half a mug of toddy for which I paid four dollars.

January 5th 1781. Got a thousand of nails for nailing pail hoops, from Mr. Fisk, for old Ensn. Chubbuck and myself. He sent sixty and I paid eighty dollars for the one thousand.

20th. I went to Captain Chamberlin's with the team. I got sixteen bushels of Indian corn on credit I am going to pay it when I make a turn of the timber the boys and I have got to the river. It is sixty dollars per bushel.

I had one half pint bowl of West India toddy at McGaw's for which I paid six dollars.

May 19th. I went to Litchfield and got four bushels of rye from David Quigg. For this I am to pay him three dollars in silver and seventy five dollars in paper. My ferriage was three dollars.

I had one half mug of toddy at McGaw's for which I paid four dollars.

28th. I gave James seventy seven dollars to divide between him and Robert and David for election tomorrow. 30. The boys and I got shad and got them home.

July 5th. I went to Amherst and attended the Sessions and the probate court. My expenses were thirty-six pounds (one hundred and eighty dollars) old Continental money. This was for my dinner, horse at pasturage about seven hours and a glass of West India rum.

66. The Frenchmen and the Frogs
BY SAMUEL BRECK (1779)

BEFORE the Revolution the colonists had little or no communication with France, so that Frenchmen were known to them only through the prejudiced medium of England. Every vulgar story told by John Bull about Frenchmen living on salad and frogs was implicitly believed by Brother Jonathan, even by men of education and the first standing in society.

When, therefore, the first French squadron arrived at Boston,[175] the whole town, most of whom had never seen a Frenchman, ran to the wharves to catch a peep at the gaunt, half-starved crews. How much were my good townsmen astonished when they beheld, plump, portly officers and strong, vigorous sailors!

They could scarcely credit the thing, apparent as it was. Did these hearty-looking people belong to the lantern jawed, spindle-shank race of mounseers?[176] In a little while they became convinced that they had been deceived as to their personal appearance, but they knew, notwithstanding their good looks, that they were no better than frog-eaters, because they had been discovered hunting them in the noted Frogpond at the bottom of the Common.

With this last notion in his head, Mr. Nathaniel Tracy, who lived in a beautiful villa at Cambridge,[177] made a great feast for the admiral and his officers. Everything was furnished that could be had in the country to ornament and give variety to the entertainment. My father was one of the guests, and told me often that two large tureens of soup were placed at the ends of the table.

The admiral sat on the right of Tracy,[178] and Monsieur de l'Etombe on the left. L'Etombe was consul of France, resident at Boston. Tracy filled a plate with soup, which went to the admiral, and the next was handed to the consul. As soon as L'Etombe put his spoon into his plate he fished up a large frog, just as green and perfect as if he had hopped from the pond into the tureen.

Not knowing at first what it was, he seized it by one of its hind legs, and, holding it up in view of the whole company, discovered that it was a full-grown

frog. As soon as he had thoroughly inspected it, and made himself sure of the matter, he exclaimed, "Ah! mon Dieu! un grenouille!" then, turning to the gentleman next to him, gave him the frog.

He received it, and passed it around the table. Thus the poor crapaud made the tour from hand to hand until it reached the admiral. The company,

convulsed with laughter, examined the soup-plates as the servants brought them, and in each was to be found a frog. The uproar was universal. Meantime Tracy kept his ladle going, wondering what his outlandish guests meant by such extravagant merriment.

"What's the matter?" asked he, and, raising his head, surveyed the frogs dangling by a leg in all directions. "Why don't they eat them?" he exclaimed.

claimed. "If they knew the confounded trouble I had to catch them in order to treat them to a dish of their own country, they would find that with me, at least, it was no joking matter." Thus was poor Tracy deceived by vulgar prejudice and common report. He meant to regale his distinguished guests with refined hospitality, and had caused all the swamps of Cambridge to be searched in order to furnish them with a generous supply of what he believed to be in France a standing national dish. This entertainment was given in 1778 to the celebrated Count d'Estaing.

67. Royal Personages
BY SAMUEL CURWEN (1781-1782)

AT St. George's chapel, prayers at eight; present, the King, Queen, Princesses Elizabeth and Sophia,—about a hundred hearers; we joined the train to Queen's house, or rather to the gates. The King[179] was dressed in blue fly, cuffs small, open, and turned up with red velvet, cape of same, buttons white, breeches and waistcoat of white cotton, an ordinary white wig with a tail ribbon, a round black chip hat, small, as used in riding.

He is tall, square over the shoulders, large ugly mouth, talks a great deal, and shows his teeth too much; his countenance heavy and lifeless, and white eyebrows. The Queen of the middle size and bulk, height five feet and a-half,—though far removed from beautiful, she has an open placid aspect, mouth large, foot splay:—at prayers their voices often heard, and they appeared devout.

They take no state upon them, and walk freely about the town with only a lord in waiting. At seven, every evening after tea, the King, Queen, Prince of Wales, Princess-royal, Princesses Sophia and Elizabeth, walk for an hour on a terrace half a mile long, amidst two or three thousand people of all ranks.

The Prince of Wales appears a likely agreeable person, far more graceful than his father, who is ungainly. The prince affects much "Jemmy" dress and air;[180] age will doubtless soften down the juvenile taste and affectation. The Queen's dress, a riding habit, same color and facings as the King's—a small bonnet with a blue feather.

Conducted to picture gallery and state-rooms; in one stands the Queen's bed, of a cream-color, worked in flowers with silk floss beautifully shaded, about seven feet long and six wide; posts fluted, and gilt tester,[181] having in the centre an oval compartment, thought to be the richest in England except Lady Clifford's at Wybrook, which was wrought and presented to her by the late Duchess of Norfolk,—twelve chairs and a screen, wrought by her present Majesty's own diligent hand.

In the evening on the terrace, the King was in full dress,—blue uniform, sword and cockade; the Prince of Wales the same. The Queen in a pale greenish silk full dress, except her head, on which she had a bonnet with a feather of the same color as her dress.

July 16. Crossed the river to Eton college or school, passing through cloisters and quadrangles. I learnt from a lad that there were three hundred and thirty pupils belonging to the school; the higher class had on gowns and caps of university fashion.

After breakfast, at castle, to hear the roll-call of Lord Falconberg's regiment, now on duty, and hear the music; two bands of which were playing while the royal family were walking last evening.

Feb. 7. At the Queen's house with Mr. Hopkins to see the plate, etc.; the first object that struck me was three large covered baskets of table plate, as dishes, tureens, butter and sauce boats, all with covers, raised, embossed and engraved. The King's service was silver gilt; the Prince's silver.

We also were conducted to the kitchen, where were eighteen male cooks busily employed in their several various lines; the men in white jackets and caps, and the women in white aprons and caps. By a late royal order, no one is to appear in the kitchen with natural hair.

When the King arrives from court at St. James's, (where he attends five days in the week, Tuesdays and Saturdays being the only ones he has in the week for his own private amusements, concerns, etc.,) dinner is called, on which a bustle ensues; the assistants of the silver scullery take such pieces as are called for out of baskets, place them on a warm stove, whence they are taken by the cook and filled and taken to the dining room door, and delivered to the person appointed to place them on the royal table.

Common dinner, five dishes of meat, four of garden stuffs, and one remove daily,[182] and no more. The King is exceedingly temperate, drinks generally water, and rarely partakes of more than one or two dishes. His supper is water-gruel, taken in a vessel peculiarly appropriated to his use, called the King's cup, of silver gilt,—shown me by the yeoman. The King's company at table is the Queen, Prince

of Wales, (unless on his public dinner days) the Princess Royal, Princesses Sophia and Elizabeth: the rest of the children at another table in another apartment. The Prince's dinner is served up by his proper officers in the same manner as the King's.

The Queen, unless indisposed, always attends court and levee days; as soon as it is over she returns; immediately dinner is served up, without waiting for her husband; a proof of good husbandship. It is said every king has a service of new table plate, the old being disposed of; the silver is kept in bags and put into cupboards.

I took leave, and by advice returned by Buckingham Gate, Pimlico, Grosvenor-place, in preference to Constitution Hill, which sometimes is dangerous,[183] and at eight o'clock got safe home.

Dec. 5. The King delivered his speech from the throne. I went to see him robe and sit on the throne at the House of Lords; he was clothed in green laced with gold when he came, and when he went in red laced; it being the custom to change his garments. The tail of his wig was in a broad, flowing, loose manner; called the coronation tail. His stay in the lords' chamber scarce exceeded half an hour, in which he read his speech of eleven pages.

As one proof among many that might be given of the restraint and disguise of real sentiments on the part of courtiers, from the highest character in the presence chamber to the lowest lounger and attendant at ministerial levees, take the following:—

When the King found himself obliged to take new ministers, and. give up Lord North and his associates, it is well known that it was abhorrent to the royal mind; and being naturally of a pertinacious, obstinate

temper, the King was with the utmost difficulty brought to yield a reluctant consent.

On the first day after the appointment, when he was in a manner forced out of his closet into the room of audience, he received his new servants with a smile, and transacted business with them afterwards with as much seeming cordiality and openness as if they had been in his favor, and in his closest confidence.

So seemingly satisfied and so serene was the royal countenance, that all the newspapers sounded forth the gracious monarch's obliging, condescending goodness to the public wishes, though nothing was farther from his heart, had not the necessity of his affairs impelled him thereto.

At the same time coming up to Mr. Wilkes,[184] he said he was glad of the opportunity to thank him for his very proper and laudable behavior in the late riot; took notice of his looks, which indicated a want of health, advised him to a country air and exercise, which, said his majesty, I find by experience an excellent expedient to procure and preserve health.

All this with the same apparent sincerity, as if they had been in a continued course of paying and receiving compliments, congratulations, and acknowledgments for mutual kindnesses and good offices, though all the world knows there was not a man in the three kingdoms more thoroughly hated, nor whom he had taken a more foolish and unnecessary pains to ruin.

The above-mentioned interview being told of in company, Mr. Wilkes took occasion to remark in the following words:—"To have heard the King, one would have thought I was consulting a quack on the score of my health."