University of Virginia Library

II. APPENDIX II

THE CUSTOMS OF CORBIE

[ILLUSTRATION]

527. THE "CORBIE PSALTER," INITIAL LETTER

CORBIE PSALTER (CA. 800)

AMIENS 18, fol. Iv

The script of the psalter is that of the Maurdramnus Bible, the embryonic
Carolingian minuscule, possibly derived from North Italian uncial. Since the many
designs in the codex betray direct dependence on Byzantium, Jean Porcher (Karl
der Grosse III, 59-60; ill. p. 69 fig. 7) surmises that the artist came from the
Greek colony of Ostia near Rome to Picardy in the company of another Greek,
George, who became Bishop of Amiens, 769-798.

*

The CUSTOMS OF CORBIE

CONSUETUDINES CORBEIENSES

PREFACE

TO include in a book on the Plan of St. Gall a translation of Adalhard's Consuetudines Corbeienses hardly calls for
justification. The two documents have much in common. Both are examples of a type of ordinance that in the
Middle Ages were referred to as brevia, i.e., "briefs"—a designation which in modern general (and distinct from
legal) parlance is more appropriately rendered by the term "directives." Such administrative ordinances were
intended to make regular and generally uniform the usages and practices (consuetudines, i.e., "customs") of a
given institution.

The Plan of St. Gall delineates in the graphic language of the architect the aggregate of buildings of which an
exemplary Carolingian monastery should be composed, the manner in which they are to relate to one another,
and how they should be arranged internally. In a comparable manner, the Directives of Adalhard of Corbie set
forth in the form of a body of managerial directives what measures should be taken by the heads of the monastery's
various economic departments in order to guarantee an even and unfailing flow of food supplies and other
material necessities for the physical sustenance of life in the abbey of Corbie. One could not conceive of two
mutually more elucidating historical sources.

It is therefore with gratitude that I accept for inclusion in this book Charles W. Jones's masterful translation
of this unique and important document. It will be a valuable source of information for those who cannot read it
in its original language and of more than casual interest to those who are aware of the (in places exasperating!)
difficulties of interpretation presented by medieval texts of this nature. Jones's translation of Adalhard's Directives
is the first of this treatise in any modern language, so far as we know, and we hope to make it available in the near
future for broader distribution by means of a separate, more easily accessible edition. More than one hundred and
twenty years ago B. E. C. Guérard, one of the greatest students of the Age of Charlemagne, recognizing the need
for translations of primary sources of this type published a French version of another important managerial
treatise of the period, the famous Capitulare de Villis (q.v.), and thus made the subject of the management of royal
desmesnes available for study in a broad spectrum of neighboring disciplines. I have no doubt that Charles W.
Jones's translation of the Customs of Corbie will have a similar effect in broadening our historical perspective of the
monastic economy of the period.

[ILLUSTRATION]

TWO WAYS TO SHARPEN A SWORD UTRECHT PSALTER (CA. 830) fol. 35v

528.A

528.B

Utrecht University Library

THE CIVILIZING ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CAROLINGIAN DYNASTY
CANNOT OBSCURE THE FACT THAT ITS POWER RESTED ON ITS PROWESS
IN WAR;

IT LOST THAT POWER WHEN IT CEASED TO BE CAPABLE OF
ANSWERING VIOLENCE WITH VIOLENCE.

Jean Porcher, The Carolingian Renaissance, p. 4

Sharpening by grindstone and whetstone may in fact show two stages, rough edge,
to finished, of one process. Fabrication and maintenance of arms were tasks of
major monastic centers, indicating their active military role. The Plan provides
such facilities (below, p. 65).

This illustration is for verses 2-4 of Psalm LXIII (64):

"Hide me from the secret counsel of the wicked . . . who whet
their tongues like a sword . . . ."

*

INTRODUCTION

THE year 822 is red-letter in the history of Corbie, of its ninth abbot Adalhard (753-826), and of the Emperor Louis I.
Although at Adalhard's request Louis renewed and extended the privileges of Corbie (Addendum I, 124; 100 fig. 530) the
moment Charlemagne had died, in the same year he banished Adalhard to the island of Noirmoutier (dépt. Vendée), off
the mouth of the Loire. Then, in a mercurial shift of policy, Louis restored him in the year 821. Though the reasons for
both the banishment[1] and the amnesty are obscure, we may infer that Louis simply feared more intensely than did his
father Adalhard's Italian sympathies and tried to break up the coterie around young king Bernhard. Such a coterie would
have centered in Adalhard, the regent. With the stable Adalhard exiled, Bernhard unsuccessfully revolted against Louis,
who ordered him blinded. Bernhard died in consequence. His death, together with the death (11 February 821) of Louis'
close advisor, the monastic reformer Benedict of Aniane, deeply affected the emperor. Immediately he restored Adalhard,
who inherited Benedict's influence. These actions affected the course of Carolingian institutions, whether on the Bodensee
or on the Somme.

When Adalhard left Noirmoutier, he returned to Corbie long enough to prepare the Directives during the month of
January 822. Then he hastened on to Attigny, where Louis publicly humiliated himself as penance for his cruelty to Bernhard
and doubtless for his mistreatment of Adalhard and his brother Wala.[2]
According to Halphen, Attigny accentuated
the religious bent of the imperial government. From that event, unity of faith became surrogate for unity of empire: one
spoke of unity of empire and unity of church as equivalents. As all became subordinated to the cause of religion, the
Church dominated the life of the state. "The men of the Church were consulted before all others; after the death of Benedict
of Aniane, the bishops, abbot Adalhard of Corbie, his brother Wala the monk, made immediate impact on the emperor,
who ended by seeing only by their eyes and doing only what they desired."[3]

From Attigny Adalhard went on to Saxony. Long before, he had planned with Charlemagne to bring Christianity to
heathen Saxony; but during his exile his successors had established Corbeia nova (Corvey) in an ill-favored site at Hethis.
Adalhard now transferred it to a new site on the Weser at Höxter, where it soon became, as Hauck says, by far the most
important convent in Saxony.[4] In such ways did Adalhard influence the Carolingian social pattern for Italy and Germany
as well as France.

The English queen of Clovis II, Balthilde, had founded Corbie on royal demesne between 657 and 661, by transplanting
Luxeuil monks, who subscribed to the Luxeuil use of the Rules of Columban and Benedict.[5] The Irish customs evaporated,
leaving no trace in the Directives.[6] After Balthilde, the royal patronage continued: her son Clothaire III gave Corbie six
other demesnes,[7] and five other Merovingian kings, as well as the Carolingian Pepin III and Charlemagne, are recorded
patrons.

Carolingian Corbie was a model of culture—not only affluent but learned. It was on the main road from Britain to
Italy, an axis of Carolingian development. The brothers assembled an important library of classics, and copied more.
Like St. Gall, it was rich in the works of English and Irish writers. Adalhard himself, while in exile, ordered a copy of
the Tripartite History, which he then brought to Corbie; and Pope Eugenius II in 825 gave Corbie copies of the Hadrianic
Antiphons, which made the abbey a center of Roman liturgical tradition.[8] The "Maurdramnus Bible"[9] has sometimes
been called our first dated example of Caroline minuscule.

The residents of Corbie were in large part noblemen.[10] Adalhard himself was a grandson of Charles Martel, and therefore
first cousin to Charlemagne. No lesser Frank could rule so proud a house.[11] He had been instructed in the palace
school, inter palatii tirocinia, under the same masters as Charlemagne, cum terrarum principe magistris adhioitus.[12] His
sister Guntrada was a lady-in-waiting at the court.[13] His brother Wala, his successor at Corbie, was also a regent, legate,
and councillor.[14] Adalhard, who had arranged Charlemagne's betrothal to the Lombard princess Ermengarde, quit the
court to become a monk when Charlemagne rejected her. But like his prototype, St. Anthony, he could not remain a
recluse; his studious concern with both the theory and practice of managing men forbade it.[15]

Management of the temporalities of Corbie required worldly wisdom. The Directives specify twenty-seven villas[16] in
some form of tenure, but that number is far from exhaustive.[17] For example, Corbie held substantial grants in newly
conquered Saxony before the foundation of Corvey, to which some grants were transferred. It is known that Corbie also
held villas in Alsace and the Rhineland.[18] As with the portfolios of modern benevolent institutions, the holdings were
diversified. Adalhard evidently considered his abbey as consisting of four concentric operations: 1, the cloister; 2, the
compound, equivalent with the area visualized in the St. Gall plan; 3, the domain, made up of seven adjacent villas and
twenty more at a distance not exceeding sixty kilometers; and 4, a total feudality of indeterminate bulk, in allegiance to the
abbot, spreading across a considerable sector of empire, embracing not only the domain, but also distant tenures involving
a wide variety of rights and obligations, to which he does not allude.[19] The Directives show that the economy of Corbie,
though primarily dependent upon produce from the villas of the domain, also fundamentally depended upon the use of
money; they reveal that the old support in kind was yielding to such far-flung operations.[20]

Like St. Gall, Corbie was an arm of theocracy. Alcuin's nickname for Charlemagne was "David;" for the emperor
stood at the head of the religious and secular life of his realm as did King David of old, who was both priest and warrior,
and in whose kingdom each secular act had its religious counterpart. Carolingian magnates simultaneously tried to balance
secular and ecclesiastical offices (pope-emperor; bishop-count; priest-vassal) and to unite their duties in single persons
(cancellarii and missi, originally secular posts now held largely by clergy; abbacomites, lay abbots). Artists now exercised
their ingenuity to apply the figure of the Christian warrior (miles Christi), popularized in the days of Roman persecution
by the Acts and Passions of the Holy Martyrs, equally to the knight on horseback who carried Conversion in his sword
and to the prelate who carried it in the sacrament.

Indeed, the interrelations, even in etymology, of the monastic court (co-hortus) and the secular court (curia) cannot
be unraveled. Corbie's economy centrally supported 350 to 400 Christian knights (miles Christi) in the divine task (opus Dei)
of liturgical procession toward the New Jerusalem.[21] Though there is no record that he ever rode to secular warfare,
Adalhard was one of the royal prelates who made monk and knight two faces of the coin of Christian warfare. To support
400 knights, whether spiritual or temporal, was a logistical problem which depended for success on an even flow of goods
and services. Writing was a comparatively recent acquisition among the German rulers, but Adalhard had learned from
the heads of the royal court how valuable each preserved written document had proved to be for stabilizing power. Written
memoranda had been accepted as binding by the Franks ever since Insular missionaries like Boniface became involved in

court affairs. Before then, conquest, oaths, the spoken word, had served to secure man's loyalties and obedience, but from
Pepin's time onward, faith in the written order was established and accepted.

Adalhard solved his managerial problems by incorporating both custom and reform into writing.[22] Incompletely transmitted
though they are, the Directives are our most specific and circumstantial economic document at a key moment in
the evolution of feudalism. The editors of the Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum have listed[23] the works that in some
fashion might be considered rivals. The polyptych of Irminon is also valuable, but in a very different way. The two bear
somewhat the relation of the coronation charter and writs of the English Henry I to the Domesday Book of William I.

Adalhard's effective model was the Rule of Benedict of Nursia, with its reformation codicils, that regulated the claustral
division of the abbatial operation.[24] Benedict had had no need for more; beyond his Italian cloisters lay not a theocracy
but an essentially hostile state, chaotic if not anarchic. Benedict walled out that world. But Adalhard on the contrary had
to build a bridge between his cloister and the friendly, benevolent empire. The transitional area was the compound and
domain, where the Chapter, headed by the deans, melted into the familia Corbeiensis, headed by the mayors. Both were
under the fatherhood of the abbas. Here Adalhard needed a rule.

Doubtless he prepared directives for each of the monastic officials charged with any extra-claustral responsibilities.
These would have included the provost, the deans, and the chamberlain. Not all have survived. What have survived are
those for the magister pauperum (I?, II),[25] the custos panis (III), the hortolanus (IV), the cellararii, iuniores et senior (V, VII),
and the portarius (VI).[26] A fragment (VIII) on the vestarius suggests that Adalhard may have extended Benedict's Rule
by issuing directives for some internal officials too; for instance, the bibliothecarius, cantor, hospitalarius religiosorum. But
the evidence is minuscule.

Naturally, there is no suggestion of written rules or memoranda for lay officials (vassali, maiores, actores, fabri). Among
Teutoni generally, only clerical fratres were expected to be literate.[27] Charlemagne had learned the uses of literacy and
had pressed the abbeys to take some noble scions for tutelage. At St. Gall, for example, their number was considerable
before the end of the ninth century. But most monks regarded such intrusion of secularity an abuse. The reformers did
what they could to control mingling which they were not powerful enough wholly to prevent. There are faint suggestions,
no more, in the Directives that Corbie had a few external scholars, but Adalhard presumably would not favor the practice.[28]
At all events, we may doubt that any of them graduated to any other vocation than that of royal or episcopal cleric. And
it would be inconsistent with the evidence to believe that in the year 822 written regulations or directives governed secular
officials on the manors.

The diction of the Directives shows that the Carolingian proprietors were feeling their way toward a new orthodoxy
in feudal relations. Adalhard seems to choose his words rather loosely,[29] using labels like prior, provendarius, maior, custos,
magister, and vassalus in overlapping and contrary senses. But with each year of Louis's reign these tenures became more
particularized, as the discriminating research of Professor Ganshof and other recent scholars shows. The Directives record
a moment of rapid social change: vassalus is equated (402.1) with homo casatus, "a housed man."[30] However, the casa
vasallorum (367.8) is a separate hospice within the compound to house visiting vassals. Are they there to transact business
in goods and services, to render homage, to worship? Or is their servitium as a military guard? The curticula abbatis (366.2)
is etymologically only a "modest atrium," but is developing into a domus or palatium, and also into a curtis dominica.[31]
At Corbie domus is not necessarily an aristocratic word; note the domus infirmorum. Lesne too forcefully contended that
there is no evidence of mensae, or inalienable livings for the cloistered, at Corbie, though they were already appearing
elsewhere. He maintained[32] that Adalhard was himself a monk, not a lay abbot, and that only under civil governors did
monks demand protection from those who would waste their substance in secular affairs. But this is a point of view from
later reforms: under Charlemagne, Adalhard was both monk and courtier. Many of the Directives concern specific differentiations
between what is due allowance for the cloister—monks, prebends, and matriculants—and what lies outside their
call. The abbot clearly states that specific lands have been ceded to the provost and deans, that is, to the fraternal officials.
All else doubtless was secularly managed by the abbot in some capacity of vassalage.

*

[ILLUSTRATION]

529. LUTTRELL PSALTER (CA. 1340)

BRITISH MUSEUM ADD. MS. 41320. fol. 66b, detail

[By courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum]

MAN WITH BROAD-AXE, DOG, AND GOOSE

Adalhard describes equipment for gardeners (below, p. 109 and notes, 108) who
were to have "hatchets and pick-axes"; the sophisticated broad-axe of the later
Psalter is more appropriate gear for a forester or game warden.

Adalhard is a diplomatic innovator. He is quite proud of his solution[33] of the problem of tithes in kind from distant
villas, but is wary of his brothers' reaction against his change.[34] He introduces other reforms (e.g., banishment of seculars
from the kitchen; establishment of tithed sheep in the claustral sheepfolds) in an easy spirit of conciliation, suggesting
that his innovations be tried only until better methods are found. His grants of privileges to millers in exchange for increased
production is masterful. His style suggests that he dictated his remarks to a secretary: it shows haste, and his
sentences contain administrative jargon and circumlocution. But he has exceptional ability to make himself understood,
to both the ninth and the twentieth centuries. Only Benedict's exemplary Rule is a model for this unique work.[35]

The Directives of Corbie and the Plan of St. Gall are remarkably interrelated; for they were prepared at almost the
same historical moment, under the impact of a political and social change which was itself unifying. The two abbeys were
comparable in aims and power, though ethnically separated. Wiesemeyer writes: "Well-known facts show that Corbie
was the most important monastery of Northern France, comparable in all ways with Saint-Denis, Saint-Gall, and Monte
Cassino." In the Plan of St. Gall and the Directives we have the specifications of abbey life, easily bridging the gulf between
spiritual and temporal and manifesting how slight was that separation in the days of Louis I and Benedict of Aniane.[36]

THE ADDENDA

I have appended four Addenda. Addendum I, the Emperor Louis's charter of immunities (29 January 815), confirms
that issued by Charlemagne (16 March 769) to Abbot Hado of Corbie,[37] as Charlemagne had confirmed the immunities
granted by the Merovingian kings and his father Pepin before him. The editor Levillain has persuasively but not irrefutably
argued that this charter was presented to the second Adalhard ("the Younger") rather than to our author; however,
any doubt about who received it does not affect the precision of its contents, which clearly indicate the legal status of all
Corbie property alluded to in the Directives. Addendum II, a document contemporary with the Directives, was issued
at the abbey of St. Wandrille[38] (Fontanella), about seventy-five air miles southwest of Corbie on the lower Seine River.
Fontanella and Corbie were of comparable size. Addendum III indicates by genealogy the relationship of Bernhard's
family, including our Adalhard and his brother Wala who succeeded him to the abbacy, to the royal Carolingians.
Addendum IV, an epitaph commemorating Adalhard's death, was written shortly after that event by Paschasius Ratpertus,
monk of Corbie and later its abbot.

THE TEXT

Adalhard's Directives survive in the two tenth-century manuscripts (bound together at Corbie before the thirteenth century),
in Dachery's printed edition of 1661 drawn from an early (ca. A.D. 900?) manuscript now lost, and some fragmentary copies
made in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries essentially from the previous items. Four printed editions preceded
Semmler's. The two surviving early manuscripts agree with each other neither in contents nor arrangement, nor with
Dachery's edition.[39]

Professor Émile Lesne (1925, 385-420) proposed that Adalhard had originally prepared separate directives for each of
his major officials:

"The brevis dictated by Adalhard in 822 was composed of a considerable number of separable items, though forming a continuous
series. Presumably, either because of the natural disruptions among the separated letters as sent to each monastic official concerned, items
which quite possibly consisted of small gatherings or detached sheets, or simply because of the deterioration of the archetype or its early
copies, the text has come down to us in the shape of fragments very diversely chopped up by the scribes, who doubtless had at hand only torn
or partially illegible folds. [p. 418] . . . the three manuscripts together preserve, despite some easily identifiable additions, each partially
and in different grouping, the essential contents which Adalhard drafted in 822 [p. 419]."

Professor Semmler, in preparing his excellent edition ("Consuetudines Corbeienses," Corp. Cons. Mon. I, 1963, 355-422),
adhered to Lesne's proposals while altering important details in the light of convincing evidence. He relegated the later
interpolations to an appendix and changed some parts of Lesne's suggested arrangement.[40]

I have translated Semmler's edition without alteration. "The Rubrics (Capitula) of the Abbot, Dom Adalhard" (below,
pp. 121-122) are not to be found in an extant manuscript, but were published by Dachery's co-worker, Jean Mabillon,
in the Acta (saec. IV, pars prima), 1677, 757-58. Mabillon transcribed them from Dachery's manuscript, now lost; the
consensus is that they are authentic.

[ILLUSTRATION]

530. THE CHARTER OF LOUIS THE PIOUS (9TH CENTURY)

BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE, MS 2718, fol. 80 v

[courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris]

The origins of ancient stenography are obscure. Isidore of Seville may be the source of the later phrase "Tironian notes":

"At Rome Cicero's freedman, Tullius Tiro, first worked out shorthand signs, but only for prepositions . . . Finally Seneca, by contraction and division of
all words and numbers, brought the total number of signs to five thousand" (ETYM. I, xxii).

In the poverty of the seventh and early eighth centuries, monastic scribes sometimes saved precious vellum by employing shorthand. From civil offices
diplomas employing it survive from Merovingian notaries of the late seventh century, but only under Louis I did tachygraphy predominate. Under the
Carolingians CANCELLARII (a term of Byzantine origin) replaced REFERENDARII as chief notaries, and under Louis I the archchancellor, in charge of the
emperor's seal and therefore of highest responsibility, was drawn from the episcopate, usually a trained monk.

This charter is translated on page 124, below. Contractions and abbreviation signs in the Plan of St. Gall are discussed above, page 11.

CONTENTS

CONSUETUDINES CORBEIENSES[41]

                                     

356[42]			page
	A	DIRECTIVES, OR BRIEFS, OF ADALHARD	103
		I. PREBENDS	103
		II. THE POORHOUSE	105
		III. THE GRAIN SUPPLY	106
		IV. THIS IS THE MANAGEMENT OF THE GARDENS	108
		V. THE MANAGEMENT OF THE REFECTORY OR BROTHERS' KITCHEN	109
		VI. THE GATE AND TITHES	111
		VII. THE NUMBER AND ALLOTMENT OF SWINE	118
		VIII. FINALLY, THE BROTHERS' VESTRY	120
	B	RUBRICS OF THE ABBOT, DOM ADALHARD, WITH RESPECT TO INSTRUCTIONS IN CONGREGATION	121
	C	FRAGMENTS OF CHAPTERS	123
		I. THE CANONICAL HOURS
		II. THE SILENCE TO BE MAINTAINED IN DORMITORY & WARMING-ROOM
	D	ADDENDA
		I. THE CHARTER OF LOUIS THE PIOUS at Aachen, A.D. 815	124
		II. THE CONSTITUTION OF ANSEGIS, ABBOT OF FONTANELLA, A.D. 823-833	125
		III. A GENEALOGY: THE CAROLINGIAN KINGS & ADALHARD'S FAMILY	127
		IV. PASCHASIUS RATPERTUS: ON THE TOMB OF ABBOT ADALHARD OF CORBIE	128

[ILLUSTRATION]

531. SEAL OF LOUIS THE PIOUS (9TH CENT.)

BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE, PARIS, CABINET DES MEDAILLES

actual size: 38 mm in length

Seals (SIGNA or SIGILLA) were used in antiquity to impress wax or clay on
documents or boundles to assure classification or privacy; but among illiterate
Merovingian sovereigns seals replaced signatures as authentication of public
documents. The Carolingians, IN RENOVATIONE IMPERII, revived a Roman
custom of using a symbolic effigy—not a portrait of the reigning sovereign—
on the seal. To it they added the sovereign's name and title. Thus, the image
on the seal of the Emperor Louis I is the bust of a Roman, evidently Commodus
(see H. Bresslau, Handbuch II2, 550, 559). Charlemagne and successors
also used monograms and BULLAE together with or as a substitute for seals.
The inscription surround of the laurel-crowned bust on this seal reads:
XPE PROTEGE HLODOVVICUM IMPERATORE ("Christ guard Louis the
Emperor").

[A]

DIRECTIVE

WHICH ADALHARD, RETURNING TO
CORBIE IN THE YEAR OF THE INCARNATION OF THE
LORD 822, IN THE MONTH OF JANUARY, IN THE
FIFTEENTH INDICTION, & IN THE EIGHTH YEAR OF
THE IMPERIAL REIGN OF THE GLORIOUS LOUIS
AUGUSTUS, ORDERED TO BE PREPARED.

<i>

I <PREBENDS>[43]

<I.1 THE NUMBER OF PREBENDS>

During our tenure these are the prebends who ought regularly
to hold appointment, with equal ranks and full-time duties.
If one of them should die, another should immediately be
appointed, so that the full quota may always be maintained.
And no further addition should be made to that number,
although there may at times be extra clerks, like Salvaricus and
some others who are attached to that cadre[44] at present, or
certain laymen like those who are a part of that cadre—the
Vinedi, and Gerola, and Bruningus the Saxon, or the brother of
Bituradus. Even if other clerks or laymen are sent, still they are
not to be added to that number of 150. They must always be
counted and rationed individually, according to a separate
allowance for each of them, as ordered by whoever is in charge
at the time. But under our tenure those 150 are to have uniform
rations, just as today they are provisioned through the several
service offices, some in one manner, others in another. So in
consequence, it has not been necessary to write down the
procedure here, since it is well known both to the givers and to
the receivers from daily practice. And the executive officers
themselves, that is, the chamberlain, the cellarer, and the
seneschal, each have their own directives on the subject.[45]

THE CLERKS[46]

Twelve novices,[47] seven other clerks. From among the latter,
two are assigned to the cellarer, one to the brothers' laundry,
one to the abbot's garden,[48] three to the infirmary.[49] The other
duties which clerks ought to perform should be performed by
the novices. The point is that only as many novices should be
placed in the cloister as are able to perform all the necessary
internal duties and are of our community.[50] In this way they will
not dare to gainsay anything and will conform with what is
proper just as if they were officials, and because of their vocation
or spiritual life they should look beyond the provost and dean[51]
to the wardship of St. John.[52] And they are never to be left
without supervision, lest the spiritual life of the monastery be
defamed because of some misbehavior on their part.

Likewise the Laymen[53]

Almsmen[54] twelve, laymen thirty. To the first shop six: cobblers,
three, for horses two, for the fulling-mill one. To the second
shop seventeen: one of these for the shop, six blacksmiths, two
goldsmiths, two cobblers, two shield-makers, one parchmentmaker,
one saminator,[55] three carpenters.[56] To the third shop
three: two porters to the pantry and dispensary, one to the
infirmary. Two gararii,[57] one at the woodpile at the bakery,
one at the center gate, four carpenters, four masons, two
physicians, two to the vassals' lodge. These are within the
monastic quarters.

And those outside the Monastic Quarters[58]

To the mill twelve, to the fishpond six, to the stable two, to the
gardens eight, to the coachhouse seven, to the new orchard two,
two shepherds, to the stockyard one.

<I.2>

<THE FOOD OF THE PREBENDS>

The Loaves of Bread to be Distribution[59]

                                             

. . . to the stable 3	Carpenters 4
At the coachhouse 1	Masons 4
Goatherd 1	10 millers receive 15 loaves
46 Additional	At the fishery 6
Physicians 1 3	At the gardens 8
Albuinus	At the coachhouse 6
Hartlaium	At the vineyard 1
Ragemboldus	At the stockyard 3
Guntuinus	Sheepherder 1
Vulgerus	Three infants
Letramnus 1	Additional
Filibertus 1	At the pantry 8
46. These receive	At the marmorum[60] 2
panem sprimatum[61]	Erluinus
Almsmen 9	And Wandilt
Laymen 30	And Bertus
Of the first shop 4	And Otger 1
Of the second shop 10	Infirmum 1 21
Of the third shop 2	Millers 3
At the second gate 1	Loaves 8 106
At the infirmary 1	135
At the middle gate 1
At St. Alban's gate 1

At what Times Drink is Given

                                                                     

December 25	Nativity of the Lord	Moratum[62]
December 26	St. Stephen's	Not moratum but drink[63]
December 27	St. John's	Not moratum but drink
January 1	Circumcision of the Lord	Drink
January 6	Epiphany	Moratum
January 30	St. Balthilda's	Moratum
February 2	Purification of Saint Mary	Moratum
March 12	Gregory's	Drink
May 1	Philip's and James'	Drink
June 22	Paulinus'	Drink
June 24	John's	Moratum
June 29	Peter's and Paul's	Moratum
July 4 <sic>	Martin's	Drink
July 20	Dedication of St. Stephen's	Drink
July 25	James'	Drink
July 28	Dedication of Peter's	Drink
August 3	Invention of Stephen	Drink
August 10	Laurence's	Drink
August 15	Assumption of Mary	Drink
August 25 <sic>	Bartholomew's	Drink
September 8	Nativity of Mary	Drink
September 21	Matthew's	Drink
September 25	Firmin's	Drink
October 28	Simon's and Jude's	Drink
November 10 <sic>	Martin's	Not moratum but drink
November 30	Andrew's	Not moratum but drink
December 11	Fuscian's, Victorius' and Gentian's	Moratum
December 21	Thomas'	Drink
Beginning of Lent		Drink
Maundy Thursday		Drink
Holy Saturday		Drink
Easter Sunday		Moratum
Wine allowance through the whole week
In the midst of Easter, on Abbot's Week, on Ascension of the Lord, on Pentecost		Drink
July 11	St. Benedict the Abbot's	Drink

<I.3>

<EXTRA ALLOWANCES[64] OF PREBENDS>

The Distribution of Extras[65]

Now these are the thirteen days on which, for the love of God
and of the saints of those days, an extra allowance is to be given
to the prebends outside their own stipend, if that is not enough
or sufficiently satisfying. The extra is one loaf between two of
the vassals,[66] of the size which is made thirty to a modius, and
to each vassal a half pound of some kind of vegetable, and to
each a full beaker, whether it should be from out of the wine

or, if that is not available, from the brothers' brew.[67] The days
are: the Lord's Nativity, on Holy Epiphany, the Mass of Lady
Balthilda[68] (and for that day the allowance is drawn from the
ministry of the chamberlain[69] ), Purification of St. Mary, on
Sunday the beginning of Lent, on Maundy Thursday, on
Holy Easter, Ascension of the Lord, Pentecost, Mass of St. John
the Baptist, of St. Peter, of St. Martin, of St. Andrew.

Feasts on Which
Work on the Domain is Omitted

Furthermore, in like fashion these are the days on which men
are freed from work on the domain, except as it pertains to the
preparation of food: Nativity of the Lord, St. Stephen's,
St. John's, Innocent's Day, Octave of the Lord, on Holy
Epiphany, Mass of Lady Balthilda, Purification of St. Mary,
on the first Monday in Lent (stipulated in order that the laity
may have time to renew their confessions), Maundy Thursday,
Good Friday, Holy Saturday, Wednesday in Easter, the three
days of Rogations, the Ascension of the Lord, St. John the
Baptist's, St. Peter's, St. Marcellinus',[70] St. Firmin's,[71]
St. Martin's, St. Andrew's, Christmas Eve, and the Four
Seasons days.

<I.4>

<THE VESTING OF PREBENDS OR NOVICES>[72]

These are what should be given to our aforesaid clerical canons
who have the special title of "knockers"[73] : in clothing, two
white tunics and a third of another color and four hose, two
pairs of breeches, two felt slippers, four shoes with new soles
costing seven pence at the cobbler's, two gloves, two mufflers.
These they receive every year, but a cope of serge and fur and a
mantle or bedcloth, or a blanket, in the third year. All these
should be taken from the clothing which the brothers return
when they receive new.[74] And they should select from the stock
those garments which they think are most useful to them. The
other cowled garment[75] —the tunic[76] or the cowl of serge from
which the tunic can be made—will be issued at the discretion
of the prior.

<II>

<THE POORHOUSE>[77]

We have stipulated that loaves be given out every day at the
poorhouse—forty-five made from three and a half pounds of
maslin and five made of wheat or spelt such as the vassals
receive, making a total of fifty loaves. These loaves are to be
distributed as follows: twelve paupers who are staying there
overnight should each receive his own loaf; and the next morning
each should receive a half loaf for the road.[78] Then the two
hospitalers who have been serving there should each receive one
loaf from the aforesaid stock. The five loaves of wheat bread ought
to be distributed among the migrant clergy, who are admitted
to the refectory,[79] for the road, and among the infirm who are
cared for at the poorhouse. However, we leave this distribution
of bread to the discretion of the hospitaler for this manifest
reason: if a greater number of paupers or those who are more
or less needy, such as the weak, or very small boys who eat little,
should appear, then he should decide how much is needed. But
if it should happen at another time that fewer paupers came,
then the hospitaler and his master, the senior porter,[80] should
determine, after considering all factors, how much less than the
prescribed number should be dispensed because few came. In
that way what was left over may be dispensed at another time
when more may come.

But for the other poor, who come and go on the same day,
it is customary to give out a quarter of a loaf, or, as we have
just said, the amount that the hospitaler foresees to be needed to
take care of a greater or lesser number or need. The food to
accompany the bread[81] should be allotted according to custom.

With regard to drink, there should be given out each day a
half modius of beer, that is, eight sesters. Of these, four sesters
are divided among those aforesaid twelve paupers, so that each
will receive two beakers. Then from the other four sesters is
given one beaker to each of the clerical brothers who wash the
feet[82] and one beaker to Willeramnus the servitor. We leave to
the discretion of the hospitaler the method of dividing any
residue among the infirm or the other paupers. But the matter
of wine shall be in the discretion of the prior.

However, the senior porter ought to anticipate the needs of
the infirm in order to be able to supply either food or drink
which the hospitaler lacks to meet the need of the infirm.[83]

And if it should happen that pilgrims come from distant lands
in excess of the stipulated numbers, the porter[84] should provide
for them the things that are necessary in such a way that the
supplies which are stored to meet the daily requirements are
not diminished.

Also we add to the foods of the poor as accompaniment to
bread thirty standard rations in the category of cheese and bacon
and thirty modii of vegetables, a fifth part of the tithe of eels[85]
which the porter receives from the cellarer, or of the new cheese
which is due in payment from the ten sheepfolds,[86] together with
that which is given in tithe from the villas of the domain, as well
as every fifth part of the tithe of cattle, that is in calves, in sheep,
or anything which is given to the porter from the flocks,
including horses.

Furthermore, beyond the aforesaid we have arranged to give
directly through the agency of the senior porter to the hospitaler
a fifth part of all money whatsoever that may come to the gate.[87]
Of this money we have desired to create such a method of
distribution that not less than four pence should be given out
each day. And if the amount from that fifth should be less than
sufficient for making that daily distribution, the abbot, if he

wishes, may supply it from elsewhere; nor should any be
withheld if it should rise above that amount.

According to custom the porter should provide firewood for
the poor or other things which are not recorded here, such as
the kettle or dishes and other things that are in the quarters.[88]
Of those things which come to the gate, all the aforesaid rations
should be given out according to the method of distribution of
the supplement of money, just as it is recorded above.

Furthermore, the hospitaler should receive from the
chamberlain the old garments and footwear of the brothers for
distribution to the poor according to custom.[89]

Therefore we beg all those to whom the office in this
monastery should be assigned that they order their decisions in
the generosity and almsgiving of God rather than in the example
of our parsimony, since each will be rewarded according to his
own standard.

<III>

<THE GRAIN SUPPLY>[90]

The disposition or amount of grain or of bread: What kind or
where from or how much is due to come to the monastery each
year, or in what fashion the bread-warden[91] ought to dispense it:

It is our wish that every year there should arrive 750 corbi[92] of
well-winnowed and husked spelt, each corbus having twelve modii,
well compared and standardized to the new modius which the
Lord Emperor has set.[93] That grain supply should come from
those villas which the provost has particularly in his charge,[94]
and, if it should be necessary, from all of them, but if not then
from those which he shall have agreed on with the abbot. We
have purposely set that amount so that for every day of the
year, 365 of them, there will always be two corbi, which make
in all 730 corbi. Then we have taken pains to add twenty so that
there may in time be a surplus rather than a shortage. And
although that grain supply may sometimes be better, sometimes
worse, and may occasionally yield more flour and occasionally
less, yet we hope by calculating averages that from those two
corbi we may always get ten modii.[95] Therefore if each modius
thirty loaves. . .[96] 300, then we have made sure that at all times
we will have in the monastery not less than 300 and always
something more between the leftover and the incoming. Yet
though we would at present not number more than 350 members,
nevertheless we want to arrange as if we were at all times about
400, sometimes less, sometimes more. In this way, when we are
less than 400 a surplus will accumulate. Then the bread can be
distributed more generously when we are more than 400. Yet
it has rarely happened that we have that larger number since it
most often happens that we number many fewer than 400.[97]

Therefore we should add four modii a day of flour which
comes from the mills and make 120 loaves; add the amounts
together and there are 420 loaves. Note that we have not only

enough for the 400, which rarely exist, but even an extra twenty
loaves every day, which are even more rarely needed. But
because we desire all our substance which is dispensed through our
ministers always to be larger, so that there may be surplus rather
than shortage, we now add still another modius to the amount
which comes from the mills; and that makes 450 loaves daily
from the fifteen mills. According to this plan, by adding the
amount for each day we get the annual total of 5475 modii.
Also we should add twenty-five from those mills and that makes
5500. Of these, 3650 should come from spelt, with a remainder
of 1850 from the mills.[98] Now because, as we have already
remarked, we want to have a surplus more often than a deficit,
for that reason we arranged first to add twenty corbi and then
daily more loaves in addition to the 400 regularly rationed, and
finally twenty-five modii, even though, as was said before, we
are apt to number less than 400 more often than very much
above 400. And because cattle, swine, different birds, dogs and
even horses are to be fed at the mill itself, we should then add
from the mills themselves 150 modii, making in all 2000 modii
which should come from the mills.[99] Meanwhile these
stipulations as set down should be observed until we can
consider together whether it may be necessary to add or
subtract anything.

Nevertheless, as a precaution we request the warden of the
loaves to pay very close attention in every detail to anything
that can be learned from the distribution or the accounting by
days, weeks, or months of the whole year, to the end that when
the time for change[100] comes he will be ready to recount to us
how he has administered the current year. And in order that he
may the more easily know, he should first set aside those
allowances which are routinely held and distributed in equal
amounts through rationing. That number is always the same,
unless through some accident there should be a need for fewer
rations; for there is never a need for more. Then he should
calculate the brothers' bread, according to whether it is to be
eaten once or twice in the day.[101] Let him always set apart what
is deputed for their needs. Let him figure how much is needed
for the period when it is regularly eaten once a day, and how
much when twice a day, and how much in one week in either
case—how much in a week when the lesser amount and when
the greater. We opine that he can thus very closely approximate
what quantity of bread or modii he should have to furnish for
their needs. In that number are to be figured all who receive
brothers' bread except those guests who do not receive it every
day. Moreover, the warden should avoid baking so much of the
brothers' bread that the leftovers get too hard. However, if he
should do so during the period when he is trying to establish
the correct number, that bread is to be taken away and other
bread substituted for it. But because, as we have said, we
sometimes eat once a day and sometimes twice and we are now
many, now few, and we can never limit ourselves to exactly the
number we ought to be, if with the help of God he can invent
some other better method of effecting the desired end, he should
do so. The same applies to provisions for our vassals, and the
same also for those at the gate, the number of which cannot be
set. If he shall have begun to calculate by the method we have
spoken of above—by days, by weeks, by months; the seasons
when he distributes least, when average, when most—we think
that he surely can determine how he will be able to get through
the whole year. So for the novices, the scholars, the rest of the
clerks, whether our lay brothers or the externals,[102] he can easily
formulate the procedure for caring for them.

Also we admonish him to be sure to keep in mind how that
bread is to be distributed which is not given in equal amount to
all, but more to some and less to others. In this operation he
needs to determine with each measure of loaves how many of
the large, medium, or small can be made from one modius; and
we hope that by so doing everything will be quite clear to him.

Now as far as has been in our power, we hope that we have
invented an effective means whereby we may be able in the
future to handle the grain supply which should arrive at the
monastery under the categories which we have stipulated above,
not that we wish to solidify such a procedure permanently, but
in order that we can learn the right way by making a start. The
rations are those of, first, our servants and working dependents,[103]
who always should have the same amount; second, of the
brothers; third, of the vassals; fourth, of the guests; fifth, of
the novices or scholars; sixth, of each of the prebends here and
there. Unfortunately, of these last, as we have said, we cannot
stipulate a number which would always hold stable.

WHAT WE WANT AS THE PROGRAM FOR MILLS
OR MALTHOUSES

First, that a manse and six bonuaria[104] of land should be given
to each miller, because we wish him to have the wherewithal
which allows him to carry out the orders laid on him and to see
to it that the millings are properly protected. That is, he should
have oxen and ready implements with which to work, whereby
he and all his helpers can live, feed the swine, geese, and
chickens, maintain the mill and acquire all the timbers needed
to keep it in repair, renovate the weir, tend to the millstones and
be capable of supplying all the materials and labor which are
needed for maintenance and operation there.[105] And therefore
we do not want him to do any other service—not with cart nor
horse nor manual labor nor plowing nor seeding nor gleaning
the fields or meadows, nor by making mash or hops nor by
trimming trees, nor should he do anything else needed on the
domain aside from what is needed to take care of himself and
his mill.[106] But the swine, geese, and chickens which he ought to
fatten at his mill, let him feed from his own meal. Let him also
gather the eggs. And, as we have said, let him tend to procuring
those things which he needs to make the mill work or which the
mill ought to produce. But what we have stated above[107] —that

2000 modii should be coming from the mills to the monastery
for our use—we have not stated with a view to removing that
other production from that granary, but in order that the miller
should try to demonstrate in the course of a year whether it be
necessary to add or to subtract from the amount. He should be
in a position to produce in the course of a whole year such a
number as is conformable with the number of prebends and with
the variety of operations carried on in the monastery each year,
which are governed by the vintages, the gardens, the fields, and
such like.

We also desire that, in the presence of the millers, the older
modii be made to conform exactly in every way with the new
modius. Then, however many new modii they find are equivalent
to the old ones, they should in the future pay as their due,
whether of flour or grain, according to these new modii, so that
the tally agrees.[108]

And we desire that every one of the millers should keep his
plant in operational order with six wheels ready to work. But
if anyone does not wish to have six, but only half that number,
that is, three wheels, he should not have more than half of the
land that attaches to that millstead. That is, he should hold three
bonuarias, and his associate the other three. Then between those
two they should render the full milling and perform the full
service required of that one mill, with regard to milling or the
millpond or the bridge or all other duties as they are assigned
to each separate mill.[109]

<IV>

<THIS IS THE MANAGEMENT OF
THE GARDENS>[110]

In order that the brothers that ought to work them[111] can do so
without molestation or any unseemly disturbance there while
they fulfill the duties committed to them for the common good,
we have decreed that the mayors[112] of the following villas should
build whatever accommodations are needed there, and erect and
mend fences to the extent that they should be necessary: at the
first door, which is next to the stockyard, the mayor of Wagny
and Chipilly; at the second, of Ville-sous-Corbie; at the third,
of Aubigny and Cérisy-Gailly; at the fourth, of Vaire-sous-Corbie
and Thésy-Glimont. And they should each give the same
amount—each to the garden assigned to him—every third year
one plow, a yoke with rope and ties when it shall be necessary,
and in the fourth year a barrow for cultivating the garden. The
effective date is always the Mass of St. Marcellinus.[113] And when
the time comes when it is necessary to clean the weeds out of
the fields (that is, from the middle of April up to the middle of
October), let each one of these mayors without any suggestion
of negligence or slovenliness of any kind appear every twenty
days before the brothers' gardener to whom he should render
assistance, to see and ask when he should need to assign weeders
to that garden. Then after the various kinds of leek (porri et

porricini)[114] have been transplanted, as well as the shallots, the
garlics, and the onions, the mayors should weed them as much
as and whenever necessary, just as has been stated.[115] And
whenever the workers gather for that weeding, the mayor
himself in his own person or the dean—one of those two—
should be there to see to it in every detail that the workers
complete their work conscientiously and efficiently. The
gardeners should receive carts from the shed every year
according to custom. They ought to receive all iron tools from
the chamberlain,[116] who should supervise the smiths according
to the custom of the community. If any of the tools should be
broken, let the gardener show them to the chamberlain[117] and
let him have them repaired or give out another metal appliance
and take in the broken one. Furthermore, those tools must then
be repaired by the chamberlain in whatever way may be
necessary. And for cultivating the field or for carrying out any
other needs, let each one have six trenchers[118] , two spades, three
hatchets, one pick-axe, two sledges, large and small, one pruning-knife[119]
, one gulbium,[120] two sickles, one scythe, two trunci,[121] one
coulter, one scerum,[122] and other instruments kept in the
chamberlain's office, as are winnowing fans,[123] casting shovels[124] or
other things of this sort. Whenever old equipment breaks down,
the gardener should tell the abbot. The abbot will advise him
about obtaining replacements.

We have also arranged to give the brothers one hundred
loaves as periodic rations for men who accompany them. These
men are to clear the fields in autumn and to assist the brothers
in planting the fields in spring, as well as to weed the seedlings
in summer as each brother gardener shall deem necessary. The
brother who provides the brothers' bread should give out those
loaves, not all at once but according to the gardener's needs.
In this way the dispenser should deliver bread to him as he
needs it until the quota has been filled. Likewise one modius of
beer is to be given to each gardener by the cellarer in just the
same way that the bread is given, that is, not all at once but
in portions whenever the gardener needs it and in whatever
amount; and the gardener should requisition it, until the
stipulated amount has been delivered in full. Also each brother
should receive one modius of vegetable; and each of them should
receive from the abbot five shillings (solidi) through the year
for the men who go with them, as we have said. Those
accompanying men[125] who are not needed are not to go anywhere
except within the monastery.

Otherwise, whatever each brother shall be able to acquire
from his garden above the allotments which he ought fully to
render to the brotherhood he should deliver without any
shortage at the proper time to the abbot. We have arranged for
each to have his own ox, with which he can without interference
tend to the cultivation of the gardens as needed. This above all
we admonish the gardeners about: that they should steadfastly
refuse to commit the shameful act of working for money or of
visiting the neighbors.

<V>

<MANAGEMENT OF THE REFECTORY, OR
BROTHERS' KITCHEN>[126]

As for operating the refectory, just as we have already said in
dealing with our other quarters, whenever something different
is discovered to be an improvement in some way, probably the
dictates of reason ought to be followed, though circumspectly.

First of all, the junior cellarer should give out his hemina to
all brothers in equal amounts.[127] Then if, because of some need
at a particular moment, inequality should be necessary because
an inequality among guests necessitates an inequality in
measurements, an elder brother[128] of such standing that everyone
will be certain of his honesty should be assigned to the junior
cellarer, so that anything that has to be added or subtracted
from anyone's portion will be considered a proper amount. But
if the lord abbot or the provost or the dean, because of someone's
illness, should order that man's portion to be altered for a day,
two, three, or sometimes more, yet the junior cellarer himself or
whoever has been appointed to support him should under no
circumstances presume to give the excess to another or to
protract the stated number of days for giving the restricted
amount to the man himself. However, all other matters involving
due propriety—such as relate to guests or the elders' table or
generally to the supervision or procurement of all the brothers—
should be the responsibility of the junior cellarer in person, to
see that those entering, leaving, or waiting there or, as the saying
goes, "dropping in," do not offend by bad manners or whatever
may fall below the level of established moral probity.

Those things which particularly appertain to the cooks, they
should of course look after with the closest attention.
Nevertheless, the aforesaid cellarer should not delegate any part
of his stipulated responsibility, but should always observantly
supervise and admonish, lest the aforesaid cooks presume. . .[129]
in no wise those things which have been committed to them,
to the end that at the expiration of the week, according to the
prescription of the Rule, they may return the appurtenances of
their ministry clean and whole.[130]

The senior cellarer[131] both within and without, that is, either
in the refectory or in the kitchen or in those quarters which are
attached to the kitchen, should take pains in all things and on
behalf of all people, so that no one will presume to conduct
himself there in ill-mannered activity or boisterous speech,
either in person or in his work, except insofar as he accords in
all ways with our religious profession. And it is not to be asked
or required of that cellarer that he involve himself in the
preparing of dishes, even if he himself wants to, and for that
reason neglects for the moment that aforesaid supervision.
Rather, in accordance with the authority of the Rule,[132] he should
request additional help, if need be, so that he may always remain
free for overseeing here and there those things which are of

[ILLUSTRATION]

CORBIE, AACHEN, CORVEY, ST. GALL

Corbie, Corvey, and St. Gall are apices of a nearly equilateral triangle.

The densest settlement of the Empire and its political heartland, not shown on this
small map, lay to the west, depending southward from Corbie and Paris. Charlemagne
had no permanent seat but traveled prodigiously until, after 806, he "settled" if not
permanently then at least frequently at Aachen. It may be seen as a hub of the
eastern part of his Empire.

* God. We do not speak these words in this context with a view
to inhibiting his devout desires—whenever they can be satisfied
without diminution of that aforesaid supervision—but to prevent
his immersing himself, however devoutly, in those matters which
are not important to his charge at the moment, and thereby
presuming to set aside the demonstrable need for oversight
which is imposed upon him.

<MONKS SERVING IN THE KITCHEN>[133]

But to prevent the cellarer from saying that he does not know
about what and in what the said cooks are to be directed to do
or not to do, these matters among others are principally to be
noted: First of all, the maintenance of silence does not wholly
contribute to the carrying out of this duty during the period of
assignment. Consequently, in order that the rule of silence can
be observed with some attendant benefit by all those working
there, the psalms are to be sung without surcease, and as long as
even two cooks are there, the singing is not to be silenced for a
moment.[134] And when it happens that any cook should need to
go away in pursuance of any duty whatever and for this reason
should possibly not be able to begin the psalm, as soon as he
returns he should join in at the place at which he finds the
others chanting and try to sing with them as long as he is in
the kitchen. And again, if a second or third should depart, each
should join in with the chanters on his return. But even if for
some exceptional reason, as occasionally happens, it should come
about that everyone is indeed so involved that no one is able to
rehearse the psalms in chant, then as soon as anyone is free he
should repeat the interrupted psalm from that place at which he
dropped it, and all the others, as they become free, should join
in with him in the service in praise of the Lord. But also, if it
even should happen that no one knows at what point they
stopped the unfinished psalm, it should be resumed at the
nearest point that can be recollected. Thus they should not
abandon a piece which has been begun until they have sung
through everything which could be considered a part of or
related to that cursus. Then each, insofar as reason dictates,
should return to those matters which remain to be done, always
observing silence as far as may be possible. But to keep these
matters from slipping anyone's mind, because of some earlier
code, we herewith briefly formulate the three principles
underlying all these statements: that is, either keep quiet if the
matters are not essential, or say what is necessary, or else chant
psalms.

And next, we cannot be irresponsible with regard to this
operation simply for the sake of adhering to the Order of
Rotation. When it happens that the Order of Rotation calls for
all juniors, or even too low a number of sagacious or reliable
brothers, to serve in the kitchen, then we must pass over that
provision and add to the contingent of juniors some reliable
senior who, guided by the zeal of God, will earnestly watch over
*

himself and the others. Then when the period of his service is
over, the one who was shifted to meet the emergency assignment
should again move freely with the seniors. In such fashion it
will be provided at all times in all ways that neither those who
are ineffectual because of senility nor those who are undisciplined
because of youth be exclusively assigned. Neither of these
classes is sufficiently reliable to maintain equilibrium in any
situation of this kind. Therefore, to insure that God's will
always be preserved within and a proper dignity without, one
or two mature brothers should always be assigned each week, as
set forth above. And if anyone should say that this is not the
correct procedure, but that the order in which the monks sit at
table should always be adhered to, he should be ignored or
reprimanded for holding a discordant opinion. If he should
indiscreetly continue to complain and persistently be
recalcitrant, he should more forcefully be persuaded to obey the
sounder procedure. We explain these rules in such a clear and
repetitive way that no one can claim ignorance, even the
simpler—or had I better say stupider—monks.

Moreover, in order that these rules may properly be observed,
the dean and the cellarer must make provision many days in
advance to assure that nothing—neither the incidence of some
illness nor the event of a journey nor an emergency however
unexpected, even an order of any kind from the lord abbot or
provost—should ever disrupt this arrangement. Having set up
the procedure in this way to assure constant vigilance, we must
not neglect to point out that the cellarer, whenever he has the
time, should in his own person assign the tasks for each brother,
to insure that one brother does not have more or less than he
ought to have because of the favoritism of someone in making
assignments. The cellarer, who ought to know the weaknesses
and needs of each brother, should make the assignments as
required, according to clearly demonstrable needs. But if the
cellarer does not have the time, then whomever he deputizes
should always make the nominations cautiously, to avoid
initiating some kind of trouble at that point. Such are the
methods to be followed.

For the laymen[135] there is one clear statement: No one should
enter the kitchen at any time that food is being prepared or the
prepared food is being served. This rule applies both to the first
sitting, when the body of brothers are at refection, and to the later
sitting for the servers.[136] But if there is some food which is
assigned to be prepared in advance or later cleaned or specially
handled by laymen, some window, niche, or opening outside of
the kitchen should be set up as a place where the brothers may
pick up the food to be prepared or carry the food to be cleaned.
By this method they can either set out or take in such food
without giving any excuse for laymen entering the kitchen.
Under this head a few particulars come to mind: Herbs of any
kind which are to be converted to food must be delivered,
washed, and bunched; similarly fish, whenever they are needed,
must be disemboweled and scaled. All varieties of legumes must
be washed and prepared, as must other products like them.
The laymen must fully and honestly perform these tasks outside
the kitchen as many times as is necessary, and in places assigned
for the purpose. They must use great care to place or stack the
food in a spot where the brothers can conveniently pick it up.
And, as has already been said, they must completely avoid
entering the kitchen at the proscribed times. Further, any wood
which is to be gathered, cut, or suitably prepared should be
delivered through the window we spoke of or through a
convenient opening. If this procedure is followed, the laymen
will not have to come in to the brothers, nor will the brothers
have to go out to them.

There may be some who think that there are too many
regulations, but we have chosen rather to explain things one by
one in sequence as each need has presented itself rather than to
give anyone the opportunity of erring on the excuse that he did
not know what he should do. The cellarer should try to
supervise all these matters every day if time allows, to make
sure that no trouble starts in the kitchen. In that way it will
become customary, with God as Author, for everything to be
done there politely and honorably. Then no one, however much
a novice, will err out of ignorance. Therefore we leave all these
matters to the wisdom of the cellarer, for we neither desire nor
allow anyone to serve in that capacity who is rebellious or
contradictory. But if—Heaven forbid!—it should happen that
the senior cellarer himself, or a junior, does not prudently
enforce those regulations and others like them which affect the
office, and if, having been admonished in accordance with the
Rule, he does not reform, he should leave the post with a wholly
deserved bad reputation, since he would not be fit to stay.
Above all let procedure remain clear and orderly.

<VI>

<THE GATE AND THE TITHES>[137]

<VI.1>

We have not wanted to insert anything about the gate of the
monastery, or what concerns it, among those matters which have
been taken up above because, with the Lord's guidance, we have
decided that whatever belongs to the gate or its ministers from
the tithes should be treated independently, item by item.

<THE PREBENDS WHO SERVE AT THE GATE>

Under this heading it should first be noted that particular care
needs to be exercised with respect to the prebends appointed to
serve there. There need to be enough of them, but under no
circumstances more than are necessary. They are to be fed and
clothed from the tithe itself, in the same amounts as are meted
out to others. Hence they will neither suffer want nor be spoiled
by overindulgence. Now it seems to us that ten prebends ought
to be adequate for those who receive the guests and serve them.
Likewise, that the prebends themselves should be provided with

the same quality and quantity of food and drink as the rest of
our prebends. That is, they should receive as a monthly
allowance what is customary for the others, and also the
customary amount of food and drink. But they should receive
a modest allotment of clothing and footwear as has been
described above, so that they may not be repulsive in rags or
unsightly dress, or presume, on the other hand, to claim more
than their due share. These statements concern prebends. . . .

<VI.2>

<THE METHOD OF TITHING>[138]

. . . . Therefore it seems to us that if every tenth of all and in all
is donated, as has been ordained, then that donation should
suffice for all the needs of rich and poor of any kind. We mean
by "every tenth" a tithe of those things which are freely
contributed to the monastery either by the churches for charity
work or by the brothers in different forms of physical or
movable goods[139] ; also anything that is acquired, by any means
whatever, in different kinds of agricultural produce; or in the
different varieties of animal stock that have been husbanded or
that, by the dispensation of God, has been freely produced
among the animals themselves without men's provision, like
milk or wool; also hay and those things which grow freely in
trees, such as pasturage and different kinds of fruit, should be
turned in, as far as is practicable. According to what the season
grants, these should be sufficient, depending upon the quality
and quantity of each several item.

We wish to make what we say even clearer: First, everything,
just as described above, is to be paid in fully from our villas
located in Amiénois, Artois, and Beauvaisis.[140] Then if it happens
that there is no possibility of workers making deliveries because
of the long distance, with the Lord's guidance we have worked
out a good arrangement in such an instance so that no portion
of the tithe will be sacrificed or any resentment aroused among
the poor. What we are saying is that the whole quantity and
quality of produce which has been assembled in the far places
and which by reason of distance is impossible to handle if it is
in sheaves or hay, though it could be handled if it were spelt,
is still subject (under the inspiration of God) to a saving
arrangement of another kind, under which no community will
be oppressed, nor will the tithe be excused.

But before we may say how the arrangement itself can be
effected in a reasonable way, we entreat the good will of all
those who are assigned to administer these matters. Otherwise
either the plan may seem impossible for them or they may
become wearied if, in the discussion and working out of details,
we prolong the treatment of the topic too much, in our concern
for a satisfactory solution of present and future operations. Yet
all the while we are merely trying to make sure by such
discussion how it can be effected without transgression in the
eyes of God or shortcoming in the eyes of the world.

<TITHING GRAIN>

It seems to us, therefore, not to be a bad thing but rather quite
a good thing (in line with the principle set forth above) to have
all that agricultural produce which can be tithed by bundles so
handled that each crop be levied for tithe according to its
species. Moreover, there should be certification after exact
measurement how many bundles of that species produce a
modius. In this connection it is very important to be sure that
each several crop from the various fields be separately tithed,
because, as we all know, even though they may be of one sort,
the crops in all fields do not turn out to be equally good or
fruitful. And therefore it is necessary that in the several villas
God-fearing men be chosen for doing this, and that they be
strictly warned by their masters that they should not try to
cheat here or there, or tally more or less than the true account.
Now we have pursued this matter in order that no doubt can
exist that after the inventory has been established by a
reliable method, if all the sheaves are properly examined for
tithing, as many modii ought to come in the tithe for each
several crop as if they had been paid in another location. In the
same fashion the hay is to be weighed and accounted carefully
and judiciously to determine how many cartloads are to be
brought for tithe, so that the same amount of the same quality
can be restored in another place.

But though we have presented this signal plan in writing,
which may quite possibly seem unnecessary to some people, we
now unfold it with even greater precision by showing more
fully how it works in specified villas. Observe: As we all know,
it is not only very difficult but virtually impossible without very
serious distress for the communities at Waliacum and
Montiacum, at Haino-Villare and Domnus Aglinus,[141] as well as
at certain other places, to arrange for delivery to the monastery
of the kind of crop that is harvested in sheaves or the hay
stacked there in the field. But if it is threshed there and the
resulting grain either sold or delivered, all the straw, which is
likewise needed by the brothers[142] in the off-season for use
according to its quality, will be unavailable, though its
contribution would be, as we have said, almost equally
requisite. With these facts in mind, if both here and there the
problem is considered either with respect to the size of the
villas or the quantity of produce each successive year, possibly
a double tithe may be paid in without great inconvenience by
the villas nearer the monastery. In this way the evils listed
above, either debasement of the tithing or distress for the
community, may easily be avoided. But, not to obfuscate what
we say, or the end we want to obtain by saying it, it is necessary
that we specify certain villas between which such an interchange
could be effected without detriment: We therefore join together
Waliacum and Vernum.[143] When Vernum's tithe has been
rendered and transported to the monastery, then let the
commissioner state from the evidence of these very sheaves with
respect to each of the several kinds of grain how much in
Vernian grain would be the equal of the same tithe which has
been levied at Waliacum. Then that tithe should be brought to
the monastery either in bundles of whole, uncut grain or simply
as hay. Now this should be understood, that under no
conditions do we want that community to bring the second
tithe through the long stretch of empire to the monastery. The
porter should hire carts for himself as the season and the
availability of carts then dictate.[144] We do not by this remark say
that the porter himself should rush about[145] and make inventory
of that tithe at Walliacum or on his own account render a
judgment about its sufficiency. Rather, through the provost and
through the agent[146] of the villas, such God-fearing ministers,
faithfully keeping trust in all matters, should be chosen as may
carry on the work there and here without any kind of deceit.
The porter then would have no worry except that of collecting
the goods. Yet, on written request, he would always receive all
produce every year, so that he would be able to know, if need
arose, whether the ministers themselves were performing this
function in good faith.

This exemplary instance of these two villas should
sufficiently explain how, in this pattern, other villas, two by two,
one located far away and the other nearby, will be joined
together whenever they easily and expediently can be joined. In
this way, as suggested above, the nearer towns pay a double
tithe. That same oft-mentioned tithe is to be brought to the
monastery without diminution, and the community is in no way
to be distressed. The villas thus joined are: Montiacus and
Albiniacus; Templum Martis and Vila; Habronastus with
Campania, and Waniacum; Fortiacavilla with Walhonocurtis, and
Saliacus; Filconovillaris and Tittonomontis; Haionovillaris and
Tanedas; Domnus Aglinus and Domnus Audoinus.[147] However,
each one of the following should pay only its own tithe:
Paliortus, Alas, Haionocurtis and Arvillaris, Cipiliacus,
Cirisiacus, Galliacus, and Wadonocurtis.[148] We intentionally set
these latter villas aside because they are not so far away that they
cannot deliver their tithes. But then if and when at some location
the crop does not grow or a tempest levels it or it has to remain
in the fields, there will always be something available at these
villas, from which the loss can be made up. But if another,
better arrangement or pairing of the listed villas can be found,
we should not object to trying it. Just as we have said, the end
in view is the predetermined plan which will remain in force;
and as far as possible the double tithe should be levied on the
nearer villas because of the burden on the porter, who has to
assemble the necessary carts, as has been explained. Now,
whenever these carts need to be rented, the porter should do
whatever needs to be done through the agency of his assistant,
for it is shameful for him to do it himself, as if he could find
no man whom he could rightly trust.[149]

<CROPS TO BE TITHED>

Spelt, or barley, which like spelt is reaped with its grain, should
be brought from the villas in which it grew on the determination
of the domain;[150] similarly, flax, wool, turnips,[151] and all legumes,
which are to be tithed together in a group before being separated
into the various kinds, must also be delivered. Nothing at any
place should remain untithed.

With respect to garden produce, what is customarily grown
in the various locations, such as leeks, shallots, algi,[152] or other
similar varieties which can reasonably be sold, should be sold
for either money or grain, and the payments brought to the
porter.

With respect to fruit, the same method should be followed
wherever and whenever it is reasonable to do so. Moreover, if
there are any other crops, however small, a tithe should be paid
on them in the same way.

<ANIMALS TO BE TITHED>

For the time being, these edicts are adequate. Now we must
consider all cattle and their husbandry. But before there is
specific treatment of each kind of herd, we wish to call
attention to this edict governing them all: Of every ten
quadrupeds in any herd, the tenth should be handed over. If
there are nine animals beyond every group of ten, the ninth
should be handed over; likewise, if eight, the eighth; if seven,
the seventh; and so on down to one. If there is only one more
than ten, then that one must be handed over. In this tithing the
Lord's precept[153] that one animal may not be selected or changed
for another—that is, a poor animal exchanged for a good one or
a better for a worse—must be carefully observed. The tenth
animal to appear after the herd has proceeded single file through
an opening in some fence should be handed over in tithe, no
matter what the quality is. But if there are not ten, then the
ninth, eighth, or even first, if there are no more, as has just been
said.

Now first, the draught animals. All the foals born in one year
must be tithed in that year. Then the herdsman must care for
them, just as diligently as he cares for the rest of the herd, until
they are a year old. If the porter wishes, the herdsman must
care for them until they are two years old. If, however, the
porter should want to take them earlier, that is his right. Since
he cannot leave them in the herdsman's care more than two
years, he should give his attention to converting them for the
benefit of the aforesaid gate by either selling or bartering them
in some way. Therefore, we want them to be tithed soon after
they are born so that if one should accidentally die through
human negligence, the porter may know through whose
negligence it came about. This is the porter's task, not the
agent's or the mayor's.[154] As for calves, the same procedure
should be observed either in keeping them through a two-year
period or in supervising their care. The milk must also be
tithed to the monastery.

*

The same procedure applies in each detail to the lambs: They
are either tithed or fattened for two years. All their wool,
however, must be paid in to the porter. Then the rest of the
wool, that obtained by shearing the other sheep, whether large
or small, and the other lambs, must be tithed immediately upon
shearing without any selection for quality, color, or weight, and
brought to the porter at the monastery. The milk, like that of
the aforesaid cows, should be tithed to the monastery.

In tithing and caring for goats, too, the same pattern that we
have described for lambs is to be followed in every detail. If the
milk of the she-goats is brought to the monastery, it should be
tithed there; but if not, the agent and the mayor at each villa
having goats should assume the responsibility for supervising in
every detail the collection of the tithe in the form of cheeses.
In this case, whatever tithe accrues each month should be
brought to the gate and should not be allowed to go bad from
over-aging.

The tithing of pigs is difficult because the times at which
they conceive and produce their young are inevitably
unpredictable. It is therefore hard to regulate the tithing in the
same way that the tithing of other animals has been regulated
above. Consequently, in this instance we have thought it good
to center attention on the exigencies of the full year and to set
a fixed number in the light of what we consider adequate for
our needs. Of pigs which are at least moderately fat, this number
should be delivered at the gate, whether or not there is grazing
land for them. However, if there shall have been abundant
grazing land and the swine are fully fattened, then even very fat
swine should be brought to the gate. Therefore, because the
year is based on fifty-two weeks in this as in all matters, it
seems to us that two swine each week could be a sufficient
number under this head, always excepting those which the
porter wishes to care for himself.

With respect to these shoats, since, with the help of God, he
will have adequate grain supply, he should plan ahead and see
to it that from what he can supply from his own husbandry he
will have enough under this head for entertaining guests. . . .

Moreover, when their season arrives, it will be in his power
to take whatever sheep he wants from his tithe.

Also, whenever the time for using rams comes around, he
should take as many as he wants from the ten sheepfolds where
in the summer the brothers manufacture cheese. With these
animals as with all others, the tenth youngling is his. And when
the tithed lambs from the other flocks can live healthily away
from their mothers, they too are in his control. He may want to
transfer some of these out of the flock before the two-year period
is finished because he decides to put them in with the aforesaid
ten flocks which are cared for at the monastery. The purpose
would be to have them at hand and be able to extract them
when, and to the amount that, he might wish. But meanwhile,
up to the time said sheep, which have been tithed in this year,
have become two- or three-year-olds, he may even subtract
from the aforesaid ten flocks according to an agreement between
him and the herd-master[155] which insures both that the flocks
will not be depopulated beyond measure and that the guests will
not suffer unreasonable deprivation or want.

Then there are the rules for tithing lambs from the joint
flocks: We have said that they are to be organized into the ten
flocks which provide the monastery with cheese in the summer.
The purpose is always to have enough at hand there to be able
to provide abundantly for any guests without constantly needing,
because of the distance to the villas, to tire out the porter or
shepherd[156] or some other man. The actual delivery of the lambs
should be the mayor's, not the porter's, responsibility.
Consequently, when the porter shall have ordered them
delivered to the aforesaid flocks, the mayor should have it done.
But if the aforesaid tithed sheep, when they become two- or
three-year-olds, should number more than the ten flocks, or
more than the shepherds can manage, the porter should consult
with the herdmaster about the course to follow: whether to sell,
kill, hang, or try to exchange them for swine. This exchange
would serve the purpose of providing suckling pigs at a time
when the sheepfolds were not productive, as we mentioned
before with respect to the other sucklings.[157] However, if there
is not enough grain to keep them an entire winter, the porter
can kill and hang some of them, keeping the others alive. In
this way he can always have a few suckling-pigs. In the process
he should be sure that everything that needs to be provided and
maintained for the requisite integrity of the gate and the
monastery in its reception of guests will be procured at the
proper time, so that it will be ready at the proper time.

However supererogatory these directions may seem to some
men, we nevertheless choose painfully to employ phrases clear
to the less intelligent and through these writings of ours to
eliminate any possibility for mistake, rather than to have the
porter encounter some occasion that induces error inconsonant
with our religious life. We therefore feel that the aforesaid
master of the ten flocks and porter should work together in this
operation, so that by common agreement they may profitably
arrange whatever is suitable for regulating these tithes. Along
with the porter's lay apprentices, they may take care of
everything. The end result should be that there be no need for
the aforesaid porter or any of the monks to run here and there
outside the monastery to procure some item; but according to
this outline of operations they may arrange everything and
receive the tithes in orderly fashion even while they reside
quietly in the monastery, away from the tumult of the outside
world.

<VI.3>

These statements about wethers, as follows: The procedure
followed is not the same as that for foals, calves, and kids. The

[ILLUSTRATION]

532. LUTTRELL PSALTER (CA. 1340)

BEEHIVE WITH 15 BEES

BRITISH MUSEUM, ADD. MS. 41230, fol. 204r

[by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum]

The fourteenth-century "skep" illustrated above would have been the same as in
Adalhard's day. The art of weaving such hives from grass and straw was discovered
in western Germany about the time of Christ and was standard thereafter
in teutonic lands. That bees and honey are not mentioned in Adalhard's text indicates
lacunae in transmission. Bees were among the first domesticated food producers,
"land of milk and honey" was a commonplace of ancient societies, and
honey was the only practical sweetener known to Carolingians. Isidore describes
(Etym. XX, iii) nine honey drinks, including mead (hydromel) and medicinal
potions. Inevitably monastic regularity was compared with the bees' economy,
especially in the light of Virgil's Fourth Georgic, devoted to the art of beekeeping
and containing such lines as:

Some say that unto bees a share is given
of the Divine Intelligence . . .
Each into his starry rank
Alive they soar, and mount the heights of heaven.
lines 220-21, 228-29 (trans. Rhoades)

* porter should endeavor, by keeping them no more, if not less,
than two years, to convert them, as has been said, by sale or
barter, to the benefit of the hospice in any way which seems
reasonable and most effective. Moreover, every tenth goose or
chicken fed in the poultry yards of the domain should be
rendered to the porter. Of the rest of the chickens which the
community pays in, if they are delivered to the monastery, the
porter should take a tenth on delivery. If the poultry is
redeemed for money, a tenth of the money should be rendered
to him. As far as can be, eggs are to be treated in the same way,
whether they are brought to the monastery or redeemed at the
villas.

We urge that no one consider these rulings excessive or
unnecessary for proper operation; for in any operation nothing
can be found to be excessive which is exacted for the sake of
God rather than of man. Appositely, the Author of the human
race Himself deigned to speak in just this way to the Pharisees,
mentioning tithing of mint and anise, among other things. And
He added, "These things you ought to have done, and not to
leave those undone."[158] Because the reason why these words
were said is known to all literate and intelligent men, we
therefore need not dilate at length, but merely allude to them
briefly. It is more fitting that this passage should provide the
incentive for any wise and intelligent man to leave no part of
it undone, than that such men should presume to deride the
things which are ordered or required to be given to God, as if
they could be laughed off.

<THE TITHE OF MILLS>[159]

And moreover though up to the present it has not been
customary, we want above all that the full tithe from all our
mills be given at the gate, and always be given first—before any
of the product be distributed, whether to the widows' share or
for any other use or purchase or sale or prebend of any sort.
Rather, any actions of this kind should occur later in other
locations. Regarding the delivery of the tithe to the porter, it is
suitable for him to send his apprentice, who shall either haul it
with his own oxen or, better, supervise other carts hired at his
expense.

<MALTHOUSES AND BREWS TO BE TITHED>

From malthouses, and the brews which come from malthouses,
we likewise desire that the tenth modius of the brews which
have been made be set aside to give to the porter before they are
delivered to the monastery. If it happens that there is not
enough remaining from which the manorial obligation may be
filled, and it cannot be filled from those same malthouses, the
shortage should be made up from the manorial grain supply
which has already been tithed. Then the porter should not be
given a tithe from this latter amount. But, as has already been
said, the porter should through his own supervision arrange to
have his malt fixed for him from the grain brought to be milled.

Then if he does not have enough from that source, he should
associate a knowledgeable man with him, who will prepare as
much malt as will suffice.[160]

<THE TITHE OF HOPS>[161]

Also, after the hops come to the monastery, a tenth portion of
each lot should be given to the porter over several months.
However, if this amount does not suffice for him, he should
acquire enough for his needs by purchase or by some other
method. In these ways he should have enough for making his
allowances of beer. Similarly the provost, if it should become
necessary for him, should contribute from the manorial substance
so that under no circumstances would he make demands on the
community itself beyond its legitimate rent.[162] Yet this should
be understood: the manorial bakers themselves should bake
every loaf of bread needed at the gate. Likewise the manorial
brewers should brew all the beer. But the porter should
contribute the grain and malt from his stores. Then as often as
the amount which he has given shall have been used up in beer
or bread, he should add a new supply so that the product should
always come from his ingredients and not from those of the
manor.

<VI.4>

THERE WILL BE THIS FURTHER CONSIDERATION
REGARDING BREAD AND BEER

. . . <The Gathering of Wood>[163]

. . . that, just as the porters furnish the grain and malt on their
own from the tithes which are given them, so also identically
the firewood should be turned over in the amount which they,
in consultation with the other ministers, consider necessary for
their task of preparing both. Hence it is necessary that every
load of wood which our whole community delivers to the
monastery for the yearly needs be tithed as with all else, and
then placed in a separate location, yet within the compound.
And this arrangement is necessary to prevent the porters from
touching the specified allotment when they begin to run short on
wood for other uses—wood which they have to furnish from
their own resources—and thus be shorted on both counts, just
as we have seen happen this year. And therefore the wood which
might have been needful for the comfort of the guests, or for
any other needs at the gate in the course of the whole year,
should be delivered during the summer outside the gate of the
monastery and then stored in places suitable for use in such a
way that there may always be enough in every hospice for those
who properly should receive it, while it is kept safe from every
type of chicanery. For these reasons we have said that,
notwithstanding the great need for it, that wood is to be stacked
by itself around the monastery, lest we might seem to have
opened the door for its being dissipated, even though for
necessary uses, and consequently being in short supply. Now
that we have in this manner dealt with the provision of wood,
we should move on to other topics.

<VI.5>

WITH REGARD TO TITHES WHICH OUR VASSALS OR
OUR BENEFICIARIES[164] OWE, THE TOLL IS THIS:

Of everything whatsoever that they may produce from the soil
for their own use, such as grain, wine, vegetables, fruit, or other
main or secondary crops produced, they must deliver in payment
to the monastery tithes on every item. Furthermore, they should
try to tithe in the same way those things which spring up as
volunteers, such as fruit, hay, or anything else for which man
is not so much required to work as that the providence of
omnipotent God wills that not only men but also animals feed
upon it. These products, too, they should deliver to the
monastery with pious goodwill in the fashion described. With
every different kind of animal they should exercise a like
responsibility. Hence from draft animals to chickens or eggs,
there shall be no livestock of any sort which they have reared
(or anything which is given a vassal in annual payment by his
workers of the kinds we have enumerated above or of those
which we now mention) which should remain at his manor
untithed, insofar as it can be identified and reasonably be
processed. Now if anyone should not fully understand these
statements or should have any doubt in his mind about them—
by what method or with what intensity they should be effected—
let him come to the monastery and ask the masters of the
monastery. In the same fashion that they are ordered to carry
out their affairs in serving the monastery, so should he conduct
his own affairs.[165] But if the man's beneficium is located rather
too far away to be able to deliver the sheaves or hay without
excessive cost, let him ascertain how much the tithe amounts to
and make arrangements with the porter concerning a time when
he might satisfactorily sell these same. Then he should bring the
money from his sale to the porter, without any deceit or
shortage. However, if the porter should prefer to collect the
produce in his own cart and deliver it to the monastery rather
than to put it up for sale at the manor, that is his prerogative.[166]

Let it also be understood that those who hold as many as four
manses in beneficium should pay their own tithe to the
monastery according to the method described above. Those who
hold fewer should, of course, fully pay their tithes in the same
way, but not to the monastery. They should pay to that church
or chapter at which the community which holds the land
customarily pays its own tithe.

All beneficiaries[167] of St. Peter ought to have this directive so
that they will know how to proceed, and so that no one can
plead ignorance as an excuse. But, as has been stated, if he
should have any question, he should go to the monastery, where
all the regulations regarding tithes are systematically recorded.
And there he can learn how he ought to perform.

[ILLUSTRATION]

DIAGRAM: ALLOTMENT OF SWINE

one symbol represents 10 swine

THE GATE

60

THE CELLARER

370

THE PREBENDS

120

THE ABBOT

50

TOTAL 600

Adalhard apparently regarded horses and cattle (BOVES, even VITULI) as draft
animals, sheep and hogs as edibles (cf. above, p. 114), as did Isidore of Seville
(ETYMOLOGIES XI, 1, 5). Like Homer in the Circe incident, Isidore thought PORCI
unclean (i, 25), but Adalhard uses only PORCI and never the less odious APER, SUS, or
VERSES. "Flitch" (early Teutonic FLICCI), used here to translate BACCO(NES), also
early Teutonic, in later usage meant a "side"—therefore two to an animal; but
Adalhard clearly meant that one animal yields one flitch. CELLARARIUS become in
Middle English "sty-ward, steward," a keeper of a cell or pantry, not a pigsty.

<VII>

<THE NUMBER AND ALLOTMENT OF SWINE>[168]

This is the number and this is the allotment of swine which are
killed at our cellar during the year. If the number at hand is
ever less than 600, then the swine should not be slaughtered.
The allotment shall be fourfold:

First, sixty shall be given to the gate, whole except for the
sungias[169] ; at the disposal of the cellarer, 370; for the needs of
the prebends who receive stipends, 120. The fifty that remain
should be reserved for whatever the abbot desires.

OF THE THREE PARTS WHICH STAY WITH THE
CELLARER, THIS SHOULD BE THE DISTRIBUTION:

From the 370, the cellarer should provide the full meat
allowances for the infirm, the vassals, and all other allowances
as we have stipulated, except for those who receive distributions
at the gate and those prebends who receive allowances. And
consequently 370 are allocated for this purpose, so that for each
day of the year—365, that is—the cellarer will have a flitch of
bacon with its entrails.[170] And we have arranged to add another
five to make 370 because we very much prefer to have some
surplus rather than shortage. But also we want those 370 so that
they can be dispensed as follows: When they have first been
hung, thirty flitches with all their entrails should always be set
aside, so that throughout the twelve months each month will
always have its thirty flitches with their entrails hung by
themselves. And, if it is possible, we would like the cellarer
always to plan ahead for the time when he releases the thirty
flitches with their entrails during each several month, and
ascertain man by man who should receive fat or flesh. In this
way he can ensure a fair distribution to them. Now if he should
lack fat, he may take from those fifty swine which we have
ordered reserved for our needs, and thus fill out the allowances.
Likewise, if he should lack entrails he may take an amount from
that reserve to fill out that allowance. But he should be careful
not to encroach upon that other meat and fat which is being
kept for the following month before the first of the following
month. But if he has fat or entrails left over from the first
month, he should set it aside for reserve in its place, beginning
on the first of the next month the allotment for that month and
distributing that month's allowance in the manner stipulated
above. Then if he should be short, he should get what he needs,
whether fat or meat or both, from what was left over from the
earlier month. But if he should not have enough even when he
follows this method, he may then return to those fifty which had
been set aside for the needs of the abbot. However, if, after the
second month has passed, he should find that for two successive
months he has a leftover stock of fat or meat or both with
which he can supply the third month, let him take it and do it.
Then to the amount that he is short, let him add as much as is
necessary from the third month, which he is then in. And what

is left over from the third month, let him reserve for the fourth;
from the fourth, for the fifth. He should always proceed in this
way from month to month, expressly observing this, that he
should never take from a future month for the present, but
should carry over any remainder from the present into the
future. And we do not want him to move this meat or fat which
is left over through the several months from one place of
hanging to another, but to allow it to hang in its own spot,
where it has hung throughout, until he shall use it in the second
or third month to come, in the stipulated way.

Nor do we want that cellarer to require either that the
entrails should run evenly with the lard or that the lard run
evenly with the entrails throughout the several months. But the
lard should run according to a plan for it, and the entrails
according to a plan for them; for there is no other method that
works as well. We know that the agent responsible for providing
it should not begin to distribute the lard and entrails of any one
year in equal amounts or at the same time, because the entrails
are good for distribution just as soon as they have been rendered.
The longer they are kept, the more they will deteriorate,
inevitably. But well-rendered lard cannot be eaten as soon as
it has been made, and is not properly aged before Easter. And
so it follows from this that we should look for a plan that allows
the cellarer who begins his office on the first of January to
begin to distribute the new meat through these four months,
and yet not touch the new lard before the first of May. But he
should have in storage enough old lard from the preceding year
to be able to distribute it through the four months up to May 1,
according to the ration for each month, as has been stipulated.
Then from May 1 through the eight months up to January 1
again, he should distribute the meat and new lard together at the
same time. To achieve this result, he should always run the
entrails from January 1 to January 1, but the lard from May 1
to May 1.

Nor do we want to have counted in that total the lard or
those sausages which are made from the swine which come from
the mills or those sausages which are made from the swine from
which alabum[171] is made. And likewise the entrails are not
to be counted if, as is customary when swine have been fed on a
rich pasturage of acorns, they yield an amount exceeding the
normal yield. Now we wish to keep all these categories separate,
as a reserve in case it should become necessary for the cellarer to
have them in order to be equipped to care for whomsoever he
should, fully and abundantly. Yet the administration of every
step should always be carried out with the intention that, when
the new season of production arrives, it will be possible to
deliver the quota in each instance in the amount and kind that
is being used at present, or in the amount that has been reserved
in the past for the next year. And this above all we desire, just
as we have already said, that the cellarer should see to it that
there is no discrepancy in the amount which he is supposed to
hand over to the succeeding cellarer, whether of old or of new
lard or of meat. Whatever is in stock should be declared in
writing to be in order and be shown by inventory to be in order,
bin by bin.

Now with respect to the meat itself, in whatsoever station it is
to be dispensed, there is as well a procedure which we want our
monastic officials[172] to study and understand thoroughly: For if
we count those forty days in Lent when no one may touch meat,
and add to those the forty-six Fridays which lie outside of Lent
when virtually no one may touch meat, we find eighty-six days.[173]
Many also customarily abstain before the Nativity of the Lord,
and there is scarcely any mature man who does not to some
degree abstain from meat. Consequently we wish to make record
of these facts, because if some need should arise either in
connection with travel or work or any other need whatsoever,
requiring the giving out of whole sides of bacon or entrails, or if
the cellarer should be constrained by some emergency to
dispense a larger amount than we have stipulated above, it still
should not become necessary for the allowance which we have
ordained to be altered, unless an excessive amount is given out.
For if such a demand should turn out to be slight or of no
account, there would be very little need to alter the standard
allowance, even though it could give rise to an increase in the
amount available at some future time. We stress this again and
again, that whatever under this heading anyone is called upon to
do, he should strive to do to the utmost of his ability, to the
pleasure of God and the gratitude of men, and always be in
control of the delivery of proper amounts in each several
allocation.

With respect to the second allocation, in which there are 120
for the needs of prebends who receive stipends, the cellarer
ought to receive ten sides of bacon each month for the purpose
of making ten stipends, and distribute one side for each stipend.
Now if each of these sides does not make an individual stipend,
we shall thereafter consult with him about means of filling out
the amounts. For if anyone has received more than the amount,
the cellarer should subtract from it and give to him who does
not have enough. If he does it this way each month, he will
never depart from his proper tally. Yet according to the schedule
above, he has to begin the distribution of lard from May 1, and
from that point distribute by tens each month in such a fashion
that there will remain after that anchor date a sufficient amount
for the subsequent cellarer to last him in turn to May 1. But
under the direction of abbot or provost or dean, he should
process such sausages as he can make from those 120 swine.
Then if it should turn out that for any reason he lacks sausages
in proper amount from his own, and even from those fifty
swine, he should tell this to his masters and receive as much as
may be needed outside that allocation. For this very reason, we
do not allot those entrails to any particular purpose except under
pressure of necessity, because if, by the gift of the Lord,
something should be left over for us, we hope to make the

distribution from old lard or old entrails rather than from the
new.

With respect to the third portion, to which the fifty are
allocated, if according to what has been said above they should
be needed for any monthly purveyance, they should be used;
but if not, then the full amount should be left to the decision of
the abbot.

NOW THE FIRST ALLOCATION WHICH SHOULD BE
FOR THE GATE

The whole sixty should be hung in the larder. Then according
to that method whereby the cellarer distributes from month to
month in thirties, so the porter should make his distribution by
ones through each several week. And just as the cellarer does not
move the leftovers from place to place, neither should the porter
do it; but he should carry to the gate whatever should be
needed, and what is left over he should leave there. And we have
arranged to add eight swine above the number of weeks in a
year, which are fifty-two, so that, as need arises, he can draw
upon the extra ones and not touch those allotted to future weeks.

<VIII>

FINALLY,
THE BROTHERS' VESTRY[174]

. . . With respect to those villas which are located in Amiénois or
Beauvaisis or Artois, it shall thus be observed in all matters just
as is ordained for the rest of our villas. . .

[END OF TEXT]

[ILLUSTRATION]

LORSCH GOSPELS

BIBLIOTECA VATICANA, PAL. LAT. 50, LEAF 8r

PRESTEL VERLAG, MUNICH, Wolfgang Braunfels

INCIPIT of the Gospel of Luke in gold capitals which "are the symbols of the Imperial and
Christian NOVA ROMA which Charlemagne undertook to build anew . . . . The aristocratic
splendour of the Court School would always remain alien to monastic artists"
(Braunfels). The letters, like the brilliant illuminations of the codex, contrast with the
humble minuscule monochrome favored in scriptoria of abbeys like St. Gall and Corbie.
The four parts of the codex, owned by four distinct governments, were brought together for
the Council of Europe Exhibition Charlemagne, Aachen, 1965.

The column continues for eight more lines
with lettering of matching proportion and height,
all letters executed in gold on unadorned parchment
in a composition of great richness, exquisite taste,
and marked by impressive restraint and strength.

[B]

RUBRICS
OF THE ABBOT
Dom ADALHARD
WITH RESPECT TO
INSTRUCTION
IN CONGREGATION[175]

                     

I.	First, regarding our gathering in church and who should see to this.
II.	Regarding humility in entering and leaving church and of standing and chanting with reverence.
III.	Of silence in the sacristy or in the churches, and when it should be strictly observed in procession. Let the dean or whoever is his deputy see to it that it be done with sober silence.
IV.	That while mass is being chanted, there shall be no irreverent, causeless going about from here to there by the boys or by the officials.
V.	That on Sunday everyone who by any means can do so should assemble for public mass, and that officials should stand in order of rank and the others should follow next, in order of convenience.
VI.	That on Sunday itself, or on other days when the Office is observed outside, no one is to remain in the sacristy except the one who has to supervise it or has been ordered specifically to do so, but not the week's reader.
VII.	That anyone who cannot chant and read from the ambo[176] should be excused, and he who can should never avoid it, and he who performs carelessly should be castigated.
VIII.	Of sleepers.
IX.	On the omission of short responds, antiphons, verses, and lections.
X.	That seats are not to be changed.
XI.	On those who do not chant the psalms or who chant meanly.

                                                             

XII.	On those who talk when they should be praying and, if they are not talking, respond nothing or respond inaudibly.
XIII.	The Kyrie eleison.
XIV.	On going out for Nocturns, and what ought to be done about those who come late to Nocturns, especially on Sundays.
XV.	Regarding the fact that even during the night chattering and giggling goes on there among some while the Office[177] is in progress, and that some even incite the same behavior in others who are not acting in that way.
XVI.	The place reserved for reading.
XVII.	The ranks in choir.[178]
XVIII.	Sandals.
XIX.	That deacons, after taking up the book, read the Gospel before the altar and, after having read the Gospel, withdraw from the altar.
XX.	The fact that very few remain for Sext on that day.
XXI.	That when it is time for Communion, if the elders wish they should signal to the juniors at the proper moment for them to proceed.
XXII.	That when the feasts of the Apostles or any like occasion occurs, the same method should be followed with respect to Communion.
XXIII.	That the priests, after the completion of their Mass, should attend Sext or Nones if they can conveniently do so.[179]
XXIV.	The dormitory.
XXV.	Loud talking.
XXVI.	The coming together of two or three.
XXVII.	All disturbance or commotion or noise.
XXVIII.	The refectory.[180]
XXIX.	The Verse to be chanted.[181]
XXX.	Miserere mei Deus.[182]
XXXI.	On absence.
XXXII.	Prolonging the lection.[183]
XXXIII.	The lection for blood-letting.
XXXIV.	On silence in the infirmary or when someone dies.
XXXV.	On obedience: that they should not come late; that after they have arrived they should proceed with silence or chant; that they should not leave there without permission simply because a few have come there.[184]
XXXVI.	The rest period.
XXXVII.	Supervision of the cloister.
XXXVIII.	The mutual nod when they meet.
XXXIX.	On secular names.[185]
XL.	Swearing.
XLI.	On not saying, "My own."[186]
XLII.	That they are to maintain their ranks as constituted.

[ILLUSTRATION]

MEROVINGIAN COIN (MINTED AT CORBIE?)

533.B

REVERSE

533.A

OBVERSE

enlarged 4 diameters

[Courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris,
Cabinet des Medailles]

This late Merovingian gold triens (1/3 SOLIDUS or shilling) inscribed
on the face + RACI [RATIO] s̄c̄ PETRI with engraved bust, and on
the back [RATIO ECCLESIAE] with double-bar cross, was probably
but not certainly minted at Corbie.

As Merovingian rule weakened, the kings lost control of coinage and
local civil and ecclesiastical powers established mints. Pepin and
Charlemagne re-established royal monopoly and silver monometalism,
but a silver DENARIUS (penny) of Charles II (+ 877) with
SC PETRA MONETA inscribed on the back indicates weakening royal
power and a return of minting to abbeys.

*                    

XLIII.	On "unseasonable hours,"[187] that is, on silence.
XLIV.	In the period for meditation and prayer, under any circumstances each one who has not definitely been assigned elsewhere is to be found in one of these two activities and in those places in which he should be.[188]
XLV.	On leaving the place of prayer and on proceeding through the prayers.[189]
XLVI.	On sitting in Sainte Marie[190] or in other places.
XLVII.	On mingling in the sacristy and on leaving quickly.
XLVIII.	On listless chanting, and who ought to chant on Sunday before entering the sanctuary.[191]
XLIX.	On not sitting in certain places in the narthex.
L.	The scribes of the solarium.
LI.	The responses to prayers.
LII.	That one should not be seated on the pallet of another.

[C]

<FRAGMENTS
OF CHAPTERS>

<i>

<THE CANONICAL HOURS>

<THE SILENCE TO BE MAINTAINED IN CHURCH>

. . . . Having already summarily reviewed by writs the items
related to the Hours within the church during the performance
of God's Work—inviolable at all times and of primary
importance by virtue of attention and prestige, for which the
Lord supplied the form and content—these matters regarding
God's Work seem worth adding: If it is summer time, it is
proper, upon completion of the Hours after which one normally
goes to the refectory, for all to sit silently in church. Then when
they hear the signal they should leave quietly, reverently giving
thanks to God. And in the said silence entering and sitting and
leaving the refectory, each should then attend to those matters
that the seasonal schedule calls for, or that he has been ordered
to do. But if it be winter, and getting warm is a vital necessity,
according as he who is in charge shall see fit either before or
after the completion of the Office, he shall allow some period
when they can warm themselves; but if not, let them wait in the
church, as above. And so, these additions to the subject.

<II>

<THE SILENCE TO BE MAINTAINED IN
DORMITORY AND WARMING ROOM>[192]

THE DORMITORY

On this subject, for those who honestly understand it,
everything can be embraced in the statement that at no time
should anything dishonest or dishonorable be done there. To
that end, some proprieties involving the time for conversation
should be recorded as a memorandum; these will suggest others
like them which should never be forgetfully disregarded.
Conversation there should always be guarded, whether two or
three or even many gather there, as they customarily do when
they rise from chapter. But when the time for sleeping arrives,
whether day or night, just as silence ought to be absolutely
preserved in speech, so too should one step with the utmost
caution, so that no one will suffer disturbance. No one is to
shake out his clothing, no one negligently sit up or lie down in
bed or make other like movements which cause needless
vibrations or any sort of unpleasant sound; but also at all times,
just as has been said, every precaution is to be taken there,
either out of due respect or because the weak need their rest.
It is necessary that when anyone happens to need rest there,
compelled by necessity, he should not be disturbed through the
discourtesy of another. So too, if anyone should lie down on his
bed to read, no one else should ever come up to him there to
talk; for because of the noise it is never right for one person far
away from another or for two people, one seated, the other
standing, to enter into conversation. They should respect the
customary good manners of the quarters.

These short notes have been selected from among the many
strictures to be observed in the dormitory in order that such
manners not be contemned by some simpletons as of no
account, or ossified by some authoritarians beyond what is
sensible. . . On every occasion they are to be enforced, not
gently, not only by the provost, dean, and other deans, but also
by the monitors appointed for the hours when the brothers are
away for lections.[193]

When it is necessary to use the warming room, nearly the
same care and courtesy in all things should be observed there as
we have stipulated for the dormitory, except as related to the act
of sleeping itself. Of course it happens that there are some
matters which particularly apply to those quarters, as, for
example, matters relative to the wet clothes hanging there, or to
the loungers and sleepers and those who neglect their reading
because of the pleasant warmth, or with respect to other
situations like these. From daily experience everyone should
know what needs to be said on that score if he wants to bring
such a gaggle to a sense of its bounden duty, however slightly.
Even when the "unseasonable hours" have passed and the
permissible time for conversation and fellowship has arrived,
still the well-known common courtesy is always to be observed
in word and deed there, just as in all other places, whether there
be few or many present. Such is never to be forgotten or
slighted.

[D]

ADDENDUM I

THE CHARTER
OF LOUIS THE PIOUS[194]

Aachen, 29 January A.D. 815

IN THE NAME OF THE LORD GOD AND
OUR SAVIOR JESUS CHRIST,
LOUIS, EMPEROR AUGUSTUS BY
ORDINATION OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE:

With respect to foundations dedicated to divine worship for
the love of God and His servants, wherever we have bestowed
appropriate tenures on such foundations we have believed that
our eternal reward would be meted to us at the seat of God. In
that light be it known to all our faithful supporters, both now
and hereafter, that the venerable man Adalhard, abbot of the
monastery of Corbie, which was erected in the region of Amiens
in honor of St. Peter and St. Stephen, brought to us the
immunity of our lord and father Charles, most pious Emperor of
pious memory, wherein we have found in writing how he and
his predecessors, the earlier kings of the Franks, had with divine
love and reverence for that holy place, always held the aforesaid
monastery under the most complete guardianship and protection
from harm. To substantiate that status, the aforesaid abbot
Adalhard asked us for the love of God and reverence for divine
worship likewise to add our authority to that pre-existent
authority. We freely acquiesce to his request and fully accord
in all respects, confirming the authority by this our command.
Wherefore we are issuing the order that no one of our loyal
subjects or anyone within the jurisdiction or any of our retainers
either present or future shall dare to enter into the churches or
lands or fields or other possessions of the aforesaid monastery
which at present it rightly and legally holds in possession in
whatever region or province under the authority of our imperium,
or any others which hereafter divine piety may determine to add
to the domain of that monastery, for the hearing of disputes or
levying of fines or tributes or the erection of buildings or the
exaction of bonds or the punishment of men, whether freemen
or serfs, living on its land, or collection of revenues or enforcing
illicit actions in ours or future ages; nor shall he in any way plot
to carry out any of the acts mentioned. And whatever the fisc
has been in a position to expect from the goods of the aforesaid
monastery, so much we turn over to the aforesaid monastery as
an everlasting income, so that in perpetuity it may be applied to
the augmentation of alms for the poor and stipends for the monks
serving God at that place, to the end that it may delight those
servants of God who are in a position to minister to Christ
therein, to pray that the mercy of the Lord be granted to us and
maintained on our behalf, and that of our wife and offspring,
and the stability of our whole empire. And that this authority
may, with the protection of the Lord, have power to continue
unaltered through ours and future ages, we have signed it with
our own hand and ordered it to be countersigned by the impress
of our seal.

Given the fourth kalends of February in the first year (by
the grace of Christ) of the imperium of lord Louis, most
supreme Augustus, Indiction VIII. Performed at the royal
palace at Aachen, auspiciously in the name of Christ, Amen.

[ILLUSTRATION]

DORESTAD, THE NETHERLANDS

CAROLINGIAN KEY [Holwerda, 1930, plate 22]

Excavated at the rich site that has also yielded numerous late Roman and
Merovingian artifacts, this 9th century bronze key is quite similar to Roman
counterparts.

ADDENDUM II

THE CONSTITUTION
OF ANSEGIS[195]
ABBOT OF FONTANELLA

A.D. 823-833

THIS IS A RECORD OF HOW THE VENERABLE
LORD ABBOT ANSEGIS ALLOTED CLOTHING,
SHOES AND SUBSISTENCE TO THE BROTHERS
STAYING IN THE MONASTERY OF
FONTANELLA. THE BROTHERS UNANIMOUSLY
AGREED TO ITS STIPULATIONS;
CONSEQUENTLY THEY COULD ALL
CONSTANTLY RENDER THEIR DEVOTIONS TO
GOD AND PERFORM HABITUAL DUTIES
EFFECTIVELY WITH ALL THEIR ESSENTIAL
NEEDS SUPPLIED AND ALL OCCASION FOR
RANCOR REMOVED. HE SET THESE TOOLS:

FROM THE REGION OF BOULOGNE AND THĖROUANNE:

Sixty complete vestments

Twenty white cloths from which twenty shirts could
be made

Tanned cowhides suitable for making five pairs of sandals

Twenty modii of beans

Twenty-one cheeses of seventy-five pounds each

One thousand eggs

Two hundred pounds of wax for the church itself, one
hundred for the brothers' needs

Two hundred pounds of tallow

FROM CORIALIS:

Twenty-four boots

Sixty bragal (? of flax?)

Two lengths of white cloth for making two tunics

Two towel-lengths from which ten work shirts could be
made

Five tanned cowhides

Ten modii of beans

Twenty modii of peas

Fifteen cheeses of seventy-five pounds each

Twenty-five modii of salt

In the month of September a thousand eggs

FROM THE GREGARIAN REGION:

. . . sixty . . . [lacunae]

FROM ERCHES [?] AND ESCHES [?]:

Three tillage allotments, ten ells in length, two in breadth

FROM APPILLY:

One tillage allotment of the same size

Three shaggy cloths for wiping the hands, each five ells
long and two wide

FROM GUEURES:

Three lengths of shirting for making serviettes,
thirteen ells long, three wide

FROM CLARIACUS:

One tillage allotment extending ten ells in length, three
in width

LIKEWISE FROM HIRTIUS:

One shirting of twelve ells, three ells wide, for wiping
the feet

FROM CAMPOMAE:

One towel-length

FROM RANCON THE LIKE

FROM FLEURY THE LIKE

FROM THE AFORESAID GREGARIA:

Thirty cheeses of seventy-five pounds each

Twelve lengths of felt for slippers, plus as much as is
needed for coffins (? lecta)

Sixty pigs fattened for suet and unguent, and as much
above that amount as may be necessary

FROM THE MINISTRY OF ROSONTIO:

Three modii of beans

Five modii of peas

For Christmas three fattened geese, twenty capons,
sixty pullets, two hundred and fifty eggs; then a like
amount at Easter

Three pounds of wax

Three sesters of honey

Then in the month of November five hundred eggs

Sixty cartloads of wood

LIKEWISE FROM PALDRIAC CROSS AND BLADRISIAGA:

Three modii of beans

Five modii of peas

At Christmas four fattened geese, twelve capons, sixty
pullets, two hundred and fifty eggs; and a like amount
at Easter

Three pounds of wax

Three sesters of honey

In the month of December five hundred eggs

Sixty cartloads of wood

FROM CAMPANAE [SEE ABOVE]:

Three modii of beans

Eight modii of peas

For Christmas four fattened geese, twelve capons,
seventy pullets, two hundred and fifty eggs; and a like
amount at Easter

One sester of honey

One pound of wax

In the month of January five hundred eggs

Sixty cartloads of wood

FROM SAǍNE AND BUBULOCAPTIVA:

Two modii of beans

Four modii of peas

For Christmas two fattened geese, ten capons, thirty
pullets, one hundred eggs; and a like amount at Easter

Two sesters of honey

Two pounds of wax

In the month of February five hundred eggs

Twelve cartloads of wood

FROM THE GARICIAGAS, BOURG-DUN AND GUEURES [SEE
ABOVE]:

Three modii of beans

Three modii of peas

At Christmas three fattened geese, twelve capons, forty
pullets, two hundred and fifty eggs; and a like amount
at Easter

One sester of honey

One pound of wax

And in the month of March five hundred eggs

Twelve cartloads of wood

FROM STONEBRIDGE AND VILLY:

Two towel-lengths

Five modii of beans

Fifteen modii of salt

At Christmas two fattened geese, twenty-six capons, one
hundred and five pullets, one hundred eggs; and a like
amount at Easter

One sester of honey

And in the month of April five hundred eggs

FROM ESCHES [SEE ABOVE]:

One modius of beans

One modius of peas

At Christmas one fattened goose, four capons, twenty-five
pullets, fifty eggs; and at Easter a like amount

One sester of honey

One pound of wax

And in the month of May five hundred eggs

Fifteen cartloads of wood

FROM ERCHES [SEE ABOVE]:

One modius of beans

Two modii of peas

At Christmas one fattened goose, four capons, twenty-five
pullets, fifty eggs; and at Easter a like amount

One sester of honey

One pound of wax

And in the month of June five hundred eggs

LIKEWISE FROM ROSONTIO [SEE ABOVE]:

In the month of August one hundred and sixty-five eggs

FROM THAT OF CROSS AND CAMPANIS [SEE ABOVE]:

One hundred and sixty-eight eggs

FROM RIVECOURT:

Forty-eight modii of wine, two hundred fifty eggs

Three hundred fifty modii of wine from Alpiacus; from
Riparicourt one hundred fifty modii; from Abriacus fifty
modii; from Burgundy fifty modii—in all six hundred
modii.

[FROM BURGUNDY?]:

For vinegar thirty-two modii

For beer from hops, as much as need be

Wax for the church itself, two hundred pounds, oil one
hundred and thirty pounds, eight modii of lard

For the brothers' needs, one hundred pounds of wax,
one hundred pounds of oil

END OF ADDENDUM II, THE CONSTITUTION OF ANSEGIS

ADDENDUM III

A GENEALOGY
OF THE EARLY CAROLINGIAN KINGS
AND OF ADALHARD'S FAMILY

Data drawn primarily from Hlawitscka in Karl der Grosse I,
1965, 51-82, Weisemeyer in Corbie abbaye royal, 1963, 111-117

[ILLUSTRATION]

534. A GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY CAROLINGIAN
KINGS AND OF ADALHARD'S FAMILY

* born

⊙ married

† died

ADDENDUM IV (Patrologia Latina CXX, 1552-53.)

PASCHASIUS RATPERTUS:[196]
ON THE TOMB OF ABBOT ADALHARD OF CORBIE

The corpse of the dearly beloved elder was honorably
entombed, and covered over with cut stone, in the Basilica of
Blessed Peter the Apostle, between the four arches of the
crossing. On this stone were carefully chiseled eight verses of
elegaic song . . . [above].

Now at that spot are buried with him the four worshipful men
who were designated by the Lord for the selfsame responsibility
in service. I do not think that it happened by accident. Rather,
after the model of Jesus, as they were one band of Christian
soldiery in carrying their own cross ever upward to this spot, so
should they be buried as one—placed together in a position
manifestly resembling the shape of that Cross. Here we discern
our elder in the center. Above him peal the bells for the hours of
the Divine Office, and at this spot they sound so clearly that one
may believe their ring is the very tongue of the Holy Spirit, and
that the Invitatory to the office of the Work of God originated
here. So, too, the inscription is in eight verses because he died on
the eighth day after the Nativity. Thereby it would be indicated
that he, having consummated the Work in which he formerly
Invited all to join, at the Octave of the Lord he happily passed
on, with not one iota lacking.

Now follows the Eclogue of the Two Nuns (Ecloga Duarum
Sanctimonialium), a plaint in unison. It bespeaks the one of them
(that is, Corbie in Gaul) as nourished in wedlock to him, after
the image of the Church with Christ; but the other (Corbie in
Saxony) in a marvelous balance to have been her direct offspring
according to monastic discipline. Clearly, the one of these was
named Galathea by reason of her pure white countenance,
whereas we may believe that the other was consecrated with the
name of Phyllis because of her zeal for charity: