University of Virginia Library

V. PART V.

V. CIVIL AND MILITARY EXPEDITIONS IN
THE WEST.

1764-1774.

CHAPTER I.

PEACE MOVEMENTS.

The British Government, anxious to secure amicable relationship
with the Indians, resorted to various modes for effecting
so desirable an object. Hoping to conciliate by fair words
and fine promises, one of the first movements was to issue,
through Col. Bouquet, the following proclamation:

In October another and similar proclamation was issued by
the government; and in the following spring, to aid

the object in view, it was determined to make two
movements into the Indian country. General Bradstreet was
ordered to Lake Erie, and Col. Bouquet in direction of the
Muskingum. The former moved to Niagara early in the
summer in company with Sir William Johnson; and in the
month of June held a grand council with twenty or more
tribes, who had sued for peace. On the eighth of August
they reached Detroit, and about the 20th of the same month
a definite treaty was made with the Indians. Among the
provisions of this treaty were the following:[2]

1. All prisoners in the hands of the Indians were to be
given up.

2. All claims to the posts and forts of the English in the
west were to be abandoned; and leave given to erect such
other forts as might be needed to protect the traders, &c.
Around each fort as much land was ceded as a "cannon-shot"
would fly over.

3. If any Indian killed an Englishman he was to be tried
by English law: the jury one-half Indians.

4. Six hostages were given by the Indians for the true
fulfillment of the conditions of the treaty.[3]

In the meantime, Col. Bouquet collected troops at Fort
Pitt, and in the fall proceeded with his expedition to the Muskingum
at the point where White Woman's river enters that
stream. There, on the 9th of November (1764), he concluded
a peace with the Delawares and Shawanese, and received from
them two hundred and six prisoners.[4] He also received from
the Shawanese hostages for the delivery of some captives who
could not be brought in at that time. These hostages made
their escape, but the Shawanese, in good faith, restored the
prisoners to a proper agent. The attachment, to which we
have elsewhere alluded, as being often formed between the
white captives and their new associates, was singularly illustrated
in this instance.

West's pencil was made to show the curious fact to which
we have alluded.[5]

A number of very distinguished chiefs were present on this
occasion. Of these were Kyashuta, Red Hawk, Custaloga,
Captain John,[6] etc.

In order to ascertain the true condition and feeling of the
Western Indians, George Croghan, sub-commissioner to Sir
William Johnson, went home with the returning deputies of
the Delawares and Shawanese. His journal presents a very
interesting account of the state of affairs in the "far West"
at that day, particularly of the French settlements on the
Wabash and in Illinois. Croghan left Fort Pitt on the 15th
of May; by the 6th of June he was at the mouth of the
Wabash; and on the 8th was taken prisoner by a party of
Indians. Upon the 15th he reached Vincennes, which he
describes as a "village of about eighty or ninety French families."
We regret that our limits will not allow us to make
some extracts from his journal. Croghan discharged the duties
committed to his care with energy, and to the satisfaction of
his principal. The information obtained was both valuable
and important.

CHAPTER II.

TITLES TO WESTERN LANDS.

Thus stood matters in the west at the close of 1765. With
the exception of a few military posts, and an occasional
pioneer settler, all was an unbroken wilderness between the
Alleghanies and the Wabash. The Red man, a few years
since the undisputed owner of the broad prairies and fertile
valleys, inherited from his father, now found himself the
dependent of a foreign power; and it should therefore, not
seem strange, if he felt and expressed both fear and hatred of
the influence which surrounded and oppressed him.

The Indians had witnessed the silent encroachments of
England; and despairing of holding or regaining their lands,
the most bitter and abiding spirit of hatred and revenge was
roused within them. They had seen the British coming to
take their lands upon the strength of treaties they knew
not of. They had been compelled to receive into their midst
British agents and troops, who, although promising to protect
them from settlers, the Indians very well knew would prove
an empty bond if circumstances required a different line of
policy.

Facts subsequently proved that the apprehensions of the
Indians were not groundless, and that the pledge given them
was not in good faith kept by either individuals or the government.
As we have noticed elsewhere, settlements were made
upon lands, to which the Indian title had not been extinguished,
in the year following the treaty of German Flats; and although
Sir William Johnson issued his orders for the removal of
these settlers, his commands were defied, and the settlers
remained where they were.[7]

But not only were the sturdy pioneers passing the line
tacitly agreed on, Sir William Johnson himself was clearly
meditating a step which would have produced, had it been
taken, a general Indian war.

This was the purchase and settlement of an immense tract
south of the Ohio river, where an independent colony was to
be formed. How early this plan was conceived we do not
learn; but, from Franklin's letters, we find that it was in contemplation
in the spring of 1766.[8] At this time Franklin
was in London, and was written to by his son, Governor
Franklin, of New Jersey, with regard to the proposed colony.
The plan seems to have been, to buy of the Six Nations the
lands south of the Ohio, a purchase which it was not doubted
Sir William might make, and then to procure from the King
a grant of as much territory as the company, which it was
intended to form, would require. Governor Franklin, accordingly,
forwarded to his father an application for a grant,
together with a letter from Sir William, recommending the
plan to the ministry; all of which was duly communicated to
the proper department. But at that time there were various
interests bearing upon this plan of Franklin. The old Ohio
company was still suing, through its agent Colonel George
Mercer, for a perfection of the original grant. The soldiers
claiming under Dinwiddie's proclamation had their tales of
rights and grievances. Individuals, to whom grants had been
made by Virginia, wished them completed. General Lyman,
from Connecticut we believe, was soliciting a new grant
similar to that now asked by Franklin; and the ministers
themselves were divided as to the policy and propriety of
establishing any settlements so far in the interior, Shelburne
being in favor of the new colony, Hillsborough opposed to it.

The company was organized, however, and the nominally
leading man therein being Mr. Thomas Walpole, a London
banker of eminence, it was known as the Walpole Company.
Franklin continued privately to make friends among the
ministry, and to press upon them the policy of making large
settlements in the west; and, as the old way of managing
the Indians by superintendents was just then in bad odor in
consequence of the expense attending it, the Cabinet Council
so far approved the new plan as to present it for examination

to the Board of Trade, with members of which Franklin had
also been privately conversing.

This was in the autumn of 1767. But before any conclusion
was come to, it was necessary to arrange definitely that
boundary line, which had been vaguely talked of in 1765, and
with respect to which Sir William Johnson had written to the
ministry, who had mislaid his letters, and given him no instructions.
The necessity of arranging this boundary was also kept
in mind by the continued and growing irritation of the Indians,
who found themselves invaded from every side. This irritation
became so great during the autumn of 1767, that Gage
wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania on the subject. The
Governor communicated his letter to the Assembly on the 5th
of January, 1768, and representations were at once sent to
England, expressing the necessity of having the Indian line
fixed. Franklin, the father, all this time, was urging the
same necessity upon the ministers in England; and about
Christmas of 1767, Sir William's letters on the subject having
been found, orders were sent him to complete the proposed
purchase from the Six Nations, and settle all differences.
But the project for a colony was for the time dropped, a new
administration coming in which was not that way disposed.

Sir William Johnson having received, early in the spring,
the orders from England relative to a new treaty with the Indians,
at once took steps to secure a full attendance.[9] Notice
was given to the various colonial governments, to the Six
Nations, the Delawares, and the Shawanese, and a congress
was appointed to meet at Fort Stanwix during the following
October (1768). It met upon the 24th of that month, and
was attended by representatives from New Jersey, Virginia,
and Pennsylvania; by Sir William and his deputies; by the
agents of those traders who had suffered in the war of 1763;
and by deputies from all the Six Nations, the Delawares and
the Shawanese. The first point to be settled was the boundary
line which was to determine the Indian lands of the west
from that time forward; and this line the Indians, upon the
1st of November, stated should begin on the Ohio, at the
mouth of the Cherokee (or Tennessee) river; thence go up
the Ohio and Alleghany to Kittaning; thence across to the
Susquehannah, &c.; whereby the whole country south of
the Ohio and Alleghany, to which the Six Nations had any

claim, was transferred to the British. One deed for a part
of this land, was made on the 3d of November to William
Trent, attorney for twenty-two traders, whose goods had been
destroyed by the Indians in 1763. The tract conveyed by
this was between the Kanawha and Monongahela, and was by
the traders named Indiana. Two days afterwards, a deed
for the remaining western lands was made to the King, and
the price agreed on paid down.[10] These deeds were made
upon the express agreement that no claim should ever be based
upon previous treaties, those of Lancaster, Logstown, &c.; and
they were signed by the chiefs of the Six Nations, for themselves,
their allies and dependents, the Shawanese, Delawares,
Mingoes of Ohio, and others; but the Shawanese and Delaware
deputies present did not sign them.

Such was the treaty of Stanwix, whereon, in a great measure,

rests the title by purchase to Western Virginia, Pennsylvania,
and Kentucky. It was a better foundation, perhaps,
than that given by previous treaties, but was essentially worthless;
for the lands conveyed were not occupied or hunted on
by those conveying them. In truth, we cannot doubt that
this immense grant was obtained by the influence of Sir William
Johnson, in order that the new colony, of which he was
to be governor, might be founded there. The fact that such
a country was ceded voluntarily,—not after a war, not by
hard persuasion, but at once and willingly,—satisfies us that
the whole affair had been previously settled with the New
York savages, and that the Ohio Indians had no voice in the
matter.

But besides the claim of the Iroquois and the north-west
Indians to Kentucky, it was also claimed by the Cherokees;
and it is worthy of remembrance that after the treaty of
Lochaber, made in October, 1770, two years after the Stanwix
treaty recognized a title in the southern Indians to all
the country west from a line drawn from a point six miles
east of Big or Long Island, in Holsten river, to the mouth of
the great Kanawha;[11] although, as we have just stated, their
right to all the lands north and east of the Kentucky river
was purchased by Colonel Donaldson, either for the king,
Virginia, or himself—it is impossible to say which.[12]

But the grant of the great northern confederacy was made.
The white man could now quiet his conscience when driving
the native from his forest home, and feel sure that an army
would back his pretensions. A new company was at once
organized in Virginia, called the "Mississippi Company," and
a petition sent to the King for two millions and a half of acres
in the west. Among the signers of this were Francis Lightfoot
Lee, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, and Arthur Lee.
The gentleman last named was the agent for the petitioners
in England. This application was referred to the Board of
Trade on the 9th of March, 1769, and after that we hear
nothing of it.[13]

The Board of Trade was, however, again called on to report
upon the application of the Walpole Company, and Lord
Hillsborough, the president, reported against it. This called
out Franklin's celebrated "Ohio Settlement," a paper written

with so much ability, that the King's council put by the official
report, and granted the petition, a step which mortified
the noble lord so much that he resigned his official station.[14]
The petition now needed only the royal sanction, which was
not given until August 14th, 1772; but in 1770, the Ohio
Compay was merged in Walpole's, and the claims of the
soldiers of 1756 being acknowledged both by the new company
and by government, all claims were quieted. Nothing
was ever done, however, under the grant to Walpole, the
Revolution soon coming upon America.[15] After the Revolution,
Mr. Walpole and his associates petitioned Congress
respecting their lands, called by them "Vandalia," but could
get no help from that body. What was finally done by Virginia
with the claims of this and other companies, we do not
find written, but presume their lands were all looked on as
forfeited.

During the ten years in which Franklin, Pownall, and their
friends were trying to get the great western land company
into operation, actual settlers were crossing the mountains all
too rapidly; for the Ohio Indians "viewed the settlements
with an uneasy and jealous eye," and "did not scruple to say,
that they must be compensated for their right, if people settled
thereon, notwithstanding the cession by the Six Nations."[16]
It has been said, also, that Lord Dunmore, then governor of
Virginia, authorized surveys and settlements on the western
lands, notwithstanding the proclamation of 1763; but Mr.
Sparks gives us a letter from him, in which this is expressly
denied.[17] However, surveyors did go down even to the Falls
of the Ohio, and the whole region south of the Ohio was
filling with white men. The futility of the Fort Stanwix treaty,
and the ignorance or contempt of it by the fierce Shawanese
are well seen in the meeting between them and Bullitt, one of
the early emigrants, in 1733.[18] Bullitt, on his way down the
Ohio, stopped, and singly sought the savages at one of their
towns. He then told them of his proposed settlement, and
his wish to live at peace with them; and said, that, as they
had received nothing under the treaty of 1768, it was intended
to make them presents the next year. The Indians considered

the talk of the Long-knife, and the next day agreed
to his proposed settlement, provided he did not disturb them
in their hunting south of the Ohio; a provision wholly inconsistent
with the Stanwix deed.

Among the earlier operators in western lands was Washington.
He had always regarded the proclamation of 1763 as
a mere temporary expedient to quiet the savages; and, being
better acquainted with the value of western lands than most
of those who could command means, he early began to buy
beyond the mountains. His agent in selecting lands was the
unfortunate Col. Crawford, afterwards burnt by the Indians.
In September, 1767, we find Washington writing to Crawford
on this subject, and looking forward to the occupation of the
western territory; in 1770, he crossed the mountains, going
down the Ohio to the mouth of the great Kanhawa; and in
1773 being entitled, under the king's proclamation of 1763,
(which gave a bounty to officers and soldiers who had served
in the French war,) to ten thousand acres of land, he became
deeply interested in the country beyond the mountains, and
had some correspondence respecting the importation of settlers
from Europe. Indeed, had not the Revolutionary war been
just then on the eve of breaking out, Washington would in all
probability have become the leading settler of the West, and
all our history, perhaps, have been changed.[19]

But while in England and along the Atlantic, men were
talking of peopling the west south of the river Ohio, a few
obscure individuals, unknown to Walpole, to Franklin, and to
Washington, were taking those steps which actually resulted
in its settlement.[21]

CHAPTER III.

THE WAR OF 1774—ITS COMMENCEMENT.

The Mingoes, Shawanese and other powerful western tribes,
feeling that they had been slighted in the Stanwix treaty—
their rights disregarded, their homes invaded, and their hunting
grounds wrested from them,—showed symptoms of great
dissatisfaction, which the more observing of the settlers were
not long in detecting. A deep and bitter feeling was evidently
setting in against the whites; but still, the Indians
remembered the war of 1763, and the terrible power of
Britain. The older and wiser of the sufferers seemed rather
disposed to submit to what seemed inevitable, than throw
themselves away in a vain effort to withstand the power and
influence which was exerted against them. Hopeless hatred,
it will thus be perceived, filled the breasts of the natives at
the period immediately preceding the war of 1774; a hatred
needing only a few acts of violence to kindle it into rage
and thirst for human blood. And such acts were not wanting;
in addition to the murder of several single Indians by
the frontier men, in 1772, five families of the natives on the
Little Kanawha, were killed, in revenge for the death of a
white family on Gauley river, although no evidence existed
to prove who had committed the last-named outrage. And
when 1774 came, a series of events, of which we can present
but a faint outline, led to excessive exasperation on both sides.
Pennsylvania and Virginia laid equal claim to Pittsburgh and
the adjoining country. In the war of 1754, doubt had existed
as to which colony the fork of the Ohio was situated in, and
the Old Dominion having been forward in the defence of the
contested territory, while her northern neighbor had been
very backward in doing anything in its favor, the Virginians

felt a certain claim upon the "Key of the West." This feeling
showed itself before 1763, and by 1773 appears to have
attained a very decided character.[22] Early in 1774, Lord
Dunmore, prompted very probably by Colonel Croghan, and
his nephew, Dr. John Conolly,[23] who had lived at Fort Pitt,
and was an intriguing and ambitious man, determined, by
strong measures, to assert the claims of Virginia upon Pittsburgh
and its vicinity, and despatched Connolly, with a
captain's commission, and with power to take possession of
the country upon the Monongahela, in the name of the king.
He issued his proclamation to the people, in the neighborhood
of Redstone and Pittsburgh, calling upon them to meet
upon the 24th and 25th of January, 1774, in order to be
embodied as Virginia militia. Arthur St. Clair, who then
represented the proprietors of Pennsylvania in the west, was
at Pittsburgh at the time, and arrested Connolly before the
meeting took place.

Connolly, soon after, was for a short time released by the
sheriff, upon the promise to return to the law's custody, which
promise he broke however; and having collected a band of
followers, on the 28th of March came again to Pittsburgh,
still asserting the claim of Virginia to the government. Then
commenced a series of contests, outrages and complaints,
which were too extensive and complicated to be described
within our limited space. The upshot of the matter was this,

that Connolly, in Lord Dunmore's name, and by his authority,
took and kept possession of Fort Pitt; and as it had been dismantled
and nearly destroyed by royal orders, rebuilt it, and
named it Fort Dunmore.[24]

At the time of issuing his proclamation, he wrote to the
settlers along the Ohio, that the Shawanese were not to be
trusted; that they had declared open hostility to the whites;
and he (Connolly) desired all to be in readiness to redress any
grievances that would occur. One of these circulars was addressed
to Captain Michael Cresap, then at or near Wheeling.

A few days previous to the date of Connolly's letter (April
21,) a canoe loaded with goods for the Shawanese

towns, the property of a Pittsburgh merchant
named Butler, had been attacked by three Cherokee Indians,
about sixty miles above, and one of the whites killed. This of
course caused considerable sensation in the neighborhood of
Wheeling. The people, too, aroused by the false cry of Connolly,
became greatly excited; and when, a few days after, it
was reported that a boat containing Indians was coming down
the river, a resolution was at once taken to attack them.

Several men, one of whom it is alleged was Captain Cresap,
started up the river, and firing upon the canoe, killed two
Indians, whom they scalped. On the following day[26] several
canoes containing Indians[27] were discovered a short distance

above the island. Pursuit was immediately given; and that
night, while the Indians were encamped near the mouth of
Captina creek, twenty miles below Wheeling, the whites
attacked them, killing one and wounding several of the
company.

These were clearly the exciting causes to the war of 1774.
It is true, however, as already stated, the magazine was
charged, and needed but the match to produce instantaneous
explosion. That match was fired by the murderer's torch
at Captina and Yellow creek, (presently to be noticed,) and
dreadful was the effect of that explosion.

A question of some importance now arises—one which we
would fain avoid, but which our duty compels us to meet—
and that is, what part did Captain Cresap take in the outset
of this war? Most unfortunately for the memory of a brave
and chivalrous soldier, his name has become so blended with
the principal events of this dark page in our history, that it
seems an almost hopeless task to controvert any of the points
made by previous writers upon the subject.

So intimately associated has been Captain Cresap's name
with these unfortunate and tragical occurrences, that this
bloody record in our history—the war of 1774, has been, and
by many still is, styled "Cresap's war."

Viewing the whole matter with a mind free from bias, or
if prejudiced at all, confessedly in favor of the arraigned,
we candidly acknowledge that the evidence before us bears
strongly against him in the affairs at Wheeling and Captina;
but wholly exculpates him from any participation in the diabolical
transaction at Yellow creek. This we think the extent
of his guilt, in the occurrences which led to the fierce and
sanguinary conflict between the natives and whites on our
western border, in the summer and fall of 1774.

Whilst upon this subject, we may take occasion to state,
that in our opinion one unfortunate error has been committed
by most, if not all, of Captain Cresap's friends, and that has
been, in not stating exactly what he did. It cannot but have

been known to Mr. Jacob and others, who have set up as the
special defenders of Captain Cresap, that he did make one of
the party who killed the two Indians near Wheeling, and also
that he was engaged in the affair at Captina. Concealment
of these facts has done irreparable injustice to the memory of
a brave and gallant soldier. Had they conceded this much,
but insisted upon his innocence of that other heinous charge,
most of the calumny now afloat would have been saved, and
the memory of Captain Cresap not been tarnished by that one
foul stain, from the mere contemplation of which, civilized
man turns with an involuntary shudder. This, we conceive,
has been the fatal error. A uniform denial, for Captain
Cresap, of all participation in the border outrages of 1774,
left no alternative with those who knew differently, but to
believe that he was connected with all.

Captain Cresap's known and avowed participation[28] in the
affairs at Wheeling and Captina, and the murder of Logan's
family at Baker's bottom so soon thereafter, very reasonably
caused many to believe that he did compose one of the latter
party.

Logan thought so himself; and so asserted, not only in his
celebrated speech at Camp Charlotte, but also in other oral
and written declarations.[29]

We come now to the last, and by far the most tragic part of
this drama. George Rogers Clark, one of the most distinguished
men of his day in the west, was at Wheeling at the
time of these occurrences. It is not likely that such a man
would be mistaken, and we therefore give his statement
almost entire. It is from a letter written in June, 1798, to a
friend of Mr. Jefferson, who sought information as to the
affairs to which it refers.

This country was explored in 1773. A resolution was
formed to make a settlement the spring following, and the
mouth of the Little Kanawha appointed the place of general
rendezvous, in order to descend the river from thence in a
body. Early in the spring the Indians had done some mischief.
Reports from their towns were alarming, which
deterred many. About eighty or ninety men only arrived
at the appointed rendezvous, where we lay some days.

A small party of hunters, that lay about ten miles below
us, were fired upon by the Indians, whom the hunters beat
back, and returned to camp. This and many other circumstances
led us to believe that the Indians were determined on
war. The whole party was enrolled and determined to execute
their project of forming a settlement in Kentucky, as we
had every necessary store that could be thought of. An
Indian town called the Horsehead Bottom, on the Scioto and
near its mouth, lay nearly in our way. The determination
was to cross the country and surprise it. Who was to command?
was the question. There were but few among us that
had experience in Indian warfare, and they were such that
we did not choose to be commanded by. We knew of Capt.
Cresap being on the river about fifteen miles above us, with
some hands, settling a plantation; and that he had concluded
to follow us to Kentucky as soon as he had fixed there his
people. We also knew that he had been experienced in a
former war. He was proposed; and it was unanimously
agreed to send for him to command the party. Messengers
were despatched, and in half an hour returned with Cresap.
He had heard of our resolution by some of his hunters, that
had fallen in with ours, and had set out to come to us.

We now thought our army, as we called it, complete, and
the destruction of the Indians sure. A council was called,
and, to our astonishment, our intended commander-in-chief

was the person who dissuaded us from the enterprise. He
said that appearances were very suspicious, but there was no
certainty of a war. That if we made the attempt proposed,
he had no doubt of our success; but a war would, at any rate,
be the result, and that we should be blamed for it, and perhaps
justly. But if we were determined to proceed, he would
lay aside all considerations, send to his camp for his people,
and share our fortunes.

He was then asked what he would advise. His answer
was, that we should return to Wheeling as a convenient post,
to hear what was going forward. That a few weeks would
determine. As it was early in the spring, if we found the
Indians were not disposed for war, we should have full time
to return and make our establishment in Kentucky. This was
adopted; and in two hours the whole were under way. As
we ascended the river, we met Kill-buck, an Indian chief,
with a small party. We had a long conference with him, but
received little satisfaction as to the disposition of the Indians.
It was observed that Cresap did not come to this conference,
but kept on the opposite side of the river. He said that he
was afraid to trust himself with the Indians. That Kill-buck
had frequently attempted to waylay his father, to kill him.
That if he crossed the river, perhaps his fortitude might fail
him, and that he might put Kill-buck to death. On our arrival
at Wheeling, (the country being pretty well settled thereabouts,)
the whole of the inhabitants appeared to be alarmed.
They flocked to our camp from every direction; and all that
we could say could not keep them from under our wings. We
offered to cover their neighborhood with scouts, until further
information, if they would return to their plantations; but
nothing would prevail. By this time we had got to be a formidable
party. All the hunters, men without families, etc.,
in that quarter, had joined our party.

Our arrival at Wheeling was soon known at Pittsburgh.
The whole of that country, at that time, being under the
jurisdiction of Virginia, Dr. Connolly had been appointed by
Dunmore, Captain Commandant of the District, which was
called Wagusta. He, learning of us, sent a message addressed
to the party, letting us know that war was to be apprehended,
and requesting that we would keep our position for a few
days; as messages had been sent to the Indians, and a few
days would determine the doubt. The answer he got, was,
that we had no inclination to quit our quarters for some time.

That during our stay we should be careful that the enemy did
not harass the neighborhood that we lay in. But before this
answer could reach Pittsburgh, he sent a second express,
addressed to Capt. Cresap, as the most influential man amongst
us, informing him that the messages had returned from the
Indians, that war was inevitable, and begging him to use his
influence with the party, to get them to cover the country by
scouts until the inhabitants could fortify themselves. The
reception of this letter was the epoch of open hostilities with
the Indians. A new post was planted, a council was called,
and the letter read by Cresap, all the Indian traders being
summoned on so important an occasion. Action was had,
and war declared in the most solemn manner; and the same
evening two scalps were brought into camp.[30]

The next day some canoes of Indians were discovered on
the river, keeping the advantage of an island to cover themselves
from our view. They were chased fifteen miles down
the river, and driven ashore. A battle ensued; a few were
wounded on both sides; one Indian only taken prisoner. On
examining their canoes, we[31] found a considerable quantity of
ammunition and other warlike stores. On our return to camp,
a resolution was adopted to march the next day, and attack
Logan's camp on the Ohio about thirty miles above us. We
did march about five miles, and then halted to take some refreshment.
Here the impropriety of executing the projected
enterprise was argued. The conversation was brought forward
by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed that those
Indians had no hostile intentions—as they were hunting, and
their party were composed of men, women, and children, with
all their stuff with them. This we knew; as I myself and
others present had been in their camp about four weeks past,
on our descending the river from Pittsburgh. In short, every
person seemed to detest the resolution we had set out with.
We returned in the evening, decamped, and took the road to
Redstone.

It was two days after this that Logan's family were killed.
And from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as
a horrid murder. From Logan's hearing of Cresap being at
the head of this party on the river, it is no wonder that he
supposed he had a hand in the destruction of his family.

CHAPTER IV.

WAPPATOMICA CAMPAIGN.

Well aware that a retaliatory blow would be given by the
Indians, the settlers along the frontier of Virginia lost no
time in erecting forts for their protection.[32] An express was
sent to Williamsburg, calling upon the governor for immediate
aid; the House of Burgesses being in session, measures were
at once adopted to protect the frontier and drive back the
savages. Andrew Lewis, then a member from Bottetourt,
proposed that an adequate force be raised and marched to the
frontier with the least possible delay. His proposition was
at once adopted and steps taken for carrying it into effect.
In the meantime, the Indians were murdering the whites
whenever an opportunity presented. Many of the traders
who had penetrated the Indian country, could not retrace
their steps in time, and thus fell before the merciless hand of
the destroyer. One of these, near the town of White-eyes,
the Peace Chief of the Delawares, was murdered, cut to
pieces, and the fragments of his body hung upon the bushes,
the kindly chief gathered them together and buried them.
The hatred of the murderers, however, led them to disinter
and disperse the remains of their victim anew; but the kindness
of the Delaware was as persevering as the hatred of his

brethren, and again he collected the scattered limbs and in a
secret place hid them.[33]

As considerable time must necessarily elapse before a large
force could be collected and marched from the east, it was
proposed, as the best means of diverting the Indians from the
frontier, that an invading force should be sent against their
towns. Accordingly, about the middle of June, (1774,) nearly
four hundred men rendezvoused at Wheeling, embracing some
of the most energetic and experienced on the frontier.
Col. Angus McDonald,[34] by whom this force was to be commanded,
not having arrived, but being daily expected, the
different companies under their respective commanders, went
down the river in boats to the mouth of Captina creek,
(twenty miles), at which place they were joined by Colonel
McDonald, and thence proceeded to the Indian town, Wappatomica,
which was ten or fifteen miles below the present
Coshocton. In the command of Col. McDonald were some of
the first and bravest men in the west. James Wood, afterwards
Governor of Virginia, Daniel Morgan, the distinguished
general of revolutionary memory, Michael Cresap, and others
who became prominent, commanded companies. The expedition
was piloted by Jonathan Zane, Thomas Nicholson and
Tady Kelly, the first of whom had no superior as a wood-craftman.

The Indians having been notified by scouts of their approach,

3 Their route led along the old Indian trail toward the lakes.

formed an ambush, and as the whites came up,
opened upon them a brisk and stunning fire. But two of
our men, however, were killed, although several were badly
wounded. The Indians had one killed and a number wounded,
but their exact loss was not ascertained, as both wounded and
dead were borne from the field. A never failing characteristic
of the dying savage is, a desire that his body may not
fall into the hands of his pale-faced antagonist.

The army after this slight interruption, proceeded on its
way to the Indian town, which was found evacuated. It was
immediately discovered that the Indians were concealed on
the opposite side of the river, waiting for the whites to cross.
Col. McDonald determined to remain where he was, but took
the precaution to despatch messengers up and down the river,
to watch if the enemy should attempt to cross.

The Indians finding the whites would not follow in pursuit,
sued for peace. This was offered on condition that they sent
over their chiefs as hostages. Five accordingly crossed over.
Early on the following morning these chiefs were marched in
front of the army to the western bank of the river.

It was then ascertained that the Indians could not treat
until the chiefs of the other tribes were present. To secure
these, one of the hostage chiefs was sent off; but not returning
in time, a second was despatched on the same errand, and he
not returning, Col. McDonald, who now began to suspect
treachery, marched his army rapidly against the upper towns
(one and a half miles distant), when it was found that the inhabitants
had also been removed. A slight skirmish with a
concealed body of Indians here took place, in which one of
the enemy was killed and one of our men wounded. Colonel
McDonald now ordered the towns to be burned and the crops
destroyed. The army returned to Wheeling and was disbanded.
The three remaining hostages were sent to Williamsburg,
where they were kept until after the treaty of Dunmore,
in November following.

The army suffered much from want of provisions. Each
man was put upon an allowance of one ear of corn per day.

This invasion did little in the way of intimidating the
savages. They continued to collect their forces, and pushed
forward at the same time, predatory bands, to the great
annoyance of the settlers along the Ohio, Monongahela and
their tributaries.

One of the first of these marauding parties was headed by
Logan, who, burning with revenge for the murder of his
family, had "raised the hatchet," and sworn vengeance
against the guilty.[35]

CHAPTER V.

DUNMORE'S CAMPAIGN.

In the east, the effort to organize a force sufficient to
operate with effect against the savages, proved successful,
and two bodies, numbering in all nearly twenty-five hundred,
were collected,—one in the counties of Augusta, Bottetourt,
&c., and the other in Frederick, Shenandoah, &c.

The first of these was placed under the command of
General Andrew Lewis, who rendezvoused at Camp Union,[37]
now Lewisburg, while the governor in person commanded
the second.

By the 1st of September, General Lewis only awaited the
arrival of Col. Christian, and orders from Lord Dunmore, to
march. In a few days a messenger reached him with orders
from Dunmore to meet him on the 2d of October, at the
mouth of Kanawha. On the 11th, he struck his tents and
commenced the line of march through an unknown and trackless
wilderness.

The division of General Lewis numbered between one
thousand and twelve hundred men, composed of the very
flower of the Virginia Valley.[38]

Captain Arbuckle, an experienced and skilful frontier-man,
conducted the division to the river, which they reached on the
30th, after a fatiguing march of nineteen days.

General Lewis was greatly disappointed in not meeting
Dunmore, and still more in not hearing from him. It was
not until the morning of the 9th, that a messenger[39] reached
him, bringing information that the plan of the campaign had
been changed, and ordering him to march direct to the Indian
towns on the Scioto, where the other division would join him.
Arrangements were accordingly made preparatory to leaving,
and on the following morning, (Monday, October 10th,) Gen.
Lewis intended moving, as directed. Shortly after daybreak,
on the morning referred to, two soldiers who had gone
up the Ohio to hunt, discovered a large body of Indians just
rising from their encampment. The men were fired upon and
one killed, but the other escaping returned to camp, hallooing
as he ran, that he had seen "a body of Indians covering four
acres of ground."[40]

All was, of course, surprise and confusion in the camp of
the whites, but the commander-in-chief, "calm as a summer
morning," lighted his pipe with the utmost sang froid, and
ordered out the regiment under Col. Lewis, supposing that the
discovery of the soldiers was merely that of a scouting party

of Indians, similar to such as had watched the movements of
the army since leaving Fort Savannah.

Colonel Lewis had barely passed the outer guard, when the
enemy in great number appeared and commenced the attack.
Col. Fleming was now ordered to reinforce Col. Lewis, and
soon the battle raged with unparalleled fury. The sun had
just risen, and was gilding with his bright autumnal tints the
tops of the surrounding hills when the battle commenced, and
not until it had sunk low in the heavens, did the sanguinary
conflict materially abate.

Colonel Lewis was mortally wounded at an early hour in
the engagement, but with a resolute devotion rarely equalled,
concealed the character of his wound until the line of battle
had been fairly formed. He then sunk exhausted from loss
of blood, and was carried to his tent, where he died about
twelve o'clock. A braver, truer or more gallant soldier the
country has rarely produced; and it is a burning shame that
his memory, as well as that of the brave men who fell with
him, has not been perpetuated in some appropriate and
enduring form on the scene of this memorable conflict.

On the fall of Col. Lewis, the line of his men stretching
along the high ground skirting Crooked run,[41] which was the
first attacked and had sustained the heaviest fire, gave symptoms
of irresolution, and momentarily did fall back; but Col.
Fleming speedily rallying them, maintained the fortunes of
the day until he, too, was struck down and borne bleeding
from the field.

The troops now gave way, and in all probability would
have been routed had not Gen. Lewis ordered up Col. Field
with a fresh reinforcement. This command met the retreating
troops and rallied them to the contest. The fight
now became more desperate than ever, and was maintained by
both parties with consummate skill, energy and valor. The

BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT.

Indians, sure of success when they beheld the ranks give way
after the fall of Lewis and Fleming, became frantic with rage
when they saw the reinforcement under Col. Field. With
convulsive grasp they seized their weapons, and would have
rushed headlong upon the whites had the latter not kept up a
steady and most galling fire, which seemed to have the double
effect of thinning their ranks and cooling their rage. The
battle scene was now terribly grand. There stood the combatants;
terror, rage, disappointment and despair riveted
upon the painted faces of one, while calm resolution, and the
unbending will to do, were strongly and unmistakably marked
upon the other. Neither party, says an eye-witness, "would
retreat; neither could advance. The noise of the firing was
tremendous. No single gun could be distinguished, but it
was one constant roar. The rifle and tomahawk now did their
work with dreadful certainty. The confusion and perturbation
of the camp had now arrived at its greatest height.
The confused noise and wild uproar of battle added greatly
to the terror of the scene. The shouting of the whites, the
continual roar of fire-arms, the war-whoop and dismal yelling
of the Indians, sounds harsh and grating when heard separately,
became by mixture and combination highly discordant
and terrific. Add to this the constant succession of the dead
and wounded, brought off from the battle-field, many of these
with shattered limbs and lacerated flesh, pale, ghastly and
disfigured, and besmeared with gore, their `garments rolled in
blood,' and uttering doleful cries of lamentation and distress;
others faint, feeble and exhausted by loss of blood, scarcely
able with quivering lips to tell their ail to passers-by. Sounds
and sights and circumstances such as these were calculated to
excite general solicitude for the issue of the battle, and alarm
in each individual for his own personal safety. Early in the
day General Lewis had ordered a breast-work to be constructed
from the Ohio to the Kanawha, thus severing the
camp from the neighboring forest. This breast-work was
formed by felling trees and so disposing of their trunks and
branches, as to form a barrier which was difficult to pass. It
was designed that should the enemy gain an ascendancy in
the field, this barrier might prevent their entrance into the
camp, while at the same time it might serve as a protection
to the garrison that was within."

About twelve o'clock the Indian fire began to slacken, and
the enemy were seen slowly to retire. A desultory fire was
kept up from behind trees; and often, as the Virginians
pressed too hotly upon the retreating foe, were they fatally
ambuscaded.

Gen. Lewis, noticing the manœuvres of the enemy, detached
three companies commanded respectively by Captains
John Stuart, George Matthews and Isaac Shelby,[42] with
orders to move quietly beneath the banks of the Kanawha
and Crooked run, so as to gain the enemy's rear.

This manœuvre was so handsomely executed that the savages
became alarmed, and fairly gave up the fight about 4 o'clock.
The victory of the Virginians was complete. During the
night the Indian army crossed the Ohio, and made off. The
gradual retreat of the Indians was one of the most masterly
things of the kind ever undertaken in the west. Cornstalk
alternately led on his men, and then fell back in such a manner
as to hold the whites in check and uncertainty. Between
11 o'clock A.M. and 4 P.M., the Indian army fell back more
than three miles. This gave them an opportunity to bear
off their wounded and dead.

This battle scene, in an unbroken wilderness on the Ohio,
is described as having been one of the most thrilling affairs
that ever took place on our western frontier. The line of
battle was at times nearly a mile long, and often throughout
its entire length gleamed the blended flame from Indian and
provincial rifles.

The Indians, under the lead of experienced and able chiefs,
were confident of success, and fought with a desperation
which no language can describe.

The exact losses sustained by the respective parties were
never fully ascertained, as the Indians were known to have
thrown many of their dead into the Ohio. Their loss has
been estimated at about one hundred and fifty, while that of
the provincials in killed and wounded was over two hundred;
more than one-fourth of the whole number actually engaged.
The annals of history do not show another instance where
undisciplined troops held out so successfully and for so long a
time against a foe vastly their numerical superior.

At least one hundred of Gen. Lewis' men were absent,
hunting, and knew nothing of the battle until evening.[43]

The Indian army was composed principally of Delawares,
Mingos, Iroquois, Wyandotts and Shawanese. It was commanded
by Cornstock, the celebrated and noble-minded
Shawanese chief, whose melancholy end at the same place on
a subsequent occasion, and under circumstances of the most
revolting treachery, cannot be dwelt upon, even at this late
day, without feelings of melancholy regret.

Logan assisted in the command, and burned to revenge the
past wrongs which he had received at the hands of the "Long-knives."

In this prolonged and bloody battle the brave Virginians

suffered terribly. Of the killed were Colonels Lewis[44] and
Field,[45] Captains Morrow, Buford, Ward, Murray, Cundiff,
Wilson and McClenachan; Lieutenants Allen, Goldsby and
Dillon, with many gallant subalterns, whose names we have
not been able to ascertain.[46]

The Indian army is said to have comprised the pick of the
northern confederated tribes. Cornstock's towering form
was seen rapidly hurrying through their midst, and every
now and anon, when he found the spirits of his men were flagging,
was heard to exclaim in his native tongue, "Be strong!
be strong!" One of his warriors showing signs of fear, the
savage chieftain slew him at the moment with his tomahawk.[47]

Gen. Lewis having buried his dead, and thrown up a rude
fortress for the protection of the wounded, which he gave in
charge of a sufficient force; crossed the Ohio to meet Dunmore
at the point designated. He moved rapidly forward,
and in an unprecedented short period reached the Pickawy

plains. Here he was met by a message from Dunmore,
ordering him to stop, as he (Dunmore) was about negotiating
a treaty of peace with the Indians. Indignant at the manner
he had been treated, and finding himself threatened by a
superior force of Indians, who kept constantly in his rear,
General Lewis disregarded the earl's orders, and pushed on.

A second flag was now sent, but treating it as he had done
the first, Gen. Lewis continued to advance until he had reached
within three miles of the governor's camp. Dunmore now
became uneasy, and accompanied by White-Eyes, a noted
Indian chief, visited Gen. Lewis, and peremptorily ordered
him to halt. It is asserted by some, that at this juncture it
was with much difficulty Gen. Lewis could restrain his men
from killing Dunmore and his Indian companion.[48]

Gen. Lewis' orders were to return forthwith to Point Pleasant;
there to leave a force sufficient to protect the place,
and a supply of provisions for the wounded, then to lead the
balance of the division to the place of rendezvous, and disband
them. Dunmore returned to camp Charlotte, and concluded
a treaty with the Indians.[49] The chief speaker on the
part of the Indians was Cornstalk, who openly charged the
whites with being the sole cause of the war, enumerating the
many provocations which the Indians had received, and dwelling
with great force and emphasis upon the diabolical murder
of Logan's family. This great chief spoke in the most vehement
and denunciatory style. His loud, clear voice was
distinctly heard over the whole camp of twelve acres. Cornstalk
had from the first, opposed a war with the whites, and

when his scouts reported the advance of Gen. Lewis' division,
the sagacious chief did all he could to restrain his men, and
keep them from battle. But all his remonstrances were in
vain, and it was then he told them, "As you are determined
to fight, you shall fight." After their defeat, and return
home, a council was convened to determine upon what was
next to be done. The stern old chief rising, said, "What
shall we do now? The Long-knives are coming upon us by
two routes. Shall we turn out and fight them?" No response
being made, he continued, "Shall we kill all our squaws and
children, and then fight until we are all killed ourselves?"
Still the congregated warriors were silent, and after a moment's
hesitation, Cornstalk struck his tomahawk into the
war post, and with compressed lips and flashing eye, gazed
around the assembled group, then with great emphasis spoke,
"Since you are not inclined to fight, I will go and make
peace."

This distinguished chief was one of the most remarkable
men his race has ever produced. He possessed in an eminent
degree all the elements of true greatness. Colonel Wilson,
who was present at the interview between the chief and Lord
Dunmore, thus speaks of the chieftain's bearing.[50]

But there was one who would not attend the camp of Lord
Dunmore, and that was Logan. The Mingoe chief felt the chill
of despair at his heart; his very soul seemed frozen within
him; and although he would not interpose obstacles to an
amicable adjustment of existing difficulties, still he could not
meet the Long-knives in council as if no terrible stain of blood
rested upon their hands. He remained at a distance, brooding
in melancholy silence over his accumulated wrongs during

most of the time his friends were negotiating. But Dunmore
felt the importance of at least securing his assent; and for
that purpose sent a special messenger, Colonel John Gibson,
who waited upon the chief at his wigwam.

The messenger in due time returned, bringing with him the
celebrated speech which has given its author an immortality,
almost as imperishable as that of the great Athenian orator.[51]

It is due perhaps, in candor, to state that the authenticity
of this celebrated speech has been questioned. To all, however,
who have examined the testimony carefully, and with an
unprejudiced eye, the conclusions in favor of its genuineness
are overwhelming. A great deal of unnecessary bitterness
has been shown by friends for and against this simple but
touching appeal of the native chieftain. The friends of
Cresap, feeling that he had been undeservedly reproached,
were not willing to let his memory rest under the charges;
while on the other hand, Mr. Jefferson and his friends, conceiving
that his veracity had been attacked, exhibited much

warmth and determination to establish the charge by confirming
the speech.

But, the question of authenticity, we think should not
depend upon the extent of Cresap's participation in the crime
charged by Logan. As stated elsewhere, Logan was deceived
as to the facts. Cresap, at that time, was one of the most
prominent men on the frontier, and was known to have taken
an active and energetic part in the defence of the settlements.
He was known to have been engaged in the Captina affair,
and is it therefore strange that he should have been charged
with this third, or Yellow creek murder, occurring as it did
only a few days after that at Captina? The circumstances
certainly were strongly against him, and nothing but such a
statement as that of Col. Clark, now submitted, could have
availed to rescue his memory from the heavy reproach which
was fast settling upon it. We therefore repeat, that it was
not strange Logan should have been deceived. According to
Doddridge, many of the settlers—those living in the neighborhood,
and whose opportunities should have enabled them to
know the facts, were mislead.

Mr. Jefferson, we think, at a very early day, had his confidence
in the fullness of the charge against Cresap considerably
shaken. The late John Caldwell of Wheeling creek,
one of the earliest settlers in Ohio county, was one of the
persons to whom Mr. Jefferson made application for facts
concerning the unfortunate affair at Yellow creek. The affidavit
which he gave, but which was never published, went far
to exculpate Cresap from all immediate participation in that
melancholy affair. But, we again repeat, whatever may have
been Cresap's connection with the Yellow creek murder, it
should not materially affect the genuineness of Logan's speech.
He felt and believed that Cresap was the man, and so declared.
If mistaken in the perpetrator, why should that one single
error militate against the entire production?

But, to return from this digression. A treaty was concluded

at Camp Charlotte,[52] in the month of November,
and the war known as Dunmore's, Cresap's, and Logan's
terminated. By this, the Shawanese agreed not to molest
travellers, or hunt south of the Ohio River.[53] The termination
of this war greatly dissatisfied the Virginians, who had
marched many hundred miles through an unbroken wilderness
to chastise the savages. Now that they were within their
grasp, and about to strike an effective blow, to be thus compelled
to return on the mere feint of a treaty, was, to them,
entirely inexplicable.

The conduct of Dunmore could not be understood except
by supposing him to act with reference to the expected contest
between England and her colonies, a motive which the
colonists regarded as little less than treasonable.[54] And here
we wish to notice a statement given as a curious instance of
historical puzzles by Mr. Whittlesey, in his address before the
Ohio Historical Society, delivered in 1841, at page 28.[55]

In 1831, a steamboat was detained a few hours near the
house of Mr. Curtis, on the Ohio, a short distance above the
mouth of the Hockhocking, and General Clark[56] came ashore.
He inquired respecting the remains of a fort or encampment
at the mouth of the Hockhocking river, as it is now called.
He was told that there was evidence of a clearing of several

acres in extent, and that pieces of guns and muskets had been
found on the spot; and also, that a collection of several hundred
bullets had been discovered on the bank of the Hockhocking,
about twenty-five miles up the river. General Clark
then stated, that the ground had been occupied as a camp by
Lord Dunmore, who came down the Kanawha with 300 men
in the spring of 1775, with the expectation of treating with
the Indians here. The chiefs not making their appearance,
the march was continued up the river twenty-five or thirty
miles, where an express from Virginia overtook the party.
That evening a council was held and lasted very late at night.
In the morning the troops were disbanded, and immediately
requested to enlist in the British service for a stated period.
The contents of the despatches had not transpired when this
proposition was made. A major of militia, by the name of
McCarty, made an harangue to the men against enlisting,
which seems to have been done in an eloquent and effectual
manner. He referred to the condition of the public mind in
the colonies, and the probability of a revolution, which must
soon arrive. He represented the suspicious circumstances of
the express, which was still a secret to the troops, and that
appearances justified the conclusion, that they were required
to enlist in a service against their own countrymen, their own
kindred, their own homes. The consequence was, that but
few of the men re-enlisted, and the majority, choosing the
orator as a leader, made the best of their way to Wheeling.
The news brought out by the courier proved to be an account
of the opening combat of the Revolution at Lexington, Massachusetts,
April 20, 1775. General Clark stated that himself
(or his brother) was in the expedition.

Lord Dunmore is said to have returned to Virginia by way
of the Kanawha river.

There are very few historical details sustained by better
authority than the above relation. Desirous of reconciling
this statement with history, I addressed a letter to General
Clark, requesting an explanation, but his death, which happened
soon after, prevented a reply.[57]

This we know cannot be true in the form in which it is
stated. The battle of Lexington was on April 19th; on April

21st, Lord Dunmore removed the powder from the public storehouse
at Williamsburg on board a King's vessel, and was
thenceforward at Williamsburg. June 5th he informs the
Assembly that he had meant to go West and look after Indian
matters, but had been too busy.[58] It is one of many instances
showing how sceptical we should be where a single person
testifies, and especially from memory.[59]

The charge of treasonable design so industriously made
against Dunmore, although plausible in part, is not sustained
by facts and circumstances. That his course was not disapproved
at the time is clear from the fact, he was thanked for
his conduct by the Virginia Convention, at the head of which
stood Washington, Randolph, the Lees, &c. &c. He was also
thanked by the House of Burgesses, and received an address
praising his proceedings, from the people of Fincastle County.
(American Archives, fourth series, ii. 301, 170.)

CHAPTER VI.

INDIANS EMPLOYED AS ALLIES.

The peace effected by Dunmore continued during most of
the year 1775. Occasionally, however, there were symptoms
of awakening hostility on the part of the Shawanese and other
confederated tribes, instigated no doubt by agents of England,
for by this time the contest between the two countries had
fairly commenced.

The frontier people trembled at the anticipated danger of
an alliance between Britain and the Indians; for they well
knew that such an influence would be powerful and full of
peril.

In the north Col. Guy Johnson, son-in-law of Sir William
Johnson, who had died suddenly in May, 1774, was the King's
agent, and using every endeavor to bring over the six nations.
This fact was known in the west, and the people naturally felt
uneasy lest a similar effort should be made upon the western
tribes. Those apprehensions, unhappily, were soon to be
realized. The keen eye of Washington too, was not long in
discerning the fatal consequences of the western savages
becoming united under the King's banner. Accordingly, on
the 19th of April, 1776, the commander-in-chief wrote to Congress,
saying, as the Indians would soon be engaged, either
for or against, he would suggest that they be engaged for the
colonies;[60] upon the 3d of May, the report on this was considered;
upon the 25th of May it was resolved to be highly
expedient to engage the Indians for the American service;

and, upon the 3d of June, the general was empowered to
raise two thousand, to be employed in Canada. Upon the
17th of June, Washington was authorized to employ them
where he pleased, and to offer them rewards for prisoners;
and, upon the 8th of July, he was empowered to call out as
many of the Nova Scotia and neighboring tribes as he saw
fit.[61]

Such was the course of proceeding, on the part of the colonies,
with regard to the employment of the Indians. The
steps, at the time, were secret, but now the whole story is
before the world. Not so, however, with regard to the acts
of England; as to them, we have but few of the records placed
within our reach. One thing, however, is known, namely,
that while the colonies offered their allies of the woods rewards
for prisoners, some of the British agents gave them money for
scalps[62] —a proceeding that cannot find any justification.

In accordance with the course of policy thus pursued, the
north-western tribes, already angered by the constant invasions
of their territory by the hunters of Virginia and Carolina,
and easily accessible by the lakes, were soon enlisted on the
side of England; and had a Pontiac been alive to lead them,
might have done much mischief. As it was, during the
summer of 1776, their straggling parties so filled the woods
of Virginia and Kentucky, that no one outside of a fort was
safe.[63]

CHAPTER VII.

MURDER OF CORNSTALK.

The entire frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania now
became the theatre of renewed Indian depredations, and the
scene of a most fierce and sanguinary war. The pioneer
settlers shut themselves up in blockhouses, and never ventured
out without the tomahawk and rifle. Still, notwithstanding
this precaution, they were often shot down by the too vigilant
savage. Britain had enlisted under her banner the tomahawk
and scalping knife, and terror seized the almost defenceless
frontierman, as he thought of the unequal chances
against which he had to contend.

In consequence of these Indian murders along the frontier,
it was determined to place an efficient force at Wheeling,
Point Pleasant, &c., whose presence, it was supposed, would
have the effect to overawe the savages, and keep them from
penetrating to the interior. Most of the western tribes were
allied with England, except the Shawanese, and they had
only been restrained by the powerful influence of their great
chief, Cornstalk. At length, they too, yielded to the potent
arguments of British agents, and were preparing to espouse
the cause of England against the colonies. Cornstalk, anxious
to preserve peace, determined to visit the garrison at Point
Pleasant, and use his influence to avert the threatened blow.
In the Spring of 1777, he came to the fort on this friendly
mission, accompanied by Red Hawk, a noted young Delaware
chief, who had fought with distinction by the side of Cornstalk
at the same place in 1774. A third chief also made
one of the party. Captain Matthew Arbuckle commanded

the fort at the time, and when he had heard Cornstalk's
straight-forward statement, that the Shawanese were determined
to join the other Western and Northern tribes, and
that hostilities would commence immediately, Captain A.
deemed it prudent to detain the old chief and his companions
as hostages for the good behaviour of his tribe. Captain
Arbuckle immediately communicated to the new State government
of Virginia, the facts received from Cornstalk.

Upon the receipt of this intelligence, it was resolved, if
volunteers could be had for the purpose, to march an army
into the Indian country, and effectually accomplish the objects
which had been proposed in the campaign of Dunmore.
The volunteers in Augusta and Bottetourt, were to rendezvous
as early as possible, at the mouth of the Big Kanawha, where
they would be joined by other troops under General Hand,
who would then assume the command of the whole expedition.

In pursuance of this resolve, three or four companies only,
were raised in the counties of Bottetourt and Augusta; and
these immediately commenced their march, to the place of
general rendezvous, under the command of Colonel George
Skillern. In the Greenbriar country, great exertions were
made by the militia officers, to obtain volunteers, but with
little effect. But one company was formed, of thirty men, and
the officers, laying aside all distinctions of rank, placed themselves
in the line as common soldiers, and proceeded to Point
Pleasant with the troops of Colonel Skillern. Upon their
arrival, nothing had been heard of General Hand, or of the
forces which it was expected would accompany him from Fort
Pitt; and the volunteers halted, to await some intelligence
from him.

The provisions, for the support of the army in its projected
invasion of the Indian country, were expected to be brought
down the river from Fort Pitt; and the troops under Colonel
Skillern had only taken with them what was deemed sufficient
for their subsistence on their march to the place of rendezvous.
This stock was nearly exhausted, and the garrison was
too illy supplied, to admit of their drawing on its stores.—
While thus situated, awaiting the arrival of General Hand
with his army and provisions, the officers held frequent conversations
with Cornstalk, who seemed to take pleasure in
acquainting them with the geography of the country west of

the Ohio river generally, and more particularly with that
section of it lying between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers.
One afternoon, while he was engaged in delineating on the
floor a map of that territory, with the various water courses
emptying into those two mighty streams, and describing the
face of the country, its soil and climate, a voice was heard
from the opposite side of the Ohio, which he immediately
recognized as that of his son Ellinipsico, and who, coming
over at the instance of Cornstalk, embraced him most affectionately.
Uneasy at the long absence of his father, the son
had made the visit to ascertain the cause of his delay.

On the day after the arrival of Ellinipsico, and while he
was yet in the garrison, two men, from Captain Hall's company
of Rockbridge volunteers, crossed the Kanawha river on
a hunting excursion. As they were returning to the canoe
for the purpose of recrossing to the fort, Gilmore was espied
by two Indians, concealed near the bank, who fired at, killed
and scalped him. A party of Captain Hall's men immediately
sprang into a canoe and went over to relieve Hamilton,
and to bring the body of Gilmore to the encampment. Before
they re-landed with the bloody corpse of Gilmore, a cry arose,
"Let us go and kill the Indians in the fort;" and pale with
rage they ascended the bank, with Captain Hall at their head,
to execute their horrid purpose. It was vain to remonstrate.
To the interference of Captains Arbuckle and Stuart to prevent
this bloody determination, they responded by cocking
their guns, and threatening instant death to any one who
should dare to oppose them.

The interpreter's wife, (who had lately returned from Indian
captivity, and seemed to entertain a feeling of affection
for Cornstalk and his companions,) seeing their danger, ran
to their cabin to apprize them of it, and told them that Ellinipsico
was charged with having brought with him the Indians
who had killed Gilmore. This, however, he positively denied,
averring that he came alone, and with the sole object of learning
something of his father. In this time Captain Hall and
his men had arrived within hearing, and Ellinipsico appeared
much agitated. Cornstalk, however, encouraged him to
meet his fate composedly, saying, "My son, the Great Spirit
has seen fit that we should die together, and has sent you here
to that end. It is his will and let us submit;—it is all for
the best;" and turning to meet his murderers at the door,
received seven bullets in his body and fell without a groan.

Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, Sachem of the Shawanese,

and king of the Northern confederacy. A chief
remarkable for many great and good qualities. He was disposed
to be at all times the friend of white men; as he ever
was the advocate of honorable peace. But when his country's
wrongs "called aloud to battle," he became the thunderbolt
of war; and made her oppressors feel the weight of his uplifted
arm. He sought not to pluck the scalp from the head of the
innocent, nor to war against the unprotected and defenceless;
choosing rather to encounter his enemies, girded for battle,
and in open conflict. His noble bearing,—his generous and
disinterested attachment to the colonies, when the thunder
of British cannon was reverberating through the land—his
anxiety to preserve the frontier of Virginia from desolation
and death, (the object of his visit to Point Pleasant)—all
conspired to win for him the esteem and respect of others;
while the untimely and perfidious manner of his death, caused
a deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms, even of
those who were enemies to his nation; and excited the just
indignation of all towards his inhuman and barbarous murderers.

Cornstalk is said to have had a presentiment of his approaching
fate. On the day preceding his death, a council of
officers was convoked, in consequence of the continued absence
of General Hand, and their entire ignorance of his
force or movements, to consult and determine on what would
be the course for them to pursue under existing circumstances.
Cornstalk was admitted to the council; and in the course of
some remarks, with which he addressed it, said, "When I
was young and went to war, I often thought each might be
my last adventure, and I should return no more. I still
lived. Now I am in the midst of you, and if you choose,
may kill me. I can die but once. It is alike to me, whether
now or hereafter."

General Hand reached Point Pleasant a few days after this
diabolical outrage. He brought no provisions for the Virginia
troops, and it was then resolved to abandon the expedition.

The Governor of Virginia offered a reward for the apprehension
of the murderers, but without avail. Congress, too,
made every suitable concession to the Shawanees, through
Colonel Morgan, but the savages would not be appeased;
and bitterly did the frontier suffer for this imprudent act of a
few lawless men.

CHAPTER VIII.

RENEWAL OF INDIAN HOSTILITIES.

Convinced that the Indians would, on the breaking up of
winter, make increased efforts to retrieve past losses, and also
to avenge the death of their slaughtered chief, the whites lost
no time in erecting new stockades, repairing old ones, and
making such other preparations for repelling the enemy, as
lay within their power.

But the settlers were not alone busy. Congress having
witnessed the success of England in buying up the savages,
determined to strike an effective blow against the allies,
hoping thereby, to deter them from further acts of violence
on the frontier. With this view, an expedition was ordered
against the confederated tribes, of such force as would
strike terror to their midst, and restrain them from further
aggression. Three thousand troops were to be furnished
by Virginia,—twenty-seven hundred from east of the mountains,
and three hundred from the west. Fifteen hundred
of these were to strike the Ohio by way of the Kanawha
valley, while the others were to assemble at Fort Pitt, and
thence proceed to effect a junction at Fort Randolph.[64] From
this point the united force was to march against the Indian
towns. Col. Morgan was directed to make every suitable
arrangement for provisioning this large number of men.
Whilst these preparations were making, General McIntosh,
who had been appointed to the command of the western
division, in place of General Hand, advanced across the

mountains with five hundred men, and proceeding to the
mouth of Beaver, twenty-eight miles below Pittsburg, erected
Fort McIntosh.[65] This was considered a most favorable
position for a body of troops to intercept parties of Indians
on their way against the settlements of Virginia and Pennsylvania.
The effect was very soon perceptible throughout
the entire frontier.

Before proceeding with the projected invasion, it was
thought prudent to convene the Delaware Indians, at Pittsburg,
and obtain their consent to march through their territory.
This was done the 17th of September, 1778, by
Andrew Lewis and Thomas Lewis, commissioners on the part
of the United States, and signed in presence of Lach.
McIntosh, Brigadier-general, commandant of the western
department; Daniel Brodhead, Colonel of the 8th Pennsylvania
regiment; William Crawford, Colonel; John Gibson,
Colonel 13th Virginia regiment, and several others.

In the course of the following month, General McIntosh
assembled one thousand men at the newly erected fort, and
marched into the enemy's country. The season was so far
advanced that the troops only proceeded about seventy miles
and halted on the west bank of the Tuscarawas river. Here,
on an elevated plain, it was concluded to build a stockaded
fort, which was named Fort Laurens, in honor of the President
of Congress. It was garrisoned with one hundred
and fifty men, and left under the command of Colonel Gibson,
and the army returned to Fort Pitt. The other branch of the
expedition, intended to be assembled at the mouth of the
Kanawha, was never collected, the increasing demand for men

in the east doubtless rendering it difficult to raise the number
demanded. Although no opposition was made to the progress
of the army under General McIntosh, as the hostile
Indians were hardly aware of his presence, before he had
again retreated; yet in January following, the Shawanese
and Wyandotts collected a large body of warriors and invested
the fort, cutting off all intercourse with Fort McIntosh, and
suffering no one to go in or to come out; watching it so
closely that it became very hazardous to procure either wood
or water.

Colonel Stone having most faithfully described this siege in
the wilderness, we will follow his account:—

"The first hostile demonstration of the forest warriors was
executed with equal cunning and success. The horses of the
garrison were allowed to forage for themselves upon the
herbage, among the dried prairie-grass immediately in the
vicinity of the fort, wearing bells, that they might be the
more easily found, if straying too far. It happened, one
morning in January, that the horses had all disappeared, but
the bells were heard, seemingly at no great distance. They
had, in truth, been stolen by the Indians, and conveyed away.
The bells, however, were taken off, and used for another purpose.
Availing themselves of the tall prairie-grass, the Indians
formed an ambuscade, at the farthest extremity of which they
caused the bells to jingle as a decoy. The artifice was successful.
A party of sixteen men was sent in pursuit of the
straggling steeds, who fell into the snare. Fourteen were
killed upon the spot, and the remaining two taken prisoners,
one of whom returned at the close of the war, and of the
other nothing was ever heard.

Towards evening of the same day, the whole force of the
Indians, painted, and in the full costume of war, presented
themselves in full view of the garrison, by marching in single
files, though at a respectful distance, across the prairie.
Their number, according to a count from one of the bastions,
was eight hundred and forty-seven; altogether too great to
be encountered in the field by so small a garrison. After
this display of their strength, the Indians took a position
upon an elevated piece of ground at no great distance from
the fort, though on the opposite side of the river. In this

situation they remained several weeks, in a state rather of
armed neutrality than of active hostility. Some of them
would frequently approach the fort sufficiently near to hold
conversations with those upon the walls. They uniformly
professed a desire for peace, but protested against the encroachments
of the white people upon their lands; more
especially was the erection of a fort so far within the territory
claimed by them as exclusively their own, a cause of
complaint, nay, of admitted exasperation. There was with
the Americans in the fort an aged friendly Indian, named
John Thompson, who seemed to be in equal favor with both
parties, visiting the Indian encampment at pleasure, and
coming and going as he chose. They informed Thompson
that they deplored the continuance of hostilities, and finally
sent word by him to Colonel Gibson that they were desirous
of peace, and if he would present them with a barrel of flour,
they would send in their proposals the next day. The flour
was sent, but the Indians, instead of fulfilling their part of
the stipulation, withdrew, and entirely disappeared. They
had, indeed, continued the siege as long as they could obtain
subsistence, and raised it only because of the lack of supplies.
Still, as the beleaguerment was begun in stratagem, so was it
ended. Colonel Gibson's provisions were also running short,
and, as he supposed the Indians had entirely gone off, he
directed Colonel Clark, of the Pennsylvania line, with a
detachment of fifteen men, to escort the invalids of the garrison,
amounting to ten or a dozen men, back to Fort McIntosh.
But the Indians had left a strong party of observation lurking
in the neighborhood of the fort, and the escort had proceeded
only two miles before it was fallen upon, and the whole
number killed with the exception of four, one of whom, a
captain, escaped back to the fort. The bodies of the slain
were interred by the garrison, on the same day, with the
honors of war.[66] A party was likewise sent out to collect the
remains of the fourteen who had first fallen by the ambuscade,
and bury them.

The situation of the garrison was now becoming deplorable.
For two weeks the men had been reduced to half-a-pound of
sour flour, and a like quantity of offensive meat, per diem;
and for a week longer they were compelled to subsist only
upon raw hides, and such roots as they could find in the circumjacent
woods and prairies, when General McIntosh most
opportunely arrived to their relief."

The fort was evacuated and the position abandoned. Thus
ended the disastrous occupancy of Fort Laurens, in which
much fatigue and suffering were endured, and many lives lost,
but with no material benefit to the country.

CHAPTER IX.

COLONEL BRODHEAD'S CAMPAIGN.

Colonel Daniel Brodhead having succeeded General
McIntosh, commanding the western division, determined to
strike an effective blow against the Indian towns on the
Muskingum. An expedition was accordingly fitted out in the
spring of 1781,[67] which rendezvoused at Wheeling, and proceeded
thence to the scene of their intended operations. It
embraced about eight hundred men, composed of some of the
most experienced Indian hunters on the frontiers of Virginia
and Pennsylvania. Colonel David Shepherd, of Wheeling
creek, was one of the party.

With the least practicable delay, the expedition crossed the
Ohio and moved rapidly towards the Indian towns, that they
might strike a decisive blow before the enemy should discover
their approach.

When the army had reached the river, a little below Salem,
the lowest Moravian town, Col. Brodhead sent an express to
the missionary of the place, the Rev. John Heckewelder, informing
him of his arrival in the neighborhood with his army,
requesting a small supply of provisions, and a visit from him
in his camp. The Christian Indians sent the supply of provisions,
and Mr. Heckewelder repaired to Col. Brodhead's camp.
Col. Brodhead then said, "that being on an expedition against
the hostile Indians, at or near the forks of the river, he was
anxious to know before he proceeded any further, whether
any of the Christian Indians were out hunting, or on business

in the direction he was going." Being answered in the negative,
he declared, that "nothing would give him greater pain,
than to hear that any one of the Moravian Indians had been
molested by his troops: as these Indians had conducted themselves
from the commencement of the war, in a manner that
did them honor."[68]

While, however, he was assuring Mr. Heckewelder that the
Christian Indians had nothing to fear, an officer came with
great speed from one quarter of the camp, and reported that
a particular division of the militia "were preparing to break
off for the purpose of destroying the Moravian settlements up
the river, and he feared they could not be restrained from
so doing. Col. Brodhead and Col. Shepherd of Wheeling,
immediately took such measures as prevented it.[69]

The army then proceeded until within a few miles of Coshocton,
when an Indian prisoner was taken. Soon after,
two more Indians were discovered and fired upon, but notwithstanding
one of them was wounded, both made their
escape.

Col. Brodhead, knowing that these two Indians would endeavor
to give immediate notice of the approach of the army,
ordered a rapid march, in order to reach the town before
them, and take it by surprise. This was done in the midst of a
heavy fall of rain, and the plan succeeded. The army reached
the place in three divisions,—the right and left wings approached
the river a little above and below the town, while
the centre marched directly upon it. The whole number
of the Indians in the village, on the east side of the river,
together with ten or twelve from a little village some distance
above, were made prisoners, without firing a single shot. The
river having risen to a great height, owing to the recent fall
of rain, the army could not cross it. Thus, the villages on the
west side of the river escaped destruction.

Among the prisoners, sixteen warriors were pointed out by
Pekillon, a friendly Delaware chief, who was with the army
of Col. Brodhead. A little after dark a council of war was
held, to determine on the fate of the warriors. They were
doomed to death. They were then bound, taken a little distance
below the town, dispatched with tomahawks and spears,
and scalped.

Early the next morning an Indian presented himself on the

opposite bank of the river, and asked for the "Big Captain."
Col. Brodhead presented himself, and asked the Indian what
he wanted? The Indian replied, "I want peace." "Send
over some of your chiefs," said Brodhead. "May be you kill?"
He was answered, "They shall not be killed." One of the
chiefs, a well looking man, came over the river and entered
into conversation with Col. Brodhead in the street; but while
engaged in conversation, a man belonging to the army, by
the name of John Wetzel, came up behind him, with a tomahawk
concealed in the bosom of his hunting shirt, and struck
him a blow on the back of his head. He fell, and instantly
expired.

About mid-day the army commenced its retreat from Coshocton.
Col. Brodhead committed the care of the prisoners
to the militia. They were about twenty in number. After
marching about a mile, the men commenced killing them, and
did not cease until the whole were murdered and scalped,
except a few women and children who were spared and taken
to Fort Pitt."[70]

THE SCOUT.

CHAPTER X.

WILLIAMSON'S CAMPAIGN.

This is a chapter in our history which we would fain drop,
and draw over it the curtain of oblivion, did not our duty
require us to speak in deference to a higher obligation. The
murder of the Christian or Moravian Indians, was one of the
most atrocious affairs in the settlement of the west. It is a
reproach upon the character of the country, and a living
stigma upon the memory of every man known to have been
engage in the diabolical transaction. It is but justice, however,
that those who protested against the enormity should
be exonerated from blame.

The Moravian Indians consisted chiefly of Delawares, with
a few Mohicans. These simple-minded children of the forest
had become converted to Christianity through the zeal and
influence of Moravian Missionaries. Their homes embraced
the villages of Gnadenhutten, Schönbrunn, Salem and Lichtenau.

For ten years they had lived in peace and quietness. The
harsh savage had been softened by the mild influences of
Christianity; peace, content and happiness smiled upon him
from year to year, and blessed him with their joys. But, alas,
the destroyer came, and blotted this fair field of Christian
labor utterly from existence.

The Moravian Indians early became objects of suspicion to
both the whites and surrounding savages. The latter, because
they had given up the customs of their race; and by the former,
on account of their supposed protection to, or harboring of,
hostile Indians. Their towns lay immediately on the track

from Sandusky to the nearest point on the Ohio; and while
passing to and fro, the hostile parties would compel their
Christian brethren to furnish provisions. Thus situated, as
it were, between two fires, it is not surprising that they should
have fallen a sacrifice to one or the other. During the whole
of our Revolutionary struggle, the Moravian Indians remained
neutral, or if they took any part, it was in favor of the whites,
advising them of the approach of hostile Indians, &c. Yet,
notwithstanding all their former friendliness, they fell under
the displeasure of the border settlers, who suspected them
of aiding and abetting the savages, whose depredations upon
the frontier had caused so much terror and misery throughout
western Virginia and Pennsylvania. To add to this feeling, early
in February, 1782, a party of Indians from Sandusky, penetrated
the settlements, and committed numerous depredations.
Of the families that fell beneath the murderous stroke of these
savages was that of David Wallace, consisting of himself,
wife and six children, and a man named Carpenter. Of these
all were killed, except the latter, whom they took prisoner.
The early date of this visitation, induced the people at once
to believe that the depredators had wintered with the Moravians,
and the excited settlers uttered vengeance against those
who were supposed to have harbored them. An expedition
was at once determined upon, and about the first of March a
body of eighty or ninety men, chiefly from the Monongahela,[71]
rendezvoused at the old Mingo towns, on Mingo Bottom, now
Jefferson county, Ohio. Each man furnished himself with
his own arms, ammunition and provision. Many of them had
horses. The second day's march brought them within one
mile of the middle Moravian town, and they encamped for
the night. In the morning the men were divided into two
equal parties, one of which was to cross the river about a mile
above the town, their videttes having reported that there were
Indians on both sides of the river. The other party was
divided into three divisions, one of which was to take a circuit
in the woods, and reach the river, a little distance below the
town, on the east side. Another division was to fall into the
middle of the town, and the third at its upper end.

The victims received warning of their danger, but took no
measures to escape, believing they had nothing to fear from
the Americans, but supposed the only quarter from which
they had grounds for apprehending injury, was from those
Indians who were the enemies of the Americans.

When the party designed to make the attack on the west
side, had reached the river, they found no craft to take them
over; but something like a canoe was seen on the opposite
bank. The river was high with some floating ice. A young
man by the name of Slaughter swam the river, and brought
over not a canoe, but a trough, designed for holding sugar
water. This trough could carry but two men at a time. In
order to expedite their passage, a number of men stripped off
their clothes, put them into the trough, together with their
guns, and swam by its sides, holding its edges with their
hands. When about sixteen had crossed the river, their two
sentinels, who had been posted in advance, discovered an
Indian, whose name was Shabosh, whom they shot and scalped.

By this time, about sixteen men had got over the river,
and supposing that the firing of the guns which killed Shabosh,
would lead to an instant discovery, they sent word to the
party designed to attack the town on the east side of the
river, to move on instantly; which they did.

In the mean time, the small party which had crossed the
river, marched with all speed, to the main town on the west
side of the river. Here they found a large company of Indians
gathering the corn, which they had left in their fields the
preceding fall, when they removed to Sandusky.[72] —On the

arrival of the men at the town, they professed peace and
goodwill to the Moravians, and informed them that they had
come to take them to Fort Pitt, for their safety. The Indians
surrendered, delivered up their arms, even their hatchets, on
being promised that every thing should be restored to them
on their arrival at Pittsburgh. The murderers then went to
Salem, and persuaded the Indians there to go with them to
Gnadenhutten, the inhabitants of which, in the mean time,
had been attacked and driven together, and bound without
resistance; and when those from Salem were about entering
the town, they were likewise deprived of their arms and
bound.

The prisoners being thus secured, a council of war was held
to decide on their fate. The officers, unwilling to take on
themselves the whole responsibility of the awful decision,
agreed to refer the question to the whole number of the men.
The men were accordingly drawn up in a line.—The commandant
of the party, Col. David Williamson,[73] then put the
question to them in form, "Whether the Moravian Indians
should be taken prisoners to Pittsburgh, or put to death; and
requested that all those who were in favor of saving their
lives should step out of the line, and form a second rank?"
On this sixteen, some say eighteen, stepped out of the rank,
and formed themselves into a second line. But, alas! this
line of mercy was far too short for that of vengeance.

Most of those opposed to this diabolical resolution protested
in the name of high Heaven against the atrocious act, and
called God to witness that they were innocent of the blood of
those inoffensive people; yet the majority remained unmoved,

and some of them were even in favor of burning them alive.
But it was at length decided that they should be scalped in
cold blood, and the Indians were told to prepare for their
fate, that, as they were Christians, they might die in a Christian
manner. After the first burst of horror was over, they
patiently suffered themselves to be led into buildings, in one
of which the men, and in the other, the women and children
were confined, like sheep for slaughter. They passed the night
in praying, exhorting each other to remain faithful, asking
pardon from each other for any offences they had committed,
and singing hymns of praise to God.

From the time they had been placed in the guard-house,
the unfortunate prisoners foresaw their fate, and commenced
singing, praying, and exhorting one another to place their
faith in the Saviour of men.

The particulars of this catastrophe are too horrid to relate.
When the morning arrived, the murderers selected two houses,
which they named slaughter-houses—one for the women and
children. The victims were then bound, two and two together,
and led into the slaughter-houses, where they were scalped
and murdered.

The number of the slain, as reported by the men on their
return from the campaign, was eighty-seven or eighty-nine;
but the Moravian account, which no doubt is correct, makes
the number ninety-six. Of these, sixty-two were grown
persons, one-third of whom were women, the remaining thirty-four
were children. All these, with a few exceptions, were
killed in the houses.

A few men, who were supposed to be warriors, were tied
and taken some distance from the slaughter-houses, to be
tomahawked.

Of the whole number of the Indians at Gnadenhutten and
Salem, only two made their escape. These were two lads of
fourteen or fifteen years of age. One of them escaped through
a window on the night previous to the massacre, and concealed
himself in the cellar of the house to which the women and

children were brought next day to be murdered, whose blood
he saw running in streams through the floor. On the following
night he left the cellar, into which, fortunately, no one came,
and got into the woods. The other youth received one blow
upon his head, and was left for dead.

The Indians of the upper town, were apprized of their
danger in due time to make their escape, two of them having
found the mangled body of Shabosh. Providentially they all
made their escape, although they might have been easily
overtaken by the party, if they had undertaken their pursuit.
A division of the men were ordered to go to Schönbrunn, but
finding the place deserted, they took what plunder they could
find, and returned to their companions without looking farther
after the Indians.

After the work of death had been finished, and the plunder
secured, all the buildings in the town were set on fire, including
the slaughter-houses. A rapid retreat to the settlement
concluded this deplorable campaign. It was, certainly, one
of the most horrible affairs ever undertaken in this country,
and is revolting to every feeling of the human heart. It
must stand a record of infamy as long as time exists.

Doddridge, whose views, in part, we have embodied in a
portion of this account, says:

"In justice to the memory of Col. Williamson, I have to
say, that although at that time very young, I was personally
acquainted with him, and from my recollection of his conversation,
I say with confidence that he was a brave man, but
not cruel. He would meet an enemy in battle, and fight like
a soldier; but not murder a prisoner. Had he possessed the
authority of a superior officer in a regular army, I do not
believe that a single Moravian Indian would have lost his
life; but he possessed no such authority. He was only a
militia officer, who could advise, but not command. His only
fault was that of too easy a compliance with popular opinion
and popular prejudice. On this account his memory has been
loaded with unmerited reproach.

Should it be asked what sort of people composed the band
of murderers of these unfortunate people? I answer,—They
were not miscreants or vagabonds; many of them were men
of the first standing in the country. Many of them had
recently lost relations by the hands of the savages, and were
burning for revenge. They cared little upon whom they
wreaked their vengeance, so they were Indians.

When attacked by our people, although they might have
defended themselves, they did not. They never fired a single
shot. They were prisoners and had been promised protection.
Every dictate of justice and humanity required that their
lives should be spared. The complaint of their villages being
"Half-way houses for the warriors" was at an end, as they
had been removed to Sandusky the fall before. It was
therefore an atrocious and unqualified murder. But by whom
committed? By a majority of the campaign? For the honor
of my country, I hope I may safely answer this question in
the negative. It was one of those convulsions of the moral
state of society, in which the voice of the justice and humanity
of a majority is silenced by the clamor and violence of a
lawless minority. Very few of our men imbrued their hands
in the blood of the Moravians. Even those who had not voted
for saving their lives, retired from the scene of slaughter with
horror and disgust. Why then did they not give their votes
in their favor? The fear of public indignation restrained
them from doing so. They thought well, but had not heroism
enough to express their opinion. Those who did so, deserve
honorable mention for their intrepidity. So far as it may
hereafter be in my power, this honor shall be done them.
While the names of the murderers shall not stain the pages
of history, from my pen at least."

CHAPTER XI.

CRAWFORD'S CAMPAIGN.

The signal success attending the expedition against the
Moravians induced many who had been engaged in that atrocious
affair to get up a second one on a more grand and
extensive plan against the Indian settlements at Sandusky.
This was the ostensible motive, but some believed it was merely
intended to finish the work of murder and plunder upon the
Moravians. Such at least is said to have been the object with
some who composed the expedition; with the majority, however,
it was regarded as an expedition to punish the Wyandotts
for their many and long-continued depredations upon the
whites. Every inducement was held out to join the expedition.
Placards were posted at Wheeling, Catfish, and other
places, of a new State that was to be organized on the Muskingum,
and no effort left untried that could excite either the
cupidity or revenge of the frontier people. A force was soon
raised in the western parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia of
four hundred and eighty men, well mounted and armed; each
man furnished his own horse and equipments, except a small
supply of ammunition provided by the Lieutenant-colonel of
Washington county, Pennsylvania. The place of rendezvous
was Mingo Bottom, where, on the 25th of May, 1782, nearly
five hundred men mustered and proceeded to elect their commander.
The choice fell upon Col. William Crawford, who
will be remembered as Washington's old friend and agent.
He was reluctant to go, but at length yielded to the entreaties
of friends. (See biography of Col. C. in this volume.)

The army marched along "Williamson's trail," as it was

then called, until they arrived at the ruins of the upper
Moravian town, on the fourth day of their march, in the fields
belonging to which, there was still an abundance of corn on
the stalks, with which their horses were plentifully fed, during
the night.

Shortly after the army halted at this place, two Indians
were discovered, by some men who had walked out of the
camp. Three shots were fired at one of them, but without
hurting him. As soon as the news of the discovery of Indians
reached the camp, more than one-half of the men rushed out,
without command, and in the most tumultuous manner, to see
what happened.[74] From that time Colonel Crawford felt a
presentiment of the defeat which followed.

The Indians were observing the motions of the troops.
From the time the Christian Indians were murdered on the
Muskingum, the savages had kept spies out, to guard against
being again surprised. There was not a place of any importance
on the Ohio, from Pittsburgh to Grave creek, left
unobserved. Thus, when in May, two months after the destruction
of the Moravian towns, the white settlers were seen
in agitation, as if preparing for some enterprise, the news was
brought to the Indians, and so from day to day, until Crawford's
men had crossed the Ohio river, and even then their
first encampment was reconnoitred. They knew the number
of troops and their destination, visited every encampment
immediately on their leaving it, when on their march, and saw
from their writings on the trees, and scraps of paper, that "no
quarter was to be given to any Indian, whether, man, woman
or child."[75]

Nothing of consequence happened during their march,
until the 6th of June, when their guides conducted them to
the site of the Moravian villages, on one of the upper branches
of the Sandusky river. From this retreat, the Christian
Indians had lately been driven away, by the Wyandotts, to
the Scioto.

In this dilemma, what was to be done? The officers held
a council, in which it was determined to march one day longer
in the direction of Upper Sandusky, and if they should not
reach the town in the course of the day, to make a retreat
with all speed.

The march was commenced on the following morning

through the plains of Sandusky, and continued until two
o'clock, when the advance guard was attacked and driven in
by the Indians, who were discovered in large numbers in the
high grass with which the place was covered. The Indian
army was at that moment about entering a piece of woods,
almost entirely surrounded by plains; but in this they were
partially prevented by a rapid movement of the whites. The
battle then commenced by a heavy fire from both sides. From
a partial possession of the woods, which they had gained at
the outset of the battle, the Indians were soon dislodged.
They then attempted to gain a small skirt of wood on the
right flank of Colonel Crawford, but were prevented from so
doing by the vigilance and bravery of Major Leet, who commanded
the right wing at the time. The firing was heavy and
incessant until dark, when it ceased, and both armies lay on
their arms during the night. Both adopted the policy of
kindling large fires along the line of battle, and then retiring
some distance in the rear of them, to prevent being surprised
by a night attack. During the conflict of the afternoon, three
of Col. Crawford's men were killed and several wounded.

On the next morning, the army occupied the battle ground
of the preceding day. The Indians made no attack during
the day, until late in the evening, but were seen in large
bodies traversing the plains in various directions. Some of
them appeared to be carrying off their dead and wounded.

In the morning of this day, a council of officers was held,
and a retreat was resolved on, as the only means of saving
the army. The Indians appearing to increase every hour.

During this day, preparations were made for a retreat
by burying the dead, burning fires over their graves to prevent
discovery, and preparing means for carrying off the
wounded. The retreat was to commence in the course of the
night. The Indians, however, became apprized of this intended
retreat, and about sundown attacked the army with
great force and fury, in every direction, excepting that of
Sandusky.

When the line of march was formed by the commander-in-chief,
and the retreat commenced, the guides prudently
took the direction of Sandusky, which afforded the only opening
in the Indian lines, and the only chance of concealment.
After marching about a mile in this direction, the army
wheeled about to the left, and by a circuitous route gained,
before day, the trail by which they came. They continued

their march the whole of the next day, without annoyance,
except the firing of a few distant shots, by the Indians at the
rear guard, which slightly wounded two or three men. At
night they built fires, took their suppers, secured the horses,
and resigned themselves to repose, without placing a single
sentinel or vidette for safety. In this careless situation, they
might have been surprised and cut off by the Indians, who,
however, did not disturb them during the night, nor afterwards,
during the whole of their retreat. The number that
retreated in the main body is supposed to be about three
hundred.

At the commencement of the retreat, Colonel Crawford
placed himself at the head of the army, and continued there
until they had gone about a quarter of a mile, when missing
his son John Crawford, his son-in-law Major Harrison, and
his nephews Major Rose and William Crawford, he halted and
called for them, as the line passed, but without finding them.[76] After the army had passed him, he was unable to overtake it,
owing to the weariness of his horse. Falling in company with
Dr. Knight, and two others, they travelled all night, first
north and then to the east to avoid the pursuit of the Indians.
They directed their courses by the north star.

On the next day, they fell in with Capt. John Biggs and
Lieut. Ashley, the latter of whom was wounded. Two others
were in company with Biggs and Ashley. On the next day,
Capt. Biggs and Dr. Knight insisted upon continuing their
course through the woods, and avoiding all paths, but Crawford
overruled, assuring them that the Indians would not urge the
pursuit beyond the plains, which were already far behind,
and abandoning their due eastern course, the party pursued
the beaten tract, travelled over by the army a few days before.
Crawford and Knight moved one hundred and fifty yards in
front, Captain Biggs and his wounded friend, Lieut. Ashley,
were in the centre, both on horseback, and the two men on
foot brought up the rear.

Scarcely had they proceeded a mile, when several Indians
sprang up before Crawford and Knight, and presenting their
guns, ordered them, in good English, to stop. Knight sprang
behind a tree and leveled his gun. Col. Crawford ordered
him not to fire, Knight reluctantly obeyed, and the Indians
ran up to Col. Crawford in a friendly manner, shook him by

the hand cordially, and asked him how he did. Biggs and
Ashley halted, while the two men in the rear prudently took
to their heels and escaped. Colonel Crawford ordered Captain
Biggs to come up and surrender, but the Captain took aim at
one of the Indians, fired, and then he and Ashley put spurs
to their horses and for the time escaped. They were both
overtaken and killed the next day.

On the morning of the tenth of June, Col. Crawford and
Dr. Knight, together with nine more prisoners, were conducted
by seventeen Indians to the old Sandusky town, about thirty-three
miles distant. The nine prisoners were marched ahead
of Crawford and Knight, who were conducted by Pipe and
Wingemund, two Delaware Chiefs. All the prisoners, including
Col. Crawford and Dr. Knight, had been previously
painted black by Pipe. Four of the prisoners were tomahawked
and scalped on the way at different places; and when
the other five arrived at the town, the boys and squaws fell
upon them and tomahawked them in a moment. (For particulars
of what followed, see sketch of Colonel Crawford.)

Thus ended this disastrous campaign. It was the last
one which took place in this section of the country during the
war of the Revolution. It was undertaken with the very worst
views—those of murder and plunder. It was conducted without
sufficient means to encounter, with any prospect of success,
the large Indian forces upon the plains of Sandusky. There
was not that subordination and discipline which is always
necessary to success; and it ended in total discomfiture, and
an awful sacrifice of life. Never did any enterprise more
signally fail, and never was a deed of blood more terribly
revenged, than the murder of the Christian Indians at the
Moravian towns."[77]

CHAPTER XI.

CLARK'S OPERATIONS IN THE WEST.

It has been seen that the army under Gen. McIntosh, instead
of checking or overawing the savages, did little more
than stimulate them to further acts of histility. Affairs now
became alarming in the West. Bodies of fierce warriors
prowled around the infant settlements of Virginia and Kentucky,
and all saw the necessity of striking a vigorous blow
against the savages and their white allies. Congress adhered
to the policy of pushing an army against Detroit, but a master-mind
in the West saw where a more effective blow could be
given. George Rogers Clark, the "Hannibal of the
West," had satisfied himself by personal observation, and
through the agency of spies, that the British posts in Illinois
could easily be taken, and at once laid open his whole scheme
to Patrick Henry, then Governor of Virginia. His great
mind readily comprehended all of Clark's proposed movements,
and entering fully into the spirit, issued two sets of
instructions, one open, authorizing him to enlist seven companies
to go to Kentucky, subject to his orders, and the other
private: the success of the enterprise depending entirely
upon the secrecy of the movement. None but the Virginia
authorities and a few personal friends knew the real destination
of the troops.

Proceeding to Pittsburg without delay, Col. Clark attempted
to enlist as many men as possible, while at the same
time Major Smith was engaged for a like purpose in the southwestern
part of Virginia. With three companies, a few
private adventurers, and twelve hundred pounds in the depreciated

currency of the country, Col. Clarke descended the
Ohio to the Falls, and fortified Corn Island opposite, where
Louisville now stands. Concealing his boats, he marched
directly out toward Kaskaskia, which, after a fatiguing journey
of many days, part of the time subsisting upon roots,
the intrepid leader and his little party reached in safety.

Arriving before Kaskaskia in the night, they entered it,
unseen and unheard, and took possession of the town and fort,
without opposition. Relying on the thick and wide extended
forests which interposed between them and the American settlements,
the inhabitants had been lulled to repose by fancied
security, and were unconscious of danger until it had become
too late to be avoided. Not a single individual escaped, to
spread the alarm in the adjacent settlements.

But there still remained other towns, higher up the Mississippi,
which, if unconquered, would afford shelter to the
savages and furnish them the means of annoyance and of
ravage. Against these Colonel Clarke immediately directed
operations. Mounting a detachment of men, on horses found
at Kaskaskia, and sending them forward, three other towns
were reduced with equal success. The obnoxious governor at
Kaskaskia was sent to Virginia, with the written instructions
which he had received from Quebec, Detroit and Mackinaw
for exciting the Indians to war, and remunerating them for the
blood which they might shed.

Although the country within which Colonel Clark had
so successfully carried on operations, was considered to be
within the limits of Virginia; yet as it was occupied by savages
and those who were but little, if any, less hostile than
they; and being so remote from her settlements, Virginia had
as yet exercised no act of jurisdiction over it. But as it now
belonged to her, by conquest as well as charter, the General
Assembly created it into a distinct county, to be called Illinois;
a temporary government was likewise established in it,
and a regiment of infantry and a troop of cavalry, ordered to
be enlisted for its defence, and placed under the command of
its intrepid and enterprising conqueror.

News of the success of Clark in capturing the British posts
in Illinois having reached Governor Hamilton at Detroit, he
determined to re-take them, also to conquer Kentucky, Western

Virginia, &c., and repel the rebels from the west. With
this view, at the head of a large body of well-disciplined
troops, he made his appearance in front of the garrison at Vincennes,
which had also surrendered to Clark's orders, and then
under the command of Captain Helm. The fort being in a
miserable condition for defence, surrendered to Hamilton, but
upon such terms as were highly honorable to the Virginia
commandant. Clark was, of course, immediately apprized of
these movements, and in the midst of winter this remarkable
man started for fort St. Vincent, determined, as he expressed
it, "That he would have Hamilton, or Hamilton should
have him." After great labor and exposure, marching often
through ice and water waist-deep, the gallant little army appeared
in front of the fort, and demanded an immediate and
unconditional surrender. The British governor, unwilling to
risk an attack, gave up possession, and allowed himself to
become a prisoner of war in the hands of Clark. The capture
of Hamilton, and the destruction of British power in the
valley of the Wabash, and indeed in the whole west, south of
Detroit, was one of the most important achievements during
the war. As already intimated, great arrangements had been
made by Hamilton for the successful prosecution of a campaign
against all the white settlements in the west. The
southern, western and northern[78] Indians had joined him, and
had Clark failed to defeat Hamilton, who can doubt but that
the entire west, from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi, would
have been swept over by the allied forces of British and
Indians. But for this gallant body of imperfectly clothed and
half starved Virginians, the project of Great Britain, so long
one of the darling objects of her ambition, might have been
carried out, and the whole current of our history changed.

CHAPTER XII.

CLOSING MILITARY OPERATIONS IN THE WEST.

With this chapter we close the historical details, by
bringing down the settlement of the country to 1795. Some
of the chapters immediately preceding, would seem to come
more appropriately under the head of Part VI., but constituting
as they do, connecting links in the history and settlement
of the west, it was deemed inexpedient to separate
them; and thus they are given in regular historical and chronological
order. That part of our work which we have distinctly
classified as "Indian Wars," is designed alone to
embrace the incidents of border life in Western Virginia, and
the territory immediately adjacent.

By the treaty of Fort Stanwix, concluded October 22,
1784, between the United States and hostile tribes of the
Iroquois,[79] all the claim of the great Northern Confederacy to
lands lying west of the western boundary of Pennsylvania
became extinguished. It now remained to treat with the
Western Indians, to secure the United States' title to the
great expanse of country lying west of the Iroquois possessions.

The Commissioners for this purpose were Arthur Lee,
Richard Butler, and George Rogers Clark. This Board
organized at Fort McIntosh, (Beaver,) January 21, 1785.
The Indians represented were the Wyandots, Delawares,
Chippeways, and Ottoways, and of the native Commissioners
there assembled to treat, was the celebrated war chief of the

Delawares, Buckongahelas.[80] The third article of the treaty
agreed upon defined the limits of the country ceded, as follows:

Art. 3. The boundary line between the United States and
the Wyandot and Delaware nations, shall begin at the mouth
of the river Cayahoga, and run thence, up the said river, to
the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the
Muskingum; then, down the said branch, to the forks at the
crossing place above Fort Lawrence, [Laurens;] then, westerly,
to the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into the
Ohio, at the mouth of which branch the fort stood which was
taken by the French in one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two;
then, along the said portage, to the Great Miami or
Ome river, and down the south-east side of the same to its
mouth; thence, along the south shore of Lake Erie, to the
mouth of Cayahoga, where it began.

Such were the first steps taken for securing to the United
States the Indian title to the vast realm lying beyond the
Ohio.

Hostilities still continuing on the part of the Indians, and
the west having suffered greatly, Congress authorized the
President, September 29, 1789, to call out the militia to protect
the frontier, and break the power of the savages. On
the 6th of October, President Washington directed General
St. Clair, then Governor of the North-West Territory, to draw
fifteen hundred men from the western counties of Virginia
and Pennsylvania, and proceed directly against the towns of
the hostile tribes on the Maumee. In obedience to his instructions,
Governor St. Clair called upon Virginia (July 15,
1790,) for her quota,[81] which was furnished in due time;
and his army, numbering nearly twenty-four hundred men,
marched from Fort Washington (Cincinnati,) in the fall of
1791. On the morning of the 4th of November, the Indians

attacked him in great force, totally routing the American
army, with an immense loss of life and property. General
Butler, and upward of six hundred men were killed.

This was a terrible blow to the west; and the savages,
inflated with success, overspread the country, sending death
into almost every settlement.

Washington, determined to subdue the savages, now urged
forward the vigorous prosecution of the war; but various obstacles
prevented a speedy organization of a force sufficient
to strike an efficient blow. It was not until the spring of
1794, that an army, strong enough for the purpose, could be
organized. This force, consisting of two thousand regular
troops, and fifteen hundred mounted volunteers from Kentucky,
assembled at Greenville, under the command of General
Anthony Wayne, a bold, energetic and determined officer,
in whom Washington reposed every confidence.

On the 20th of August, General Wayne encountered the
enemy at the foot of the rapids on the Maumee, and after a
short, but most deadly conflict, the Indians fled the field with
great loss, and in utter confusion.

This brilliant victory brought the savages to terms, and
soon after, a permanent treaty was negotiated at Greenville,
between eleven of the most powerful north-western tribes, and
the "thirteen fires," as these wild men called the United
States. This treaty confirmed the boundary established at
Fort McIntosh, and extended westward from Loramie to
Fort Recovery, and thence south-west to the mouth of Kentucky
river. Now terminated the long and sanguinary struggle
between the whites and Indians on the western frontier,
a war which had raged with almost unabated fury for more
than twenty years, involving a sacrifice of life, and consequent
amount of misery, scarcely to be comprehended.