6. CHAPTER VI
OF THE INFLUENCE OF CLIMATE
Two points further are necessary to be illustrated, in order to render
our view of man in his social capacity impartial and complete. There are
certain physical causes which have commonly been supposed to oppose an immovable
barrier to the political improvement of our species: climate, which is imagined
to render the introduction of liberal principles upon this subject in some
cases impossible: and luxury, which, in addition to this disqualification,
precludes their revival even in countries where they had once most eminently
flourished.
An answer to both these objections is included in what has been offered
upon the subject of the voluntary actions of man. If truth, when properly
displayed, be omnipotent, then neither climate nor luxury are invincible
obstacles. But so much stress has been laid upon these topics, and they have
been so eloquently enforced by poets and men like poets, that it seems necessary
to bestow upon them a distinct examination.
"It is impossible," say some, "to establish a system of
political liberty in certain warm and effeminate climates." To enable
us to judge of the reasonableness of this affirmation, let us consider what
process would be necessary in order to introduce political liberty into any
country.
The answer to this question is to be found in the answer to that other,
whether freedom have any real and solid advantages over slavery? If it have,
then our mode of proceeding respecting it ought to be exactly parallel to
that we should employ in recommending any other benefit. If I would persuade
a man to accept a great estate, supposing that possession to be a real advantage;
if I would induce him to select for his companion a beautiful and accomplished
woman, or for his friend a wise, a brave and disinterested man; if I would
persuade him to prefer ease to pain, and gratification to torture, what more
is necessary than that I should inform his understanding, and make him see
these things in their true and genuine colours? Should I find it necessary
to enquire first of what climate he was a native, and whether that were favourable
to the possession of a great estate, a fine woman, or a generous friend?
The advantages of liberty over slavery are not less real, though unfortunately
they have been made less palpable in their application to the welfare of
communities at large, than the advantages to accrue in the cases above enumerated.
Every man has a confused sense of the real state of the question; but he
has been taught to believe that men would tear each other to pieces if they
had not priests to direct their consciences, lords to consult for their tranquillity,
and kings to pilot them in safety through the dangers of the political ocean.
But whether they be misled by these or other prejudices, whatever be the
fancied terror that induces them quietly to submit to have their hands bound
behind them, and the scourge vibrated over their heads, all these are questions
of reason. Truth may be presented to them in such irresistible evidence,
perhaps by such just degrees familiarized to their apprehension, as ultimately
to conquer the most obstinate prepossessions. Let the press find its way
into Persia or Indostan, let the political truths discovered by the best
of the European sages be transfused into their language, and it is impossible
that a few solitary converts should not be made. It is the property of truth
to spread; and, exclusively of any powerful counteraction, its advocates
in each succeeding year will be somewhat more numerous than in that which
went before. The causes which suspend its progress arise, not from climate,
but from the watchful and intolerant jealousy of despotic sovereigns. - What
is here stated is in fact little more than a branch of the principle which
has been so generally recognized, "that government is founded in opinion." [1]
Let us suppose then that the majority of a nation, by however slow a progress,
is convinced of the desirableness, or, which amounts to the same, the practicability
of freedom. The supposition would be parallel if we were to imagine ten thousand
men of sound intellect, shut up in a madhouse, and superintended by a set
of three or four keepers. Hitherto they have been persuaded, for what absurdity
has been too great for human intellect to entertain? that they were destitute
of reason, and that the superintendence under which they were placed was
necessary for their preservation. They have therefore submitted to whips
and straw and bread and water, and perhaps imagined this tyranny to be a
blessing. But a suspicion is at length by some means propagated among them
that all they have hitherto endured has been an imposition. The suspicion
spreads, they reflect, they reason, the idea is communicated from one to
another through the chinks of their cells, and at certain times when the
vigilance of their keepers has not precluded them from mutual society. It
becomes the clear perception, the settled persuasion of the majority of the
persons confined.
What will be the consequence of this opinion? Will the influence of climate
prevent them from embracing the obvious means of their happiness? Is there
any human understanding that will not perceive a truth like this, when forcibly
and repeatedly presented? Is there a mind that will conceive no impatience
of so horrible a tyranny? In reality the chains fall off of themselves when
the magic of opinion is dissolved. When a great majority of any society are
persuaded to secure any benefit to themselves, there is no need of tumult
or violence to effect it. The effort would be to resist reason, not to obey
it. The prisoners are collected in their common hall, and the keepers inform
them that it is time to return to their cells. They have no longer the power
to obey. They look at the impotence of their late masters, and smile at their
presumption. They quietly leave the mansion where they were hitherto immured,
and partake of the blessings of light and air like other men.
It may perhaps be useful to consider how far these reasonings upon the
subject of liberty are confirmed to us by general experience as to the comparative
inefficacy of climate, and the superior influence of circumstances, political
and social. The following instances are for the most part abridged from the
judicious collections of Hume upon the subject.[2]
1. If the theory here asserted be true, we may expect to find the inhabitants
of neighbouring provinces in different states widely discriminated by the
influence of government, and little assimilated by resemblance of climate.
Thus the Gascons are the gayest people in France; but the moment we pass
the Pyrenees, we find the serious and saturine character of the Spaniard.
Thus the Athenians were lively, penetrating and ingenious; but the Thebans
unpolished, phlegmatic and dull. 2. It would be reasonable to expect that
different races of men, intermixed with each other, but differently governed,
would afford a strong and visible contrast. Thus the Turks are brave, open
and sincere; but the modern Greeks mean, cowardly and deceitful. 3. Wandering
tribes closely connected among themselves, and having little sympathy with
the people with whom they reside, may be expected to have great similarity
of manners. Their situation renders them conspicuous, the faults of individuals
reflect dishonour upon the whole, and their manners will be particularly
sober and reputable, unless they should happen to labour under so peculiar
an odium as to render all endeavour after reputation fruitless. Thus the
Armenians in the East are as universally distinguished among the nations
with whom they reside as the Jews in Europe; but the Armenians are noted
for probity, and the Jews for extortion. 4. What resemblance is there between
the ancient and the modern Greeks, between the old Romans and the present
inhabitants of Italy, between the Gauls and the French? Diodorus Siculus
describes the Gauls as particularly given to taciturnity, and Aristotle affirms
that they are the only warlike nation who are negligent of women.
If on the contrary climate were principally concerned in forming the characters
of nations, we might expect to find that heat and cold producing an extraordinary
effect upon men, as they do upon plants and inferior animals. But the reverse
of this appears to be the fact. Is it supposed that the neighbourhood of
the sun renders men gay, fantastic and ingenious? While the French, the Greeks
and the Persians have been remarkable for their gaiety, the Spaniards, the
Turks and the Chinese are not less distinguished by the seriousness of their
deportment. It was the opinion of the ancients that the northern nations
were incapable of civilization and improvement; but the moderns have found
that the English are not inferior in literary eminence to any nation in the
world. Is it asserted that the northern nations are more hardy and courageous,
and that conquest has usually travelled from that to the opposite quarter?
It would have been truer to say that conquest is usually made by poverty
upon plenty. The Turks, who from the deserts of Tartary invaded the fertile
provinces of the Roman empire, met the Saracens half way, who were advancing
with similar views from the no less dreary deserts of Arabia. In their extreme
perhaps heat and cold may determine the characters of nations, of the negroes
for example on one side, and the Laplanders on the other. Not but that, in
this very instance, much may be ascribed to the wretchedness of a sterile
climate on the one hand, and to the indolence consequent upon a spontaneous
fertility on the other. As to what is more than this, the remedy has not
yet been discovered. Physical causes have already appeared to be powerful
till moral ones can be brought into operation.
Has it been alleged that carnivorous nations are endowed with the greatest
courage? The Swedes, whose nutriment is meagre and sparing, have ranked with
the most distinguished modern nations in the operations of war.
It is usually said that northern nations are most addicted to wine, and
southern to women. Admitting this observation in its full force, it would
only prove that climate may operate upon the grosser particles of our frame,
not that it influences those finer organs upon which the operations of intellect
depend. But the truth of the first of these remarks may well be doubted.
The Greeks appear to have been sufficiently addicted to the pleasures of
the bottle. Among the Persians no character was more coveted than that of
a hard drinker. It is easy to obtain anything of the negroes, even their
wives and children, in exchange for liquor.
As to women the circumstances may be accounted for from moral causes.
The heat of the climate obliges both sexes to go half naked. The animal arrives
sooner at maturity in hot countries. And both these circumstances produce
vigilance and jealousy, causes which inevitably tend to inflame the passions.
The result of these reasonings is of the utmost importance to him who
speculates upon principles of government. There have been writers on this
subject who, admitting and even occasionally declaiming with enthusiasm upon
the advantages of liberty and the equal claims of mankind to every social
benefit, have yet concluded "that the corruptions of despotism, and
the usurpations of aristocracy, were congenial to certain ages and divisions
of the world, and under proper limitations entitled to our approbation."
But this hypothesis will be found unable to endure the test of serious reflection.
There is no state of mankind that renders them incapable of the exercise
of reason. There is no period in which it is necessary to hold the human
species in a condition of pupillage. If there were, it would seem but reasonable
that their superintendents and guardians, as in the case of infants of another
sort, should provide for the means of their subsistence without calling upon
them for the exertions of their own understanding. Wherever men are competent
to look the first duties of humanity in the face, and to provide for their
defence against the invasions of hunger and the inclemencies of the sky,
it can scarcely be thought that they are not equally capable of every other
exertion that may be essential to their security and welfare.
The real enemies of liberty in any country are not the people, but those
higher orders who find their imaginary profit in a contrary system. Infuse
just views of society into a certain number of the liberally educated and
reflecting members; give to the people guides and instructors; and the business
is done. This however is not to be accomplished but in a gradual manner,
as will more fully appear in the sequel. The error lies, not in tolerating
the worst forms of government for a time, but in supporting a change impracticable,
and not incessantly looking forward to its accomplishment.
[ [1]]
Hume's Essays, Part I., Essay iv.
[ [2]]
Essays; Part I., Essay xxi.