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IV. The Phillips Prologue and Epilogue
  
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IV. The Phillips Prologue and Epilogue

The prologue and epilogue written by Samuel Phillips or Philips has been a source of great confusion. Stonehill discovered the prologue and epilogue in Du 1775 and dubbed it a "mystery." Lawrence believed he had solved the mystery when he realized "Thomas Wilkes," the editor of the 1775 Dublin edition, had printed the text of the ballad opera made from the farce by "John Chetwood" (probably William Rufus Chetwood, the prompter) in 1730 and acted at Drury Lane for his benefit. Phillips' prologue and epilogue, Lawrence concluded, were written for this occasion and benefitted Chetwood rather than Farquhar.

In fact, the new prologue and epilogue were printed long before 1775; they appeared in 1718, Du 1719, Du 1728, and Du 1761. The new prologue was, as the text says, "Spoken upon the Revival of this Comedy, at the Theatre in Lincolns-Inn-Fields, some Years since, when acted for the Benefit of the Author," not in 1730 but probably in 1704.

Samuel Phillips, a few years Farquhar's junior, probably came to London in 1704. He had matriculated at St. John's College, Oxford, on 30 June 1703, at the age of eighteen; within a year, he had managed to get himself expelled from his fellowship and his university.[24] He must have returned to London very soon thereafter. It seems likely, in fact, that he is the Phillips who briefly turned actor in the summer of 1704. On 7 July Drury Lane gave a performance of The Orphan, "The men's roles by young Gentlemen for their Diversion." A Phillips played Chamont "amongst the Oxford gentlemen" in that production and on 16 August played Bellamour in The Miser. The latter was a benefit for this Phillips from Oxford, who also spoke a new prologue to the town (Avery, I, 70, 72). By January 1705 Phillips had become a regular contributor to the Diverting Post,[25] Bragg's periodical. Phillips also


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contributed to the Poetical Courant, as did Farquhar, in 1706, and he published Miscellanea Sacra, advertised in January and February 1706 in the Diverting Post but published with the date 1705. There are few recorded performances of The Stage-Coach in these years although it must have played frequently; 2 February 1704 and 16 October 1704 are the only ones at Lincoln's Inn Fields, which still did not advertise regularly. The play was also performed at the Queen's Theatre 16 November 1705, 14 April 1707, and 26 May 1707. The references in the prologue to the condition of the "once-lov'd stage" indicates a performance at Lincoln's Inn Fields: Phillips' discussion of the theater as "some abandon'd mistress of the town, | By long enjoyment stale and nauseous grown," echoes many prologues spoken in 1700-1704 at Lincoln's Inn Fields. The reference to Monimia repeats the sentiment in the prologue to The Different Widows in November 1703 and may refer to the same neglected performance of Otway's The Orphan at Lincoln's Inn Fields. (The performance in which Phillips played was at Drury Lane.) Phillips says Lincoln's Inn Fields "ransack'd the whole globe to find out new" entertainment for the fickle audiences; in 1702-1703 the company had imported Signora Margarita de l'Epine, the famous singer, as well as Signora Maria Margarita Gallia, and L'Abbe to dance. By 1704-1705 the desperate haranguing of audiences at Lincoln's Inn Fields began to subside, as the plans for the new Queen's Theatre in the Haymarket were being realized. Phillips' prologue, therefore, would necessarily have predated the opening of the Queen's Theatre on 9 April 1705, for when the company moved there, the sentiments he expressed became obsolete.

The conjunction of facts would suggest that Phillips arrived in London in the summer of 1704, performed Chamont at Drury Lane that summer, and wrote the prologue for Lincoln's Inn Fields perhaps for 16 October 1704 or for an unrecorded performance. Although the prologue is captioned "Spoken upon the Revival of this Comedy, at the Theatre in Lincolns-Inn-Fields some Years since, when acted for the Benefit of the Author," there is no evidence in The London Stage that Farquhar received a benefit on 16 October or any other night; however, his military chronology allows for the fact that he may well have been in London on that date. It is possible, on the other hand, that when the prologue was published fourteen years later, the printer assumed it was a benefit because Phillips asked the audience to "spare | The halfstarv'd poet, tho' you damn the player."

This paper is entitled "The Mystery of Farquhar's Stage-Coach Reconsidered" rather than "Solved" because the solution of old mysteries in fact introduces new ones that will probably never be solved. The most intriguing of the new enigmas is why the production and publication of the farce in London was anonymous, hints strewn hither and yon but no open admissions of authorship anywhere. There is no evidence that Farquhar or anyone else had a contract to write for a single house; why then should Lincoln's Inn Fields and Bragg not have taken full advantage of their popular author? Why did Farquhar fail to give the farce to Lintot? Another puzzle is how Curll


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acquired Phillips' prologue and epilogue for his edition. The cast list he published is that of Drury Lane in 1716-1717 or 1717-1718,[26] and yet he has a copy of the prologue and epilogue at the other house twelve or thirteen years earlier. What is the connection of 1718 with Du 1719 and the Dublin editions that followed? The text links 1718 to Q1 as well as the other Dublin editions, yet the prologue and epilogue apparently originated in 1718, not a Dublin edition as one would expect (unless a Dublin edition was printed between 1704 and 1719), so that Du 1719 seems to have derived from 1718 rather than Q1. What was the relationship and division of duties between Motteux and Farquhar? Did Motteux write more than is apparent, and if so, why did Farquhar complain in his correspondence about so light a writing task? And what exactly were the relationships between the authors and booksellers that collaborated on the publication of plays and periodicals at the time The Stage-Coach was printed? What was the connection of Curll and Feales with Drury Lane later? If the new enigmas are as fascinating as the old ones, they are less capable of proof. Editions, theatrical history, and biographical details will only render facts, not motivations or even unrecorded business and personal relations.