 | Camps and Firesides of the Revolution |  |
4. PART IV
THE FRENCH AND THE INDIAN WARS
37. The Casket Girls in Louisiana
BY MONSIEUR DUMONT (1719)
ONE day there arrived at Dauphin Island a vessel sent from France loaded with young women, a necessary shipment, without which it was impossible to make any solid establishment in the country.[95] There were indeed on the island some married Canadians, who had children and even marriageable daughters, but they were old settlers, and looked upon as lords of the island. They had risen to wealth by trade either with Crozat's vessels or the Spaniards. One especially, named Trudeau, had a very pretty frame house, two stories high, covered with shingles.
As soon as the young women were landed they were lodged in the same house, with a sentinel at the door. Leave was given to see them by day and make a selection, but as soon as it was dark, entrance to the house was forbidden to all persons. These girls were not long in being provided for and married. We may say that this first cargo did not suffice for the number
After the first vessel loaded with young women several others arrived. All brought troops and mechanics, so that Dauphin Island soon became too small to hold all that were sent there. This induced the commandant, who had been very long in the province and knew better than any other the most suitable places, to select a wider and more spacious ground to form a new settlement.
This new post was a bluff or little mountain on the mainland, at a place to which the name "Old Biloxi" was given, because it had formerly been a village of Indians who bore that name.
While they were engaged in forming this new establishment three royal vessels arrived with a ship of the company's, called the Mutine. The last vessel, besides a cargo of goods and provisions, brought a troop of young women, sent against their will, except one, who was called the Damsel of Good-Will.
They were landed first on Dauphin Island, but the marrying mania had subsided, and there was no demand for them. Moreover, since the commandant had resolved soon to abandon the island, he put them all in boats and sent them over to Ship Island, thence to Old Biloxi, where most of them got married.
The colony was not yet planted on St. Louis River (Mississippi). This determined some of the newcomers to land all their people and effects at New Biloxi, where a Canadian had made a little establishment, which he had subsequently abandoned to go nearer the river. There each took a plot along the coast, cleared it, and raised cabins; but they had this disadvantage, that when they wished to go to Old Biloxi to see the commandant, they had to cross the water a good league.
An accident, which happened in the latter post about this time, delivered them from this inconvenience, and caused a new movement of the colony. There was at Old Biloxi a sergeant, who drank a little and then lay down, but took it into his head to light his pipe, as he did in fact with a stick from the fire. As he was lying on his bed, instead of getting up to put the stick back, he threw it unluckily not into the middle of his cabin, but against the posts that surrounded it. The wind, blowing through the posts, soon fanned a blaze, which in a moment caught the palisade of pine, a very resinous wood, and easily inflamed.
In an instant the fire spread to the next cabin, and from that to another. Though fortunately the wind was not high, the conflagration soon became so violent, that to check it and prevent its progress, they had to throw down two cabins on each side. The sergeant escaped as he was, without being able to take anything from his cabin. In all, eleven cabins were burned or thrown down. The commandant had no thought of restoring them, as he was already disposed to transport his colony once more, and make a third establishment.
The early French emigrants were for the most part men; they were glad to see girls coming over to be their wives.
38. The Founding of the City of New Orleans
BY MONSIEUR DUMONT (1719-1728)
WHILE the land-holders, dispersed in different places in that vast province, were engaged in making settlements, the commandant, now left alone at Old Biloxi, with the troops and officers of the company, thought of making a more stable and solid establishment in the country than any that had yet been formed for the colony.
With this view he selected a tract thirty leagues[97] above the mouth of the river. He sent the chief engineer there to choose in that tract a place fit for building a city worthy of becoming the capital and headquarters to which all the rising settlements might have recourse for supplies and help.
The place consisted only of some unimportant houses, scattered here and there. A pretty long and wide strip was next cleared along the river. To each settler who appeared they gave a plot of land. It was ordained that those who obtained these plots should be bound to inclose them with palisades, and leave all around a strip at least three feet wide, at the foot of which a ditch was to be dug, to serve as a drain for the river water in time of inundation.[98] The Sieur de la Tour deemed these canals, communicating from square to square, absolutely necessary. To further preserve the city from inundation, he raised in front, near a slight elevation, running to the river, a dike or levee of earth, at the foot of which he dug a similar drain.
All were engaged in these labors, and several houses or cabins were already raised, when about the month of September a hurricane came on so suddenly, that in an instant it leveled houses and palisades. With this impetuous wind came such torrents of rain, that you could not step out a moment without risk of being drowned. A vessel, called the Adventurer, lay at anchor before the town. Though all sails were reefed, the yards stayed, and the vessel well secured to the shore by cables, and in the river by anchors, it was full twenty times in danger of going to pieces or being dashed on the shore.
In fact, this tempest was so terrible that it rooted up the largest trees, and the birds, unable to keep up, fell in the streets. In one hour the wind had twice blown from every point of the compass. On the third day it finally ceased, and they set to work to repair the damage done. Meanwhile the new city began to fill up with inhabitants, who gradually began to abandon New Biloxi to come and settle there. At last the commandant himself went there, with his council and troops. They left only an officer with a detachment at New Biloxi to guard the post, and direct vessels coming from France to the residence of the colony.
When the foundation of the new capital, which took the name of New-Orleans, was laid, the houses, as I have said, were mere palisade cabins, like those of Old and New Biloxi. The only difference was, that in the latter places the posts were pine, while at the capital they were cypress. But since they began to make brick there, no houses but brick are built; so that now the government-house, church, barracks, &c., and almost all the houses are brick, or half-brick and half-wood.
About this time arrived a third vessel, loaded with young women; but these were of a superior class to their predecessors, from the fact of their being called "casket-girls." This was because on leaving France, each had received from the liberality of the company a little trunk of clothes, and linens, caps, chemises, stockings, &c. They had, too, the advantage of being brought over by nuns. They had not time to pine away in the houses assigned for their abode on their arrival, but soon found husbands.
This place which at first was hardly a good-sized village, may now justly be called a city. On the levee,[99] to the left, is the market. Opposite the place, beside the storehouses, is the anchorage for vessels. Beside it is the guard house.
To avoid accident by fire the powder-magazine is at a distance from the city. This capital wants only fortifications, which have not yet been begun. You will find there very fine brick houses and a great many buildings four or five stories high.
39. A Song about Indians
(1725)
How valiantly he served his country and his King;
He and his valiant soldiers, did range the woods full wide,
And hardships they endured, to quell the Indian's pride.[100]
They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day;
He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land,
Which leads into a pond, as we're made to understand.
Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground;
Then speaks up Captain LOVEWELL, "take you good heed," says he,
"This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see.
In order to surround us upon this neck of land;
Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave his pack,
That we may briskly fight them when they make their attack."
As soon as they came nigh him, two guns he did let fly,
Which wounded Captain LOVEWELL, and likewise one man more,
And when this rogue was running, they laid him in his gore.
Where they had laid their packs down, but there they found them not,
For the Indians having spy'd them, when they them down did lay,
Did seize them for their plunder, and carry them away.
So that an English soldier did one of them espy,
And cried out, "here's an Indian," with that they started out,
As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout.
To shew the rebel Indians they fear'd them not a straw:
So now the fight began, as fiercely as could be,
The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forced to flee.
" Fight on my valiant heroes! you see they fall like rain."
For as we are inform'd, the Indians were so thick,
A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit.
But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond,
To which our men retreated and covered all the rear,
The rogues were forc'd to flee them, altho' they skulked for fear.
Without being discovered, they could not get away;
Therefore our valiant English, they travell'd in a row,
And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go.
And fiercely did continue until the setting sun;
Excepting that the Indians, some hours before 'twas night,
Drew off into the bushes and ceas'd a while to fight.
Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud,
For as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell,
Scarce twenty of their number at night did get home well.
To see whether the rebels would have another fray;
But they no more returning, they made off towards their home,
And brought away their wounded as far as they could come.
And of the rebel Indians, there were about four. score.
And sixteen of our English did safely home return,
The rest were kill'd and. wounded, for which we all must mourn.
They killed Lieut. ROBBINS, and wounded good young FRYE,
Who was our English Chaplain; he many Indians slew,
And some of them he scalp'd when bullets round him flew.
Endeavoring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell;
But yet our gallant Englishmen in fight were ne'er dismay'd,
But still they kept their motion, and WYMAN'S Captain made,
Then set his men in order, and brought off the retreat;
And braving many dangers and hardships in the way,
They safe arriv'd at Dunstable, the thirteenth day of May.
The fight at Pigwacket (near what is now Fryeburg, Maine) took place May 7, 1725, much as the ballad tells the story. The poetry is rude, but the spirit is excellent.
40. Captured by the Indians
BY JOHN GYLES (1736)[101]
ON the second spring of my captivity my Indian master and his squaw went to Canada; but sent me down the river with several Indians to the Fort, in order to plant corn. The day before we came to the planting field we met two young Indian men, who seemed to be in great haste. After they had passed us I understood that they were going with an express to Canada, and that there was an English vessel at the mouth of the river. I, not perfect in the language, nor knowing that English vessels traded with them in time of war, supposed a peace was concluded on, and that the captives would be released; and was so transported with the fancy that I slept but
Then those Cape Sable Indians came to me again like bears bereaved of their whelps, saying, "Shall we, who have lost relations by the English, suffer an English voice to be heard among us?" etc. Then they beat me again with the axe. Then I repented that I had not sent two or three of them out of the world before me, for I thought that I had much rather die than suffer any longer. They left me the
After they had thus inhumanly abused us, two Indians took us up and threw us out of the wigwam, and we crawled away on our hands and feet, and were scarce able to walk for several days. Some time after, they again concluded on a merry dance, when I was at some distance from the wigwam dressing leather, and an Indian was so kind as to tell me that they had got James Alexander, and were in search of me. My Indian master and his squaw bid me run as for my life into a swamp and hide, and not to discover myself, unless they both came to me, for then I might be assured the dance was over. I was now master of their language, and a word or a wink was enough to excite me to take care of myself. I ran to the swamp, and hid in the thickest place that I could find. I heard hollowing and whooping all around me; sometimes they passed very near, and I could hear some threaten, and others flatter me, but I was not disposed to dance; and if
I heard no more of them till about evening (for I think I slept), when they came again, calling "Chon, Chon," but John would not trust them. After they were gone, my master and his squaw came where they told me to hide, but could not find me; and when I heard them say with some concern, that they believed that the other Indians had frightened me into the woods, and that I was lost, I came out, and they seemed well pleased, and told me that James had had a bad day of it; that as soon as he was released he ran away into the woods, and they believed he was gone to the Mohawks. James soon returned and gave me a melancholy account of his sufferings; and the Indians' fright concerning the Mohawks passed over.
They often had terrible apprehension of the incursion of the Mohawks.[102] One very hot season a great number gathered together at the village; and, being a very thirsty people, they kept James and myself night and day fetching water from a cold spring that ran out of a rocky hill about three-quarters of a mile from the fort. In going thither, we crossed a large intervale, or meadow, and then a descent to a lower intervale before we ascended the hill to the spring. James, who was almost dead as well as I, with this continual fatigue, laid a plan to fright the Indians. He told me of it, but conjured me to secrecy, yet said he knew that I could keep counsel. The next dark night James, going for water, set his kettle on the descent to the lowest intervale, and ran back to the fort, puffing and blowing, as in the utmost
A WAR FLAG.
[Description: Drawing of a war flag used in the French and Indian War, featuring a man's head with dozens of extra eyes drawn all over his face. At the bottom of the picture is a banner that reads "VIGILANTIBUS."]My most intimate and dear companion was one John Evans, a young man taken from Quochecho. As often as we could, we met together, and made known our grievances to each other, which seemed to ease our minds; but when it was known by the Indians, we were strictly examined apart, and falsely accused, that we were intending to desert. But we were too far from the sea to have any thought of that; and when they found that our stories agreed, we received no punishment. An English captive girl about this time (who was taken by Medocawando) would often falsely accuse us of plotting to desert, but we made the truth so plainly appear, that she was chidden and we released.
The third winter of my captivity James went into the country, and the Indians imposed a heavy burden on him, though he was extreme weak with long fasting; and as he was going off the upland over a place of ice which was very hollow, he broke through, fell down, and cut his knee very much. Notwithstanding, he travelled for some time; but the wind and cold were so forcible, that they soon overcame him, and he sat or fell down, and all the Indians passed by him. Some of them went back the next day after him, or his pack, and found him, with a dog in his
One of the most frequent dangers to the pioneer was that of capture by the Indians. Such captives were held as slaves, and kind-hearted Frenchmen sometimes bought them and sent them home.
41. The Ladies in French Canada
BY PETER KALM (1749)
ALL the women in the country, without exception, wear caps of some kind or other. Their jackets are short, and so are their petticoats, and they have a silver cross hanging down on the breast.[103] In general they are very industrious; however, I saw some, who, like the English women in the colonies, did nothing but chatter all the day.
When they have any thing to do within doors, they (especially the girls) commonly sing songs, in which the words amour[104] and cœur[105] are very frequent. In the country, it is usual, that when the husband receives a visit from persons of rank, and dines with them, his wife stands behind and serves him.
In the towns, the ladies are more distinguished, and would willingly assume an equal, if not a superior, power to their husbands. When they go out of doors they wear long cloaks, which cover all their other clothes, and are either grey, brown, or blue. The men sometimes make use of them, when they are obliged to go in the rain. The women have the advantage of wearing old clothes under these cloaks, without any body's perceiving it.
We sometimes saw wind-mills near the farms. They were generally built of stone, with a roof of
The difference between the manners and customs of the French in Montreal and Canada, and those of the English in the American colonies, is as great as that between the manners of those two nations in Europe. The women in general are handsome here; they are well bred, and virtuous, with an innocent and becoming freedom. They dress out very fine on Sundays. On the other days they do not take much pains with other parts of their dress, yet they are very fond of adorning their heads, the hair of which is always curled and powdered, and ornamented with glittering bodkins and aigrettes.
Every day but Sunday, they wear a little neat jacket, and a short petticoat which hardly reaches the knee, and in this particular they seem to imitate the Indian women. The heels of their shoes are high, and very narrow, and it is surprising how they walk on them. In their knowledge of economy, they greatly surpass the English women in the plantations, who indeed have taken the liberty of throwing all the burden of house-keeping upon their husbands, and sit in their chairs all day with folded arms.
The women in Canada on the contrary do not spare themselves, especially among the common people, where they are always in the fields, meadows, or stables, and do not dislike any work whatsoever. However, they seem rather remiss in regard to the cleaning of the utensils, and apartments; sometimes the floors, both in the town and country, were hardly cleaned once in six months. This is a disagreeable sight to one who comes from among the Dutch and English, where the constant scouring and scrubbing
To prevent the thick dust, which is thus left on the floor, from being bad for the health, the women wet it several times a day, which renders it more solid, repeating the process as often as the dust is dry and rises again. Upon the whole, however, they are not averse to taking a part in all the business of housekeeping. I have with pleasure seen the daughters of the better sort of people, and of the governor himself, hot too finely dressed, and going into kitchens and cellars, to look that every thing be done as it ought.
The men are extremely civil, and take, their hats off to every person whom they meet in the streets. It is customary to return a visit the day after you have received one, even though one should have some scores of calls to pay in one day.
The manners of the inhabitants here are more refined than those of the Dutch and English, in the settlements belonging to Great Britain. The latter, on the other hand, do not idle their time away in dressing, as the French do here. The ladies, especially, dress and powder their hair every day, and put their locks in papers every night; which idle custom was not introduced in the English settlements.
The gentlemen wear generally their own hair; but some have wigs. People of rank are used to wearing lace-trimmed clothes, and all the crown-officers wear swords. All the gentlemen, even those of rank, the governor-general excepted, when they go into town on a day that looks like rain, carry their cloaks on their left arm.
Acquaintances of either sex, who have not seen each other for some time, on meeting again salute with mutual kisses.
It appears that people a century and a half ago were as fond of dressing in the fashion as they are now.
42. The Story of Braddock's Defeat
BY WILLIAM LIVINGSTON (1755)
GENERAL BRADDOCK was now on his march toward the Ohio, at the head of about 2,200 men, in order to invest Fort Du Quesne, and drive the French from their encroachments on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania.
From Fort Cumberland to Fort Du Quesne the distance is not less than 130 miles.[106] Mr. Braddock began his march from the former on the 10th of June, leaving the garrison under the command of Col. Innes. Innumerable were the difficulties he had to surmount, in a country rugged, pathless, and unknown, across the Alleghany mountains, through unfrequented woods, and dangerous defiles.
Never was a man more confident of success than this brave, though unfortunate, officer. Being advised at the Great Meadows that the enemy expected a reinforcement, he pushed on by forced marches.[107]
He moved with so much dispatch that he fatigued the soldiers, weakened his horses, and left his second division nearly forty miles in the rear. The enemy was not more than two hundred strong at their fort on the Ohio. They made no obstruction to the march of our forces, till the memorable 9th of July, 1755—a day never to be forgotten in the annals of North America.
About noon our troops passed the Monongahela, and were then within seven miles of Fort Du Quesne. They had no apprehension of the approach of an enemy, till the alarm was suddenly given by a quick and heavy fire upon their vanguard. The main body, in good order and high spirits, immediately advanced to sustain them.
The van fell back in great confusion, and a general panic seized the whole body of the soldiery. All attempts to rally them proved ineffectual. The general and all the officers exerted their utmost activity to recover them from the universal surprise and disorder.[108]
During this scene of confusion they expended their ammunition in the wildest and most unmeaning fire, some discharging their pieces on our own parties, who were advanced from the main body for the recovery of the cannon. After three hours spent in this melancholy situation, enduring a terrible slaughter, from (it may be said) an invisible foe, orders were given to sound a retreat, that the men might be brought to cover the wagons.
Even the wagons they surrounded but a short space of time; for the enemy's fire was again warmly renewed from the front and left flank, and the whole army took to immediate flight, leaving behind them all the artillery, provisions, ammunitions, baggage, military chest, together with the General's cabinet, containing his instructions and other papers of consequence. So great was the consternation of the soldiers that it was impossible to stop their career,—flying with the utmost precipitation three miles from the field of action; where only one hundred began to make a more orderly retreat.
What was the strength of the enemy has hitherto remained to us uncertain. According to Indian accounts, they exceeded not four hundred, chiefly Indians; and whether any were slain is still to be doubted, for few were seen by our men, as they were concealed by stumps and fallen trees. Great indeed was the destruction on our side. Numbers of officers sacrificed their lives through singular bravery. Extremely unfortunate was the whole staff. The General, after having five horses shot under him, received a wound in his lungs, through his right arm, of which he died in four days. Our whole loss was about seven hundred killed and wounded.
To what causes this unhappy catastrophe is to be ascribed, has been matter of much inquiry and animated debate. The officers charged the defeat to the cowardice of the men. But, in a representation the regular soldiers made by order of the Crown, they in some measure apologize for their behaviour—alleging that they were harassed by duties too great for their numbers, and dispirited through want of provisions; that time was not allowed them to dress their food; that their water (the only liquor, too, they had) was both scarce and of a bad quality.
In fine, they said that the provincials had disheartened them, by repeated suggestions of their fears of a defeat, should they be attacked by Indians, in which case the European method of fighting would be entirely unavailing. But, they say, however censurable the conduct of the soldiery may be thought, Mr. Braddock, too sanguine in his prospects, was generally blamed for neglecting to cultivate the friendship of the Indians. They offered their assistance, and, it is certain, had a number of them preceded
The Virginian rangers also, instead of being made to serve as regulars in the ranks with the English troops, should have been employed as out-scouts. But this step, so necessary to guard against surprise, was too unhappily omitted, the whole army, according to the representation above mentioned, following only three or four guides.
When the routed party joined the second division, forty miles short of the place of action, the terror diffused itself through the whole army. You might naturally expect to hear that Col. Dunbar then intrenched himself, and called on the neighboring colonies for immediate reinforcements;—as by such a step the enemy might have been detained at Fort Du Quesne, prevented from ravaging the frontiers, or throwing succors into Niagara. But alas! an infatuation seemed to accompany all our measures on the southern quarter. Fearful of an unpursuing foe, all the ammunition, and so much of the provisions were destroyed, to accelerate their flight, that Dunbar was actually obliged to send for thirty horse-loads of provisions, before he reached Fort Cumberland—where he arrived a few days after, with the shattered remains of the English troops.
Everybody knows that General Braddock was an obstinate man, who would not take the good advice of George Washington, who was with him.
43. Provincial Regimentals at Court
BY WILLIAM SKINNER
(1757)[109]
I HAVE the pleasure to acquaint you that I am a lieutenant in the first battallion of General Cornwallis's regiment and have nine or ten under me. The difficulties I met with in arriving to that rank are more than you can imagine. When I got to London which was some time in June last, I made up my provincial regimentals, drew up a memorial and presented it to my Lord Barrington the Secretary of War.
The answer I got from him was quite contrary to what I expected, for his Lordship told me that he pitied my case but could do nothing for me, because I was a
But I was determined to try every method, and luckily for me at that time, I got acquainted with Mr. Fitz-Roy, brother to the Duke of Grafton, who was courting Miss Warren. I was resolved to petition the King, which I did at a time when the Court was in mourning for the Queen of Prussia, and as every officer that has a petition to deliver goes in his regimentals, I did the same.
When I entered into the first room, whom should I meet, but the Yeoman of the Guards, who came up to me in a rough manner, and told me the Court was in mourning, and that my dress was not suitable to the times, and could not be admitted.
The answer I gave him was very short. It was, that I had a petition to deliver the King,[110] and was determined to see him, and passed him immediately, and got into a room where there was a large levy of most of the nobility in England.
I looked about me for my good friend Fitz-Roy, whom I at last discovered, and spoke to him. He went directly to my Lord Harford, the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Lennox, and many others, and told them I was a relation of Lady Warren's, and a friend of his, and introduced me to them. This made every body else in the levy room inquisitive to know who I was, and my business, which my good friend told them.
The next thing was to know where I should place myself and in what manner I should present my petition to the King. This my Lord Harford was so kind as to instruct me in, and took the trouble to place
I did this with great resolution, and a genteel posture, considering where I was born. When I presented it, the King stopped and looked at me, took it out of my hand, went into his bed chamber, and did me the honor of reading it himself, upon which my Lord Harford came to me and told me that he did not doubt but that it would succeed. For, says he, the King has read your petition, which I never knew him to do before, for the Lord in waiting always reads it to the King.
This reception gave me great encouragement, and I went home well satisfied. Three days after that I attended My Lord Barrington's levy and asked him whether the King had spoken to him about me.
His Lordship told me that he had, and repeated the words as the King spoke them, which were, that "one Captain Skinner an American, belonging to a provincial regiment had delivered a petition. I like the man's looks, he is fit to serve me; provide for him." Upon which I asked his Lordship whether I should get what I petitioned for, he told me he did not know, but that I should be provided for immediately.
I waited three months and received a letter from his Lordship, telling me that he had the pleasure to acquaint me that I was appointed a lieutenant in General Cornwallis's regiment. I waited on him and told him I would not accept of it, for I thought my serving required something better, but at last took it with the promise that I should be soon promoted.
The next thing was to get my brother provided for, and how to do that I did not know, for he had got the same answer from my Lord Barrington that I had first, and was advised by Mr. Fitz-Roy to petition my Lord Anson for a lieutenancy in the Marines, which so far succeeded that he got the promise of the first vacancy.
As there was a search expedition going on, I advised him to go as a volunteer in my Lord Loudon's regiment, which he did, and did duty in the grenadier company. His behaviour there was so agreeable to the officers, that when they returned they petitioned my Lord Barrington that he should be appointed to that regiment, where he is now an ensign.
To relate the trouble I have met with in getting subsistence for the provincial troops, as they landed from Old and New France would be too tedious to mention, but I can't help telling you that Mr. Partridge the agent for our province, is a scoundrel, not fit for the post he is intrusted with.
In the last letter I wrote you I begged it as a particular favor that you wou'd send me a Negro boy of about twelve or thirteen years old, whom I have promised to Mr. Fitz-Roy (if he is younger so much the better). Pray favor me with one, for a present of that kind will be of more service to my brother and me than you can imagine. Let him be sent by a man of war, to Lady Warren's, Cavendish Square, London.
44. Brave Commanders at Quebec
BY JOHN KNOX (1759)
Sept. 13, 1759. Before daybreak this morning we made a descent upon the north shore, about half a quarter of a mile to the eastward of Sillery; and the light troops were fortunately by the rapidity of the current carried lower down between us and Cape Diamond. We had in this debarkation thirty flat-bottomed boats, containing about sixteen hundred men.
This was a great surprise on the enemy, who from the natural strength of the place did not suspect, and consequently were not prepared against so bold an attempt. The chain of sentries which they had posted along the summit of the heights galled us a little, and picked off several men and some officers before our light infantry got up to dislodge them. This grand enterprise was conducted and executed with great good order and discretion. As fast as we landed, the boats put off-for re-enforcements, and the troops formed with much regularity. The General,[111] with Brigadiers Monckton and Murray, was ashore with the first division. We lost no time here, but clambered up one of the steepest precipices that can be conceived, being almost a perpendicular, and of an incredible height.[112]
As soon as we gained the summit, all was quiet, and not a shot was heard, owing to the excellent conduct of the light infantry under Colonel Howe. It was by this time clear daylight. Here we formed again, the river and the south country in our rear, our right extending to the town, our left to Sillery, and halted a few minutes.
The general then detached the light troops to our left to rout the enemy from their battery, and to disable their guns, except they could be rendered serviceable to the party who were to remain there; and this service was soon performed. We then faced to the right, and marched toward the town by files till we came to the Plains of Abraham, an even piece of ground which Mr. Wolfe had made choice of, while we stood forming upon the hill.
Weather showery. About six o'clock the enemy first made their appearance upon the heights between us and the town, whereupon we halted and wheeled to the right, thereby forming the line of battle. Part of the light infantry took post in the houses at Sillery, and the remainder occupied a chain of houses which were opportunely situated for that purpose, and covered our left flank, inclining toward our rear. The general then advanced some platoons from the grenadiers and twenty-eighth regiment below the neighs on our right, to annoy the enemy, and prevent their getting round the declivity between us and the main river, which they had attempted.
The enemy had now likewise formed the line of battle, and got some cannon to play on us, with round and canister shot; but what galled us most was a body of Indians and other marksmen they had concealed in the corn opposite to the front of our right wing, and in a thicket that stood opposite to our centre inclining toward our left.
About ten o'clock the enemy began to advance briskly in three columns, with loud shouts and arms ready to fire, two of them inclining to the left of our army, and the third toward our right, firing obliquely at the two extremities of our line, from the distance
Hereupon they gave way, and fled with great haste, so that by the time the cloud of smoke was vanished our men were again loaded, and, profiting by the advantage we had over them, pursued them almost to the gates of the town and the bridge over the little river, redoubling our fire with great eagerness, making many officers and men prisoners.
Our joy at this success is inexpressibly damped by the loss we sustained of one of the greatest heroes which this or any other age can boast of,—General James Wolfe,—who received his mortal wound as he was exerting himself at the head of the grenadiers of Louisburg.
The officers who are prisoners say that Quebec will surrender in a few days. Some deserters who came out to us in the evening agree in that opinion, and inform us that the Sieur de Montcalm[113] is dying, in great agony, of a wound he received to-day in their retreat.
Thus has our late renowned commander made a conquest of this fertile, healthy, and hitherto formidable country, with a handful of troops only. My pen is too feeble to draw the character of this British Achilles; but it may with justice be said of him: he
Sept. 14. The Sieur de Montcalm died late last night. When his wound was dressed and he settled in bed, the surgeons who attended him were desired to tell him truly their opinion of him; and, being answered that his wound was mortal, he calmly replied, "he was glad of it." His Excellency then demanded "whether he could survive it long, and how long." He was told, "About a dozen hours, perhaps more, peradventure less." "So much the better," rejoined this eminent warrior. "I am happy I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec."
A FLINT-LOCK MUSKET.
[Description: Drawing of a musket.]
He then ordered his secretary into the room to adjust his private affairs; and, as soon as they were dispatched, he was visited by the French king's lieutenant, who desired to receive his Excellency's commands. To this the marquis made the following answer: "I'll neither give orders nor interfere any farther. I have much business that must be attended to, of greater moment than your ruined garrison and this wretched country. My time is very short, therefore pray leave me. I wish you all comfort, and to be happily extricated from your present perplexities."
He then called for his chaplain, who, with the bishop of the colony, remained with him till he expired. Some time before this great man departed, we are assured he paid us this compliment: "Since
After our late worthy General Wolfe, of renowned memory, was carried off wounded to the rear of the front line, he desired those who were about him to Lay him down. Being asked if he would have a surgeon, he replied, "It is needless: it is all over with me." One of them then cried out, "They run, see how they run!" "Who runs?" demanded our hero with great earnestness, like a person roused from a sleep. The officer answered: "The enemy, sir. Egad, they give way everywhere."
Thereupon the general rejoined: "Go, one of you, my lads, to Colonel Burton—; tell him to march with all speed down to Charles River, to cut off the retreat of the fugitives from the bridge." Then, turning on his side, he added, "Now, God be praised, I will die in peace!" and thus expired.
The men climbed up the steep cliff at a place now called Wolfe's Cove, a few miles above Quebec.
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