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Notes
The "Report" was first published in the first edition of Nugae Antiquae, ed. H. Harington, II (1775), 155-73; it appeared in the second edition (1779), II, 31-59, and in the third edition, ed. T. Park (1804), I, 268-293. Both latter editions are now available in photoreprint form, the second from Georg Olms of Hildesheim, Germany (1968), and the third from the AMS Press of New York (1966). All citations in the text are to the 1804 edition unless otherwise noted. The first edition was issued in two separate volumes, in 1769 and 1775. I wish to thank Dr. John A. Dillon, Jr., Vice President for Academic Affairs, University of Louisville, for grants which permitted research in England. I am also grateful to the British Library Board for permission to quote from B.L. Add. MS. 46369 and Harl. MS. 1291.
Ruth Hughey, "The Harington Manuscript at Arundel Castle and Related Documents," Library, 4th ser., 15 (1934), 401.
Nugae, I, 241. Ian Grimble first suggested this possibility in The Harington Family (1957), p. 128.
Letters and Epigrams of Sir John Harington, ed. N. E. McClure (1930), pp. 121-123—hereafter cited as Letters. The fate of this journal is not known. The only surviving "journal" is B.L. 46369, which has gone unnoticed to date, but its contents are so miscellaneous that it does not seem to be the copy Harington kept for the Queen. Curiously, also, it contains no record of Harington's activities while stationed in Connaught from 9 May to late June. It seems inconceivable that Harington would have kept no record of that period, when he was specifically charged with doing so. The Harington journal may have remained in the Markham family, or it may have been destroyed by Henry Harington in his preparation of material for the Nugae Antiquae.
Ruth Hughey comments on his mishandling of the papers in The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry (1960), I, 18.
Ireland under the Tudors (1890), III, 323, n. 1; John Dymmok, "A Treatice of Ireland," printed in the Irish Archaeological Society's Tracts Relating to Ireland, ed. R. Butler (1841-43), II, 30-40. The original is Dymmok's autograph text in B.L. Harl. MS. 1291. The printed text contains only a very few minor errors.
"Contemporary Sources for Essex's Lieutenancy in Ireland," Irish Historical Studies, 11 (1958), 8-10.
The letter to Combe is printed in Letters, pp. 71-76, in a text that derives from earlier appearances in the Nugae editions.
This is especially true of his tract addressed to Sir Robert Cecil, A Short View of the State of Ireland, ed. W. D. Macray (1879), pp. 2-3, in which he reviews his visits to Ireland. He mentions being in Munster in 1586, but in the account of his 1599 journey he makes no mention of returning to that area. There is also a mention of Munster in his "Breef Notes and Remembrances," Nugae, I, 176. Park dates the passage conjecturally at 1599, though it probably refers to his visit of 1586, in light of the evidence of the two letters, discussed below.
Nugae, ed. H. Harington, I (1769), 32-39. The second volume was issued in 1775. The manuscript volume is described in more detail below.
CSP Ireland, 1599-1600, p. 32. According to Sir George Carey's letter to Cecil, Clifford had an army of 3000 foot and "some horse."
Clifford was with Essex during June 4-8. See Cal. Carew MSS., III, 304, and Annals of the Four Masters (1856), VI, 2117. Harington does not mention being with Essex until the Offaly campaign. See Letters, p. 72. In Dymmok's "Treatice" both Clifford and Sir Griffin Markham are placed in Offaly in early July (Tracts, II, 43). See also Bagwell, pp. 334-335.
CSP Ireland, 1600, pp. 233-234. The transcript given below is from the original document in the Public Record Office. The printed version contains minor errors of transcription.
This "brief journal" may have been the one given to Markham. It seems not to have been Add. 46369, as not all the information listed in the letter appears in that manuscript.
John Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Commoners of Great Britain and Ireland (1835), I, 32-38. The additional pedigree of the Dymokes of Haltham lists a grandson of Sir Edward Dymoke of Scrivelsby, the King's Champion, as John Dymoke. This John Dymoke's second son is also "John Dymoke of Haltham, Clerk," who died about 1649 (Lincolnshire Pedigrees, ed. A. R. Maddison, I [Harleian Society, 1902], 319).
Dymmok addresses him as "Sir Edmund." He is probably Sir Edward Carey, d. 1617, Master of the King's Jewels. He is variously listed as "Edmond" (Vict. Co. Hist., Hertfordshire [1908], II, 151; William Shaw, The Knights of England [1906], II, 85).
Harl. 1291, f. 1r. The reference to the work's being "abortiuelye brought forth" probably refers to Richard Stanyhurst's inclusion of his "Description of Ireland" and of Campion's history of Ireland in Holinshed's Chronicles (1577), Vol. I.
See Henry's remarks, "Contemporary Sources," p. 9. His characterizations of the accounts are not quite correct. Though there are glaring errors in the Nugae text, they are not the fault of the author, who L. W. Henry understood at that time to be Harington. Rather they appear to have resulted from Henry Harington's characteristic inability to read sixteenth-century secretary script with accuracy. It is quite easy to see, for example, how a novice might read "the generall latelie" for "the generall Ratehill" or "Juffe" for "Duff." In another passage Henry prints the following: "Untill the armie had passed, Amias Corphis, the rebell, neuer shewed himselfe . . ." (Nugae [1779], II, 51). There was no rebel by that name, and Dymmok's text allows us to make sense of this otherwise senseless passage: ". . . until the army had passed Enescorfy the rebell never shewed himself . . ." (Tracts, II, 38). What was a geographical location in the original became, to young Harington's eyes, the name of an Irish rebel. Almost all the errors in the Nugae text are of this class. Harington had the same difficulty with the Combe letter. In the Nugae text of that letter he printed "fiery Machue" for "fery mac Hue," "Lesly" for "Leshe" (i.e., Leix), "Jaytes" for "Ioyse," "O'phaley" for "Ophaley" (Offaly), revealing an understandable inability to decipher place names and proper names (Nugae, I, 71-73; Add. 46369, ff. 45-46).
For a revisionist view of the Essex expedition, see L. W. Henry, "The Earl of Essex and Ireland, 1599," Bul. Inst. Hist. Research, 32 (1959), 1-23. I hope to publish a diplomatic text of the journal shortly.
CSP Ireland, 1599-1600, p. 235; Letters, pp. 121-22. Immediately upon his arrival in England, Harington reported to the Queen at Richmond.
Specimens of Sir John's hand are given in W. W. Greg, English Literary Autographs (1932), sect. XLV.
See Hughey, "The Harington Manuscript at Arundel Castle," pp. 414-415, n. 3, and the plate reproduced there.
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