University of Virginia Library

II

There are problems in attempting to reconstruct the practices of any publisher of this period, but a publisher like Trundle compounds the difficulty. The topical and ephemeral subject matter of most of his publications meant that later reprints and assignments of titles were seldom warranted. Thus, in the instances of shared publication, it is often not possible to deduce the conditions under which the titles were issued. Moreover, perhaps also due to subject matter, some of the editions issued by him exist in one or two copies only, often themselves defective in title-pages or imprints; and other titles, registered to him, have apparently perished altogether.[5] Nevertheless,

the evidence that does exist is sufficient for certain inferences to be drawn, of varying degrees of probability. For example, as mentioned above, a characteristic of Trundle's publishing practice is that he often found it expedient, or necessary, to form connections with other stationers in publishing and distributing editions of books. He did issue several editions independently,[6] but, of the forty-three titles that I have been able to trace, no fewer than thirty-two were produced in association with another stationer or stationers. Most of this copy was entered in the Registers, either by Trundle alone (twenty-two titles) or jointly (nine titles). In seven instances of joint registration (not including The Fleer, which Trundle assigned before publication), Trundle's name is omitted from the imprints of the editions. In only one example did he, according to the imprint, have a part in a copy that was entered to another stationer alone, and in no instance was copy entered jointly then sold at Trundle's shop. This pattern suggests immediately that Trundle's main interest, or talent, lay in the location of manuscripts which he then published and distributed on a share basis.[7]

With regard to distribution, the pattern is even more striking. Thirty-three of the editions give an address of sale in their imprints; of these, twenty-six denote a shop identified with another stationer. (This total includes one edition issued with two title-pages, one of which gives Trundle's name and address.) Since there is good evidence that Trundle had a shop of his own, there must have been other reasons for this practice. The fact that two of the booksellers involved, John Hodgets and Edward Marchant, owned shops in St. Paul's Churchyard, the center of the book-trade, suggests that location was a factor. Trundle may have felt that his shop, in Barbican, would not attract the custom of those in a more popular location. There may have been other factors as well. Most of the men who sold books for Trundle were engaged in this end of the business. They were to varying degrees specialists and must therefore have operated efficient book-keeping and distribution systems. Their skills relieved Trundle, and their other patrons, of these concerns. Though the profit margin for Trundle must have been reduced, the trade-off was worth it.

This pattern is not, however, apparent in Trundle's dealings in ballads and broadsides. I have managed to trace copies of thirty such titles published by him. (I have seen examples of all but two of these.) Since most of this copy was not registered, he probably published many other titles that have perished or that have not as yet been catalogued. Of the extant editions, however, in only four instances is it evident that he worked with an associate.[8] Moreover, the eleven imprints which give a place of sale specify his shop. This contrasting practice suggests that he was not only able to meet the relatively nominal charges for publishing single sheet folios but that his shops, in Barbican and then in Smithfield, were suitably located for the dissemination of such material. He probably not only employed ballad sellers (as Jonson's reference to him suggests) but also wholesaled ballads to hawkers like Nightingale, especially during Fair time.

Trundle's relationships with his associates in the book copy fall roughly into a chronological series. During the years 1603-1608, he formed connections with several of them in one or two publications. These include Nicholas Ling, Edward Allde, Nathaniel Butter, Eleazar Edgar, John Hodgets, and John Busby, Senior. There is no record of activity during 1609-1611. (He made one entrance in 1609. See note 5.) In 1612-1613, his principal collaborator was Edward Marchant. From 1614 to 1623, he worked mainly with Henry Gosson and John and Edward Wright, and, in one instance each, with

George Eld, Phillip Birch, and George Purslowe. In the final years of his career, after he had set up in Smithfield, he published at least two editions independently.

Some of these men, such as Ling, Butter, Gosson, and John Wright, were active publishers who regularly entered copy and published editions to be sold at their shops, though John Wright and his brother Edward also sold editions for other stationers. (For Ling's practices, see Johnson, "Nicholas Ling.") Allde and Purslowe were trade printers who mainly printed for other stationers but who, from time to time, entered copy and published it. Busby was primarily a manuscript scout: he often entered titles which were then printed "for" another publisher, though he, unlike Trundle, apparently never owned a shop of his own. (See Johnson, "John Busby.") Edgar, too, at least in the early years of his career, sold the titles that he had entered at shops belonging to others. On the other hand, Hodgets and Marchant were principally booksellers. They made few entrances of copy, but they regularly sold editions for other stationers.

Trundle's relations with these men were probably predicated upon the kind of business that the collaborator ran. For example, Nicholas Ling presumably financed the publication of Hamlet and in return not only shared the profits but later claimed the copyright. (See below for a discussion of this publication.) A similar arrangement is likely to have obtained in other connections. Trundle registered Sir Thomas Smithes Voyage on 27 September 1605 (Arber, 3:302). The edition was then printed for Nathaniel Butter, whose interest in such news books is well known, in the same year (STC 22869 and .3). Trundle and Butter jointly entered The Whore of Babylon on 20 April 1607 (BEPD, p. 22). This play was then printed for Butter (BEPD, #241).[9] The trade printers probably undertook to print editions for a share in the profits. Edward Allde, Trundle, and Joseph Hunt entered Oxfords Triumph on 19 September 1605 (Arber, 3:301) with Allde printing the edition "to bee sold in Paules Church-yard by Iohn Hodgets. 1605." (STC 18589). On 4 July 1620 George Purslowe and Trundle registered The World Tost at Tennis (BEPD, p. 32). Purslowe then printed the play to be sold by Edward Wright (BEPD, #365, two issues). The Artillery Garden probably also fits into this category. Trundle entered this title on 29 November 1615 (Arber, 3:578). The imprint of the single surviving copy reads: "Imprinted at London by G. Eld 1616." (STC 6475.5) In these instances, however, the absence of reprints or assignments in later years makes it impossible to know whether the arrangement included an assumption of the copyright.

Trundle's relationship with Eleazar Edgar is slightly more complicated.

These two entered The Double PP on 9 December 1605 (Arber, 3:307); the edition, however, was printed by Thomas Creede to be sold by Hodgets. (STC 6498. See below for a discussion of the two issues of this publication.) On 7 November 1607 Trundle registered A Bloody Tragedy (Arber, 3:364), which was then printed for "E. E. and are to be sold at the little shop at the Exchange. 1607."[10] During the years 1603-1608, Edgar regularly entered titles, either jointly or alone, that were sold at someone else's shop,[11] but not, in the above instances, at Trundle's shop. The attraction of Hodget's shop in St. Paul's Churchyard has already been mentioned, and the Exchange was another popular place of resort for those seeking the latest news item.[12] There is no evidence that these titles were reprinted. They do not appear in the transference of copies to Hodgets from Edgar in 1613 where his share in various copyrights is carefully denominated (Arber, 3:520-21), but their absence may simply mean that they had no further value.

John Hodgets sold two editions for Trundle in addition to the ones noticed above. The Isle of Gulls was not entered, but the original state of the title-page (according to Greg) bears the imprint: "Printed for Iohn Trundle, and are to be sold by Iohn Hodgets in Paules Church-yard. 1606."[13] This imprint occurs in one copy only; in the other surviving copies Trundle's name

is omitted. In 1608 Hodgets sold The Dead Terme (STC 6496), which Trundle had entered on 3 November 1607 (Arber, 3:363). The records show that Hodgets functioned mainly as a bookseller during 1601-1608. He entered only four titles during these years, but he sold ten editions that had been entered by other stationers. He also sold four editions of titles that had not been entered but in which the imprint reads either "for" another stationer to be "sold by" Hodgets or simply "sold by" Hodgets.[14]

Trundle made two entries jointly with John Busby, Senior. They entered The Fleer conditionally on 13 May 1606. Trundle then assigned his rights in this play to Busby and Arthur Johnson on 21 November 1606, simultaneously with the approval to print (BEPD, pp. 21-22). The other title, The Life and Execution of Charles Courtney, which Trundle and Busby entered on 13 March 1612 (Arber, 3:479), was printed "for Edward Marchant, and are to bee sold in Pau[ls] Churceyard [sic] ouer against the Crosse. 1612" (STC 5878), the address of Marchant's shop. Trundle worked with Marchant in five additional publications during 1612-1615. The play If It Be not Good was not entered; it was printed for "I. T." to be sold by Marchant "at his shop against the Crosse in Pauls Church-yarde. 1612" (BEPD, #305). The other copies were all entered by Trundle, and three of them were printed "for" Marchant to be sold at his shop: Witches Apprehended, entered on 23 January 1613 (Arber, 3:514, STC 25872); The . . . Cousenages of John West, entered on 30 January 1613 (Arber, 3:514, STC 25261.5); and A Marriage Triumph, entered on 15 February 1613 (Arber, 3:515, STC 13355). The other title, A Nunnes Prophesie, was entered by Trundle on 13 February 1615 (Arber, 3:564); its imprint omits Trundle's name but reads "to be sold" by

Marchant (STC 18747). Despite the discrepancy in those imprints reading "for" Marchant, there is little doubt that he was acting as the bookseller. There are no reprints or assignments that might resolve this question, but a study of Marchant's practices shows that he functioned generally as a bookseller. He made only three entrances during 1612-1616, and two of these were for ballads. On the other hand, he sold seven editions that had been registered to others and five which had not been entered but in which the imprint reads "for" another stationer to be sold by Marchant.[15]

A fairly common practice of the period was for publishers sharing the distribution of certain editions to have printed title-pages with variant imprints giving first one then the other name and address, or to have separate title-pages printed, some of which were used as cancels. Marchant, for example, often worked in this fashion (see note 15), but not, so far as available evidence indicates, with Trundle. There are only two surviving instances of such a practice in Trundle's work, and neither of them is a regular example. On 22 April Trundle entered The Bible-bearer (Arber, 3:347). The edition was then printed under that title "for I. C. [Jeffrey Chorlton] and are to be sold at the North doore of Paules. 1607" (STC 18495). One extant copy, however, exhibits a cancel title-page giving the title as Two Faces Under a Hood, with the imprint "Printed for Iohn Trundle dwelling in Barbican. 1607" (STC 18495.5). The variant title suggests that distribution may not have been the primary, or only, reason for the existence of the cancel title-page. The other example, also irregular, is the variant imprint in The Isle of Gulls, described above. Both imprints in this play, however, specify that Hodgets is the seller. It is of course possible that other editions were issued in this manner and that the variants or cancels giving Trundle's name and address have perished. This may especially be suspected in those instances in which an edition is represented by one or two extant copies. For example, the single surviving copy of The Hunting of the Pox, entered by Trundle on 19 February 1619 (Arber, 3:642), was printed for "I. T. and are to be sold by Philip Birch at the signe of the Bible neere Guildhall-gate. 1619" (STC 23624.7). If such were the case, however, Trundle's dependence upon others to help with distribution would still be apparent.

In the final decade of his career, Trundle was associated with Henry Gosson, also an active publisher of pamphlets, broadsides, and ballads. These two registered Newes of Sir Walter Rauleigh on 17 March 1618 (Arber, 3: 623). The edition was then printed "for H. G. and are to be sold by I. Wright, at the signe of the Bible without New-gate. 1618" (STC 17148 and .3). On 12 June 1621 Trundle entered Daniel Ben Alexander (Arber, 4:56), which was printed by Allde for Gosson "to be sould in Panniar-Ally [sic]. 1621" (STC 6266). Taylors Motto was entered to Gosson on 18 June 1621 (Arber, 4:56), but the edition was printed "for I T & H G" (STC 23800 and .5). This is apparently the single example of Trundle's name, or initials, occurring in the imprint of a book entered independently by another stationer. Trundle and Gosson jointly entered The Unnatural Father on 10 July 1621 (Arber, 4:57) with the edition being printed for "I.T. and H.G." (STC 23808a). In 1622 they published The Lawyers Philosophy without entrance; the imprint reads "printed for I. T. and H. G. and are to bee sold at the Widdow Gossons in Pannier Alley."[16] They registered Prince Charles his Welcome on 7 October 1623 (Arber, 4:105), which was then printed for John Wright to be sold at his shop (STC 23789.7). According to imprints, they also shared in the publication of two ballads; and in 1636 Gosson reprinted the broadside The Red-Cross, which Trundle had published earlier (STC 20824. See below for a discussion of the several issues of this title.). Trundle's work with Gosson is more suggestive of a partnership than is any of the other associations. The joint entries and the occurrence of both names in imprints are not typical of Trundle's involvement with other publishers. But here again none of the imprints gives Trundle's shop as the place of sale. Instead the editions were sold out of one of Gosson's or at the shop of John Wright.

John Wright, or his brother Edward, sold several editions for Trundle in addition to those indicated above. A Miracle, of Miracles, which Trundle entered on 15 November 1613 (Arber, 3:537), was printed for him "to be sold at Christ Church gate. 1614" (STC 14068). The imprint reads the same in Anthony Painter, entered by Trundle on 21 January 1614 (Arber, 3:540; STC 19120). A Faire Quarrell was not entered but was printed "for I. T. and are to bee sold at Christ Church Gate. 1617" (BEPD, #352). In 1620 Hic Mulier (STC 13374) and Haec Vir (STC 12599), entered by Trundle on 9 and 16 February 1620, respectively (Arber 3:665), and Jack a Lent, 2nd edition (STC 23765.5), not entered, bear this imprint. There are two editions of The Life and Death of . . . the Virgin Mary (not entered): the imprint of STC 23770 reads: "Printed at London by G. E. and are to be sold at Christchurch gate. 1620", while that of STC 23771 reads merely "Printed at London

by G. E. for I. T. 1622." (This title was among those assigned from the estate of Margery Trundle on 1 June 1629.) The Life and Death of G. Flood, not entered, was printed "for I. T." and was sold at the Bible without Newgate in 1623 (STC 11090). Altogether, then, the Wrights sold eleven editions for Trundle or for him and one of his associates, and they sold numerous editions for other stationers.[17] Apparently they ran an effective distribution system from their shops near Christ Church and Newgate.

This survey of Trundle's career shows that he was responsible for procuring most of the copy for the publications in which he was involved and that he relied upon collaborators to help bring many of these titles to the public. His associates who were themselves independent publishers probably financed or shared the financing of publication costs. In some of these instances it is likely that Trundle traded his copyright for a share of the proceeds, though only in the case of Hamlet is there evidence that his associate actually assumed the copyright. But what of his arrangements with those who were primarily booksellers, like Hodgets and Marchant, or who ran a distribution service as a side-line, like John Wright? In general terms the advantage that they offered to a publisher like Trundle is easy to see. Publishers of topical and sensational pamphlets needed a rapid turn-over, for these items went quickly out of currency. Unsold sheets not only tied up capital but might also lead to losses. Quick distribution was probably of as much concern to such publishers as the paper and printing costs of a three or four sheet quarto. Hence Trundle got his wares into the hands of booksellers who specialized in this end of the trade, men whose shops and distribution networks offered a better chance for quick sales.

Trundle's relationship with these men invites comparison with that between certain publishers (called "booksellers") and booksellers (called "trade publishers") that occurred towards the end of the century. These "trade publishers," as described by Michael Treadwell, "only rarely entered works to themselves in the registers" while works bearing their imprints had often been entered by other stationers (p. 116). Their services were used mainly by the "copy-right owning booksellers" for the two motives, according to Treadwell, of "concealment and convenience" (p. 120). They dealt largely in topical pamphlets, often of a political or religious nature, items that had to be sold quickly. They relieved the publisher of the worry of distributing and keeping accounts for these ephemeral items, for which service the publisher paid them a fee for each copy sold, calculated apparently as the difference between the wholesale and retail prices (pp. 121-123, 126). It was also a part of their function "to stand mute between the real proprietors and the authorities in time of any slight unpleasantness" (p. 125), though ultimately the printer and copyright owner were at risk (p. 131).

Trundle's arrangement with booksellers may have been upon similar

terms. He may have turned over the copies of an edition to them, which they then sold at the retail price from their own shops and perhaps also wholesaled to other booksellers both in London and in the provinces. They kept the accounts of sales, and when these had run their course settled the account with Trundle. The factor of convenience for Trundle is apparent, but what of concealment? Did his booksellers stand as a buffer between him and possible trouble with the authorities? Here, of course, the tenuous parallel with the "trade publisher" of the later era breaks down, for Treadwell conjectures that the political unrest of the 1680's, together with the lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1679, led to the appearance of that specialist. Through his services, the copyright owner could exploit the market for political and religious controversy without having his name associated, at least publically, with the books (pp. 129-131).

But it is difficult to see how a publisher in Trundle's time could hope to evade responsibility by this ruse, especially if his name were on record at Stationers' Hall as the enterer of the title. However, Greg does suspect that Trundle "rather meanly" removed his name from the imprint of The Isle of Gulls, leaving Hodgets to take the heat of any consequences due to the topical allusions in the play ("The Two Issues of Day's Isle of Gulls, 1606," p. 307). This play, of course, was not entered, and Trundle's connection with it, at least to our eyes, appears only from the one extant copy with his name in the imprint. But surely this was not the only copy issued with this imprint, and one wonders why, if Trundle was truly concerned, he let any of them out. Moreover, the Stationers' Company did succeed in fixing responsibility for publication even in instances when the copy was not entered and when the responsible party's name does not appear in the imprint, as for example when Allde, Trundle, and Snodham were fined for a book that bears Butter's name in the imprint (see note 9). On the whole, it seems more likely that Trundle's name was removed from the imprint for some other reason, perhaps because it was seen to have no advertising value (compare The Dead Term and Trundle's practice with Marchant).[18]