University of Virginia Library

Search this document 


  

collapse section 
 1. 
 2. 
 3. 
  
collapse section 
 1. 
 2. 
I
 3. 
 4. 
  
collapse section 
 1. 
  
 2. 
 3. 
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
 1. 
collapse section2. 
 01. 
 02. 
 03. 
collapse section3. 
 01. 
 02. 
 03. 
 04. 
 05. 
 06. 
collapse section4. 
 01. 
 02. 
collapse section5. 
 01. 
 02. 
 6. 
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
 1. 
 2. 
 3. 
  
collapse section 
 1. 
 2. 
 3. 
 4. 
 5. 
  
collapse section 
 1. 
 2. 
 3. 
 4. 
collapse section5. 
 01. 
 6. 
 7. 
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
  
  
collapse section 
  
  

collapse section 
  
  
  
  
  
  

I

The dating of Q4 has led one recent editor to conclude that it was the source of "a number of passages" found in the Folio.[5] Indeed since Romeo and Juliet went through the press during the spring of 1623 (Hinman, I, 363-365; II, 513-529), the fact that Q4 had been printed by the end of the previous year raises the possibility that it, rather than Q3, actually provided copy for the Folio. The possibility is attractive because it would bring Rom. under Greg's general observation that "in most cases the particular edition used as copy was what may be assumed to have been the latest available at the time of preparation" (p. 159), and also would explain a number of agreements between Q4 and F1 that are not readily attributable to independent compositorial correction of Q3. In fact, however, another explanation for the concurrences of Q4 and F1 must be sought, for the evidence is sufficient to demonstrate that Q3 indeed served as Folio copy.

The evidence consists not only of errors shared by Q3 and F1 as against Q4, but also of those changes in F1 traceable directly to Q3's faults. A few of these faults have a typographical origin. The most interesting is in Juliet's speech at the end of IV.i, where the Folio has her take Friar Lawrence's potion with the line 'Give me, give me, O tell me not ofcare' (2416). Here Q2 and Q4-5 have the correct 'of feare', whereas Q3 has 'off eare'. This reading is obviously due to the absence of spacing material in the type that printed some copies, at least, of Q3, and either Compositor E or some other agent has taken it to be an example of foul case and variant spelling (of / off)[6] and has made a plausible though wrong


46

Page 46
"correction." A somewhat similar instance is found in Juliet's last speech: Q2's 'This is thy sheath, there rust and let me dye' is corrupted by Q3 to 'Tis is', restored to 'This is' by Q4, but further altered to ''Tis in' by F1 (3035). Q3's omission of the -h- may have been caused by the compositor's fiddling around with the line to accommodate a turn-up from the long verse line that follows,[7] but at any rate this Q3 error has parallels in several other readings. In one case Q2's 'turnes' becomes Q3's grammatically undesirable 'turne', and F1 corrects to 'turn'd' (and, incidentally, reconciles this by making the 'becomes' > 'became' change at 1956), while Q4 simply restores Q2's form (1957). A few lines later (1961), the Q2-3 'puts up' (an error presumably for 'puts upon') appears in F1 as the awkward but metrically improved 'puttest up' and in Q4 as 'powts upon'. This pattern is repeated in the Q2-3 omission at 2380, where Q4 inserts 'shroud' and F1 the less imaginative and repetitive 'grave', and in the ambiguous abbreviation 'L.' at 951, which Q4 expands to 'Love' and F1 to 'Lord'. The same pattern of compound variation may be found in the speech-prefix at 2087, where Q2-3's incorrect 'Ro.' becomes 'Ju.' in Q4 but 'Juilet.' in F1; though substantively identical (even with Q3, which has 'Ju.' as a catchword), the different forms suggest F1's independence of Q4, since Compositor E is obviously reproducing (with a typical transposition) the form he found in his copy. (More on this point later.) Finally, there are the well-known cruces involving the assignment of speeches—the lines which close II.ii and open II.iii and the 'O Godigoden' speech in III.v (992-998, 999-1009, 2215-19). In all three cases the differences between Q4 and Q3 are unmistakable, and in all three F1 has accepted the Q2-3 readings whereas Q4 has altered them. The relatively numerous and persuasive examples of compound variation combine with these significant differences and with the more numerous instances of common error to show F1's derivation from Q3 independently of Q4.

For two reasons this conclusion must stand despite the fact that the Folio and Q4 agree against Q3 in having readings that are about as numerous as those just cited, though not so significant.[8] Aside from the usual agreements traceable to obvious correction or fortuitous identical variation, Q4 and F1 have in common some twenty identical readings that vary from their mutual copy, Q3. Several of these involve the Folio alterations that Greg cites—e.g., the substitution of 'Peter' for 'Will


47

Page 47
Kempe' and of 'Boy' for 'Watch boy', and the righting of the redundant stage-directions in the last scene (2680, 3036, 3061, 3074+1). To these conspicuous changes may be added another speech-prefix and several perceptive corrections of dialogue that are common to F1 and Q4.[9] Most of these alterations represent intelligent attempts to remedy the defects of Q3 and would appear to be beyond the several compositors, particularly since those in F1 were typeset by the otherwise deficient E. Yet it is their very nature that makes them suspect as evidence of F1's dependence on Q4. As McKerrow some time ago pointed out, "it is a general rule that the less significant the readings varied are, from a literary point of view, the greater is their weight as evidence of the genetic relationships of the texts in which they occur."[10] As attempts to improve Q3, rather than common errors, the agreements of Q4 and F1 are much too significant (in McKerrow's terms) to establish the derivation of the 1623 Folio from the 1622 quarto, for the alternative explanation that they originated independently with the respective editors is equally plausible—or rather (as will emerge shortly) more plausible, in view of all the other changes introduced in F1 independently of Q4.

There is still another reason these twenty or so readings cannot counterbalance the weightier evidence already discussed. Since the Folio "corrections" traceable to Q3's typographical faults make it clear that an example of this quarto served as copy in Jaggard's shop, any argument for F1's dependence on Q4 would have to explain why he would have used this "newly corrected, augmented, and amended" quarto only sporadically in combination with Q3, when it would have been more convenient and more sensible to use Q4 alone as copy. Under ordinary circumstances, McKerrow's theory of dual copy—according to which "the master printer might have copies of the two preceding editions and it might be convenient to give one to each of the compositors to work from" (p. 105)—would admirably suit a book generally set up, at any given time, by two men working more or less simultaneously. But the "intercalary" formes of Rom. were typeset by only one workman at a time, almost always Compositor E. Moreover, such a practice as McKerrow envisages should have produced some sort of bibliographical pattern in the Folio's readings; but there is none discernible in its agreements with Q4, which are on the whole isolated ones scattered throughout the play.

The only alternative to the theory of dual copy is to postulate consultation


48

Page 48
of Q4. By nature this theory is open-ended and difficult to test, since almost any instance of lack of agreement between F1 and Q4 is easily justified by an appeal to the concept of occasional use which is basic to the theory. However, conflicting evidence of positive disagreement does arise whenever—as in the instances first cited—the supposedly dependent F1 deliberately changes a Q3 reading but in doing so ignores the acceptable solution present in Q4. The only way to explain such conflicting evidence is to make a second postulate—viz., that the Folio editor sometimes supplied alterations independently of Q4 instead of consulting it. Yet each time such an independent change occurs, the second postulate increasingly gains strength, until it alone is sufficient to account for all the non-compositorial alterations in F1, whether or not they appear in Q4. On the premise that unity of reading necessarily implies unity of source, one could just as well argue that Jaggard's shop consulted the 1597 "bad quarto," behind which presumably lies a report of some sort of recollected performance.[11] As a matter of fact, the agreements between these two texts as against Q3 are more diverse and substantial than those between Q4 and F1, ranging as they do from several of the Folio stage-directions and speech-prefixes that Greg cites—e.g., the identical entrances for 'Tybalt', 'Mother', and 'Appothecarie' (1556, 2592, 2785)—through essential concurrence in directions like 'Exit. Mercutio, Benvolio' at 1242 (Q1: 'Exeunt Benvolio, Mercutio'), to numerous agreements in speech assignments and the wording of dialogue, all of which differ from Q3's readings. Indeed, F1's use of Q1 might explain some, though by no means all, of the agreements between F1 and Q4, since a few editors believe that Q4 "habitually consulted" Q1.[12] Still, the conflicting evidence of deliberate Folio alterations made independently of Q1 is equally substantial as that for F1's dependence on Q1, and even if one were to follow the consultation theory to its illogical end and postulate the Folio's use of both Q4 and Q1, such independent Folio alterations would remain to be explained. Here one may well paraphrase Greg (p. 160): we may claim the right to prefer probabilities to possibilities,

49

Page 49
simpler hypotheses to complex ones, and to hope that people performed their tasks in a more or less reasonable fashion. It goes without saying that had Heminge and Condell or any other playhouse editor consulted a document, it would have been a playhouse manuscript rather than another print. Moreover, the notion that Jaggard would have used another quarto to supplement Q3 raises a vexing question about his motivation for doing so, when generally he seems to have relied on Shakespeare's company to provide suitable copy. Such consultation of another quarto to supplement the Q3 copy approved by Heminge and Condell is quite a different matter from earlier printers' supposed use of bad quartos as an aid when setting from foul-papers. And the Folio's agreements with Q4 and Q1 in its attempts to improve Q3's text belong to an entirely different order of evidence from, for instance, the typography of the Nurse's speeches which presumably links Q1 and Q2 Rom. or the variable indention of speech-prefixes on the second page of Q2 Hamlet, which are apparently traceable to the inner and outer formes of Q1. We must have grounds more relative than such agreements in reading to establish the Folio's dependence on either Q4 or Q1. There can be no reasonable doubt that Q3 alone served as printed copy for Folio Romeo and Juliet. The conclusion must follow that the source of the alterations introduced in F1 is to be sought in the Folio's own transmission process, despite its interesting agreements with both Q4 and Q1.