University of Virginia Library

II. PART II.

II. EARLY SETTLEMENT OF WESTERN VIRGINIA.

1700-1754.

CHAPTER I.

INDIAN TOWNS ON THE OHIO.

When the whites first penetrated the beautiful valley of
the Upper Ohio, they found it occupied by numerous and
powerful tribes of hostile savages, who held it more as a
common hunting ground than a place of permanent abode.

With the exception of Logstown, eighteen miles below the
forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany; a Mingo village
at the mouth of Beaver; a Shawanee town near the Great
Kanawha, and another near the Scioto, but few native settlements
were to be found on the banks of the "River of
Blood:" the fearfully significant name given by some of the
tribes of Indians to the beautiful stream which sweeps along
our Western border.

Tradition tells of many a bloody battle along the shores of
this grand old river, over whose sylvan banks has so often
rushed the crimson tide of Indian massacre. Many, indeed,
are said to have been the warlike feats here enacted, between
bands of fierce and savage warriors. Here it was that the
stern Iriquois met the equally determined and relentless
Massawomee, and maintained those long and bloody strifes

which ultimately imparted to the whole region the very appropriate
title of "dark and bloody ground."[1]

The most powerful confederacy of native tribes, found here
by the French and English, was the Massawomees, so called
by the Indians of Eastern Virginia, to whom they were a
constant source of dread and alarm.

The Massawomees occupied, to the exclusion of almost
every other tribe, the entire region stretching from the Blue
Ridge to the Ohio river.[2] The encroachments of the whites
compelled them gradually to retire, until at last they were
forced over the Alleghanies, leaving the "Valley" unoccupied,
save by occasional predatory bands of Southern tribes.

But the march of the Anglo-Saxon westward was slow in
the extreme. It was not until more than one hundred years
had elapsed from the settlement of Jamestown, that a project
was conceived for crossing the great rocky barrier, whose
frowning heights seemed to shut out all communication between
the primitive settler and the region west.

In 1710, Lieutenant Governor Spottswood, whese military
genius, as displayed in the campaigns of Marlborough, had
won the esteem of his sovereign, and secured him the appointment
of Colonial Governor in Virginia, determined to explore
the trans-montane region. He had heard of the great beauty
and extent of the country lying between the parallel mountains,
but of the region beyond the Alleghany nothing definite
could be ascertained, as the most daring adventurer had
rarely tried to surmount its rugged height, and scan the outspread
landscape which opened its charms to the setting sun.

Equipping a company of horsemen, Gov. Spottswood headed
it in person, and commenced his march from Williamsburg in
great pomp. Nothing occurred to mar the interest of the
occasion, and in due time the expedition reached the Valley.

The governor was enraptured with the view. Bright flowers,
rendered doubly beautiful by the transparent purity of the
atmosphere and the deep serenity of the azure heavens,
covered the ground in almost every direction. Amid forests
of fragrant trees, or deep hid in perfumed alcoves,—spots
more enchantingly beautiful than were ever graced by Calypso
and her nymphs; they found those mysterious Hygeian
fountains whose health-preserving properties now enjoy a
world-wide fame. Pushing on, the expedition at length reached
the base of the Alleghanies, and struggling upward through
rugged defile, and over frowning precipice, the intrepid governor,
with his little party, at length gained the summit of
that great mountain barrier. Never, perhaps, before had the
voice of civilized man broken the solitude which regined
around. The point attained, commanded a magnificent view
of the outspread country beyond. It was one of the highest
peaks of the great Appalachian range; and gazing down into
the illimitable wilderness, they there resolved that the whole
extent should be peopled, and the forest be made to blossom
as the rose. How well the spirit which prompted that resolution
has been carried out by the descendants of the Virginia
colonists, let the eight or ten millions of happy and
prosperous people who now throng the great Valley of the
West answer.

After the return of Governor Spottswood and his party,
he established the "Transmontane Order, or Knights of the
Golden Horse-Shoe," giving to each of those who accompanied
him a miniature golden horse-shoe, bearing the inscription,
"Sic jurat transcendere Montes."[3]

CHAPTER II.

FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE VALLEY.

In 1732, the first permanent settlement by whites west of
the Blue Ridge, was made near where Winchester now stands.
Sixteen families from Pennsylvania, headed by Joist Hite,
composed this little colony, and to them is due the credit of
having first planted the standard of civilization in Virginia,
west of the mountains.[4]

In 1734, Benjamin Allen, with three others, settled on
the North Branch of the Shenandoah, about twelve

miles south of the present town of Woodstock.
Other adventurers pushed on, and settlements gradually extended
west, crossing Capon River, North Mountain and the
Alleghany range, until finally they reached the tributaries of
the Monongahela.

The majority of those who settled the eastern part of the
Valley were Pennsylvania Germans; a class of people distinguished
for their untiring industry, and love of rich lands.

Many of these emigrants had no sooner heard of the fertility
of the soil in the Shenandoah valley, than they began
to spread themselves along that stream and its tributaries.
"So completely did they occupy the country along the north
and south branches of that river, that the few stray English,
Irish or Scotch settlers among them did not sensibly affect
the homogeneousness of the population. They long retained,
and for the most part do still retain, their German language,
and the German simplicity of their manners."[6]

Tradition informs us that the Indians did not object to the
Pennsylvanians settling the country. From the exalted character
for benevolence and virtue enjoyed by the first founder
of that State, (William Penn,) the simple-minded children of
the woods believed that all those who had lived under the
shadow of his name, partook alike of his justice and humanity.
But fatal experience soon taught them a very different
lesson. Towards Virginians, the Indians had a most
implacable hatred. They called them, by way of distinction,
"Long Knives," and "warmly opposed their settling in the
Valley."[7]

For twenty years after the settlement about Winchester,
the natives, inhabiting the mountains and intervening vales,
remained in comparative quietude.

Shortly after the first settlement at Winchester, a circumstance
occurred which speedily led to settlements along the upper
part of the Valley, and opened to the public mind the fine
regions lying west of the Alleghanies. Two resolute spirits,
Thomas Morlen and John Salling, full of adventure, determined
to explore the "Upper Country," about which so much
had been said, but so little was known. Setting out from
Winchester, they made their way up the valley of the Shenandoah,
crossed the waters of James river, not far from the
Natural Bridge, and had progressed as far as the Roanoke,
when a party of Cherokees surprised them, and took Salling
prisoner. Morlen made his escape, and returned in safety to
his friends. Salling was carried captive into Tennessee, and
finally habituating himself to the Indians, remained with them
several years. While on a hunting excursion with some of
his tribe, some years afterwards, they were attacked by a
party of Illinois Indians, with whom the Cherokees were
at bitter variance, and Salling a second time borne off a
prisoner.

These transactions took place in Kentucky, whither the

Southern, Western, and Northern tribes resorted to hunt.
By his new captors, Salling was carried to Kaskaskia; afterwards
sold to a party of Spaniards on the lower Mississippi;
subsequently returned to Kaskaskia; and finally, after six
years' captivity, was ransomed by the Governor of Canada,
and transferred to the Dutch authorities at Manhattan.
Thence he succeeded in making his way to Williamsburg, in
Virginia.

His captivity became the subject of general conversation.
The accounts which he gave of the extent and resources of
the great West, embracing almost every variety of soil, climate,
and production, and extending into remote parts, where
human foot had probably never penetrated; where majestic
rivers, issuing from unknown sources in the far North, rolled
their volumed waters in solemn grandeur to the South; where
vegetation was most luxuriant, and game of every description
inexhaustible,—were enough, as they proved, to excite a deep
interest in all who heard his glowing accounts.

Shortly before the return of Salling, a considerable addition
had been made to the population of Virginia by recent
arrivals at Jamestown. Of this number were John Lewis
and John Mackey, both of whom, desirous of securing suitable
locations, were much interested in the statements of
Salling. Pleased with his description of the Valley, they
determined to visit it, first having induced Salling to accompany
them as guide. The three penetrated the fastness
of the mountain, descended into the luxuriant valley, and
pleased with the physical appearance of the country, determined
to fix there their abode. Lewis selected the place
of his future residence on a stream still bearing his name;
Mackey chose a spot on the Shenandoah; and Salling, having
concluded to remain, made choice of a beautiful tract of
land on the waters of James river, and built his cabin.

Early in the Spring of 1736, an agent for Lord Fairfax,
who held, under a patent from James II., all that part of
Virginia known as the Northern Neck, came over, and after

remaining a short time at Williamsburg, accepted an invitation
to visit John Lewis. During his sojourn at the house of
Lewis, he captured, while hunting with Samuel and Andrew,
(the latter afterwards the distinguished General,) sons of the
former, a fine buffalo calf. Returning shortly after to Williamsburg,
he presented the mountain pet to Governor Gooch,
which so much gratified that functionary, that he forthwith
directed a warrant to be made out, authorizing Burden (the
agent) to locate 500,000 acres of land on the Shenandoah, or
James rivers, west of the Blue Ridge. The grant required
that Burden should settle one hundred families upon said
land within ten years. The grantee lost no time in returning
to England, and in the following year came out with the
required number, embracing among his little colony many
who became the founders of some of the most distinguished
families in our state. Of these were the McDowells, Crawfords,
McClures, Alexanders, Wallaces, Pattons, Prestons,
Moores, Matthews, &c.[8]

The spirit of adventure now slumbered for a season, and
but few additional improvements were made beyond the
limits of the Burden grant, until 1751, at which time an
influx of population took place; and then it was, the prophetic
line of Bishop Berkeley began to be realized,—

Many of the new settlers in the Valley had come in with
Governor Dinwiddie, and were men of undoubted worth, and

great probity of character. They embraced the Stuarts,[9]
Paulls, McDowells, etc., names distinguished in the annals
of Virginia. Most of those who thus forsook the pleasures,
refinements and enjoyments of comfortable homes
in the old world, to find a dwelling-place in the untrodden
wilds of the new, were Scotch Covenanters; those stern,
inflexible sectarians, who preferred religious freedom abroad,
to ease and oppression at home. How different was this
class of people from the Spanish adventurers who subdued
Mexico and South America; those bloody conquerors, whose
remorseless cruelty to the simple-minded natives, cast so
much obloquy upon Spain, and darken her history with some
of the foulest stains that ever disgraced a civilized nation!
Who can wonder, that the smiles of Heaven attended the
one, while the avenging hand of an outraged God smote the
other!

CHAPTER III.

FIRST SETTLERS WEST OF THE ALLEGHANIES.

Previous to 1749, Western Virginia was untrodden by
the foot of white man, if we except an occasional trader,
who may have ventured upon the heads of some of the tributary
streams which take their rise in the Alleghany Mountains.

Some time during this year, a man laboring under aberration
of intellect, wandered from Frederick county into the
wilderness of the Greenbriar country. Although a supposed
lunatic, there seemed yet enough of "method in his madness,"
to tell his friends, on returning home, that he had discovered
rivers flowing in a contrary direction to those of the
Valley. His description of the country soon induced some to
visit it, among whom were Jacob Martin and Stephen Sewell.
These men settled on the Greenbriar river, where they built
a cabin; but soon disagreeing about some trivial matter,
Sewell left his companion, and took up his abode in a hollow
tree. In the Spring of 1751, when Andrew Lewis visited
the country as agent for the Greenbriar Company, he discovered
the lonely pioneers in the deep seclusion of their
mountain home. Upon inquiry as to the cause of their
estrangement, the gallant Lewis soon reconciled matters, but
only for a brief time, as Sewell shortly afterwards removed
farther into the wilderness, where he fell a victim to Indian
barbarity.

Further attempts to colonize the Greenbriar country were
not made for many years. John Lewis, and his son Andrew,
proceeded with their explorations, until interrupted by the

breaking out of the French war. In 1762, a few families began
to penetrate the region on Muddy creek, and the Big
Levels; but a royal proclamation of the next year, commanded
that all who had settled, or held improvements on
the Western waters, should at once remove, as the claim of
the Indians had not been extinguished; and it was most important
to preserve their friendship, in order to prevent them
coalescing with the French.[10] Those families already in the
enjoyment of their improvements, refused to comply with the
King's mandate, and most of them were cut off by the savages
in 1763-4.[11] From the date of these occurrences, up to 1769,
the Greenbriar country contained not a single white settlement.
In that year, Captain John Stuart, with a number of
others, made improvements, which they continued to hold
despite every effort of the Indians to dispossess them.[12] Seven
years later, (1776) settlements were made on New river. The
lands taken up in this region, being held by what were known
as "corn rights"—whoever planted an acre of corn, acquired
a title to one hundred acres of land.[13]

CHAPTER IV.

LAND OPERATORS IN THE WEST.

Time had scarcely been allowed to dry the ink on the
signatures to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, ere the British
government proceeded to carry out one of its well matured
plans for forestalling the movements of the French, and
taking immediate possession of the country lying west of the
Mountains, and east of the Ohio. This scheme was the formation
by an act of Parliament, of a great landed corporation,
which was designed to check the encroachments of France,
despoil the Indians of their inheritance, and secure permanent
possession of the valley of the Ohio.

We will quote from Sparks, the nature, &c., of this corporation.
In 1749, Thomas Lee, one of His Majesty's Council in
Virginia, formed the design of effecting settlements on the
wild lands west of the Alleghany Mountains. * * * With
the view of carrying his plan into operation, Mr. Lee associated
himself with twelve other persons in Virginia and Maryland,
and with Mr. Hanbury, a merchant in London, who
formed what they called "The Ohio Company." Five
hundred thousand acres of land were granted almost in the
terms requested by the company, to be "taken on the south
side of the Ohio river, between the Monongahela and Kanawha
rivers. Two hundred thousand acres were to be located at
once, and held for ten years free of quit-rent, provided one
hundred families were settled on it within seven years, and a
fort erected of suitable strength to protect the inhabitants."
This may be considered the first decisive step on the part of
the English, to take possession of the country bordering the

Ohio river. Other companies were organized about the same
time by the colonial authorities of Virginia, under direct
instruction from the mother country. Of these, were the
Greenbriar Company, with a grant of 100,000 acres; and
the Loyal Company, incorporated on the 12th June, 1749,
with a grant for 800,000 acres, from the "line
of Canada, North and West." The British Ministry
had evidently become alarmed at what they were pleased
to term the encroachments of the French; and it was to forestall
their movements by throwing into the disputed territory
an "armed neutrality," in the shape of several hundred
American families, that made the English Government and
its Virginia agents, so solicitous to colonize the regions of
the West. We will revert to this subject in another chapter,
and now resume the thread of our narrative.

Early in 1750, the Ohio Company sent out Christopher
Gist on an exploring expedition. He is represent-

ed to have crossed from the south branch of the
Potomac, to the headwaters of the Juniata; thence to the
Alleghany, crossing that river a few miles above where
Pittsburgh now stands. Descending the Ohio to the mouth
of Beaver, he went up that stream, thence across to the
Muskingum, and down to the Miami. After an absence of
several months, he returned to the Kanawha, and made a
thorough examination of the country lying east of that river
and south of the Ohio.[16]

In 1751, as already stated, Andrew Lewis, afterwards so
distinguished in the military annals of our State, commenced
a survey of the Greenbriar tract. The movements of both
these agents, however, had been closely watched, and information
conveyed to the French, who by this time had fairly got

their eyes open as to the policy and designs of the English.
Determined to maintain their rights, and to assert their claim
to the country bordering the Ohio, the French crossed Lake
Champlain, built Crown Point, and without delay proceeded
to fortify certain other positions on the waters of the upper
Ohio. With this view, they erected a fort at Presque Ile, on
Lake Erie; another about fifteen miles distant, which they
called Le Bœuf; and a third, at the mouth of French Creek,
now Venango. But lest, while these little fortresses were
quietly rising in the wilderness, the English might attempt
corresponding means for defence, a company of soldiers was
despatched by the French Commandant, with positive orders
to keep intruders out of the valley of the Ohio; but to use no
violence, "except in case of obstinate continuance, and then
to seize their goods."[17]

This party doubtless heard of the movements of Gist, and
the presence of English traders on the Miami. Thither they
directed their steps and demanded that the intruders should
leave, or be given up as trespassers upon French soil.

The traders refusing to depart, and the Indians being
unwilling to give them up, a fight ensued, in which fourteen
of the Twigtees or Miamas were killed, and the traders,
four in number, taken prisoners.[18]

This occurred early in 1752, as the Indians referred to the
fact at the treaty of Logstown, in June. It may justly be

regarded as the prologue to that long and bloody drama, the
catastrophe of which, was the expulsion of the French from
the Ohio valley, and the consequent loss to France of all her
territory east of the Mississippi. (See note A., end of Part II.)

Thus stood matters in the spring of 1752. The English
thwarted in their attempt to locate lands on the Ohio, deemed
it expedient to invite the chiefs of the neighboring tribes to a
convention at Logstown, when they hoped to have the claims
of Great Britain recognized, as they were clearly determined
to possess themselves of the lands in question, by fair means
or foul. Accordingly, in June 1752, Joshua Fry,[19] Lunsford
Loamax, and James Patton, commissioners on the part of
Virginia, met the Sachems and chiefs of the Six Nations, and
desired to know to what they objected in the treaty of Lancaster
(see note B., end of Part II.), and of what else they complained.
They produced the Lancaster treaty, insisted upon
its ratification, and the sale of the Western lands; but the
chiefs said "No; they had heard of no sale of lands west of the
warriors' road[20] which ran at the foot of the Alleghany ridge."
The Commissioners finding the Indians inflexible, and well
aware of the rapid advance of the French, decided to offer
great inducements in goods, &c., for the ratification of the
treaty, and the relinquishment of the Indian title to lands
lying south of the Ohio and east of the Kanawha.

The offers and importunities of the Virginians at length
prevailed, and on the 13th June, the Indians

consented to confirm the Lancaster deed in as
"full and ample a manner as if the same was here recited,"[22]
and guaranteeing that the settlements south-east of the Ohio
should not be disturbed by them.[23] The Virginia Commissioners,
both at Logstown and Lancaster, were men of the
highest character, "but treated with the Indians according to
the ideas of their day."

The French in the meantime had not been idle observers;
and no sooner did they ascertain the result of the conference
at Logstown, than it was resolved to check the English the moment
they should set foot upon the banks of the Ohio. Vigorous
measures were taken to complete their line of fortifications
on the head-waters of the Ohio, and to supply each post with
an abundance of ammunition. In the spring of 1753, the Ohio
Company directed Gist to lay out a town and erect

a fort at the mouth of Chartier's Creek, two and a
half miles below the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany.
This order, however, was not carried into effect, as
Washington, in his journal, uses the following language:—
"About two miles from this place, (the forks,) on the southeast
side of the river, at the place where the Ohio Company
intended to lay off their fort, lives Shingiss, king of the
Delawares."

Well do we remember, how often, in the joyous days of
ripening youth, we have roamed over the beautiful grounds
celebrated as the once residence of the noble and generous
Shingiss. The spot is a short distance from the river, and a
little south by west from McKee's rocks;—a rugged promontory
just below the mouth of Chartier's Creek. Associated
with this locality are many wild and startling Indian
legends.[25]

CHAPTER V.

FRENCH AND ENGLISH CLAIMS TO THE OHIO.

The claim of France to all the country watered by the
Ohio and its tributaries, was based upon that recognized law
of nations that the discovery of the mouth of a river entitled
the nation so discovering to the whole country drained by
that river and its tributaries. This claim set up by France
and resisted by the colonies, is precisely the same upon which
we have recently based our title to the "whole of Oregon."

On the part of Great Britain, it was claimed, that independent
of her title by purchase,[26] she held, under the discovery
of Cabot, the entire region lying between the 38th
and 67th degree of north latitude, and stretching from the
Atlantic to the Pacific—a zone athwart the continent. She
also set up another claim,—priority of discovery,—to the
Ohio Valley: a claim utterly absurd and entirely untenable.

Such were the grounds upon which two of the greatest
European nations claimed supremacy in the beautiful and
luxuriant Valley of the Ohio. Without stopping to discuss
the merits of either, we will proceed in the continuation of
our history.

France, convinced of the justness of her claim, and determined
not to be overawed by the threatening attitude of
her great rival, adopted at a very early day, the most efficient
means for maintaining her position in the great valley
of the West. In 1720, she erected Fort Chartres, in Illinois,
one of the strongest posts in its day on the Continent of

2 This was based upon a vague tradition, that John Howard, an Englishman,
crossed the mountains from Virginia in 1742, and descended the Ohio
river.

North America. It was constructed by a military engineer
of the Vauban school, and was designed to be one of a cordon
of posts reaching from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of
Mexico. That at Vincennes was established in 1735,[27] at
which time the valley of the Wabash, or Ouabache, was
strongly defended.

Viewing the restless energy of that people, can it be
doubted that they penetrated far up the valley of the Ohio,
and made themselves familiar with the country bordering
"La Belle Riviere," long previous to any account now upon
record? We have now in our possession, a singular and interesting
relic, taken from an ancient mound, near the mouth
of Fishing creek, Wetzel county, Va., which may aid some
little in establishing the era of French visitation to the Ohio.
The relic is a crucifix, and its appearance plainly indicates
great antiquity. The cross is of iron and much corroded,
but the image of the Saviour, being of more enduring metal
than the cross, is as perfect as when it came from the hand
of the artist. (See Wetzel Co. for further notice.) The
mound in which this remarkable relic was found, was one of the
most ancient in appearance along the river. The depth at
which it had been placed, with many other attending circumstances,
leaves but little doubt that it must have lain in that
aboriginal tomb for at least two centuries. The presumption
is, by all who have examined it, that the relic belonged to
some Jesuit missionary who visited the Ohio Valley at a very
early period.

Immediately following the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, (1748,)
"the Court of London formed the plan of several new settlements,
in which they consulted rather the interest of their
own commerce, than the articles of those treaties which
were renewed by that of Aix-la-Chapelle."[28] Among the
projected movements was the formation of the Ohio Company,

the settlement of the upper Ohio valley, &c. These
steps naturally alarmed the French, who, believing that the
spirit of the compact had been violated, determined to resist,
at all hazards, the encroachments upon their soil.[29]

As a preliminary step in taking formal possession of the
Ohio and its tributaries, the Marquis de la Galissoniere,[30]
Governor-general of Canada, determined to place along the
"Oyo" or La Belle Riviere,[31] at the confluence of important
tributaries, leaden plates, suitably inscribed, asserting the
claim of France to the lands on both sides of the river, even
to the heads of the tributaries. One of these plates has recently
been discovered at the mouth of Kanawha (Point Pleasant).
It was found by a son of John Beale, Esqr., in April,
1846. (Mr. Beale now lives in Covington, Ky.) We have
procured an exact drawing of the relic, and made a literal
translation of the inscription; both of which are here given.[32]

Two other plates, similar to the one found at Point Pleasant,
have been recovered. The first at Venango, and the
other at Marietta, a copy of which is given by Dr. Hildreth
in his Pioneer History. Others were doubtless deposited at
different points between French Creek and the mouth of the
Ohio.

M. Celeron, commandant of the expedition depositing
these plates, having ascertained from some of the traders,
that they acted under commissions from the Governor of
Pennsylvania,[33] wrote to that officer, enjoining upon him the
necessity of preventing his people from trading beyond the
Apalachian mountains,[34] as he had been authorized to seize
the traders and confiscate their goods. Celeron having discharged
the duty imposed upon him, to the satisfaction of his
government, was shortly afterward appointed Commandant
at Detroit.

"M. Celeron was no sooner gone from La Belle Riviere,
than the English traders returned in crowds. They had
orders from the Government, to excite the Indians to take
up arms against France; nay, they even brought them arms
and ammunition."[35]

CHAPTER VI.

ENGLAND PREPARES TO ASSERT HER CLAIM.

Thus stood matters at the close of the year 1752. The
two great powers beyond the Atlantic, glad of a respite after
eight years successful and unsuccessful war, were resting
under the truce secured by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle;
while their commissioners were trying to out-wit one another
on the matter of the disputed lands in the West.[36]

But the calm was that which precedes the storm. Although
all seemed "peace" at home, a very different state of affairs
existed in the backwoods of America. Here, the clangor of
arms, the stern word of command, the daily reveillé—sounds
so strange in the deep seclusion of an American forest—all
told of the approaching conflict.

The unprejudiced reader cannot but deplore the shortsighted
policy which induced England to bring on the unfortunate
and protracted struggle of which we are about to
speak.[37] Had it not been for her rapacity—her insatiate
craving—her horse-leech cry,—"Give! give!" none can doubt
but that all the horrors and bloody wrongs attending her six
years' war with France, would have been averted. The English
principle of action, both at home and abroad, seems ever
to have been,

The spring of 1753 opened with every prospect of matters
coming to a crisis. The English traders had been driven off,
and the warlike movements of the French indicated a determined
resolution on their part. Information of these movements
having been conveyed to the colonial authorities of
Pennsylvania and Virginia, the former voted six hundred
pounds for distribution among the Indians of the West, and
two hundred additional to the Twigtees, who had lost some
of their number in endeavoring to protect the Pennsylvania
traders taken captive by the French. Conrad Wieser, an
experienced provincial interpreter, was sent out to ascertain
the number, condition, situation, and feeling of the tribes
on the Ohio and tributaries, "so that he might regulate the
distribution of the goods that were to be divided among
them."[39] In June a messenger was despatched to

the French, cautioning them against invading his
"Majesty's dominions." This commissioner only went to
Logstown,—being afraid to go up the Alleghany as instructed.[41]

In October instructions reached the colonies, from the Earl
of Holdernesse, Secretary of State,[42] to resist all

encroachments on the part of the French; and as
better security, to erect two forts at suitable points in the
disputed territory. Accompanying these instructions to Virginia,
came thirty pieces of cannon and eighty barrels of
powder.[44] This looked like bringing matters to an issue, and
so thought all who heard of it.

Disposed to adjust the difficulty by mild means, Governor
Dinwiddie determined to send a messenger to the French
commandant on the head waters of the Ohio, threatening him
that unless the French forces were immediately withdrawn,
war would be the consequence.[45]

In looking around for one whose zeal, energy, valor and
sagacity, might be equal to the herculean task of making
his way hundreds of miles through an unbroken wilderness,
and countless hordes of savages, his eye fell upon a young
Virginia surveyor; scarcely twenty-one years of age, but
whose courage and manly bearing as an officer in the provincial
ranks,[46] had won for him the esteem and admiration,
not only of his companions in arms, but of the Governor himself.
That young man was George Washington, afterwards
the glory and the pride of his country. He was selected
above all others, and the choice proved the wisdom and judgment
of Governor Dinwiddie.

Receiving his instructions, and a passport, he left Williamsburg
on the 31st day of October, 1753. In two

weeks, he had reached Wills creek, where Cumberland
now stands. With Gist as his guide, and accompanied
by six other men, he commenced, on the 15th of November
(1753) the arduous ascent of the rugged and
winter-bound Alleghanies. Who can realize the
untold perils of that mountain march! All around was terribly
wild,—the howling of the storm,—the roar of the winter's
blast,—the fierce sweep of the snow,—and the hoarse voice
of distracted waters, with the awful solitude and strength
which reigned around, were enough to make the very souls
of men shrink back in unwonted awe. But undismayed amid
all this terrible war of the elements, the young Virginian
struggled on, reaching the Monongahela on the 23d, near the
spot where two years afterwards, he took part in one of the
most sanguinary conflicts of the six years' war. He reached
the forks (Pittsburgh) on the 23d, and his keen eye at once
saw the great advantage presented by the place for a fortified
post.[49]

Inviting Shingiss, king of the Delawares, to meet in council
at Logstown, they proceeded thither, "where we arrived
between sun-setting and dark, on the twenty-fifth day after
leaving Williamsburg."[50]

At this place, Washington met Tanacharison, Half King
of the Six Nations;[51] but finding little could be done with the
natives on account of their fear of the French, he set out,
accompanied by the Half King and three other Indians, for
the French post at the head of French creek.

Through incessant rains and interminable swamps, they
travelled on to Venango, (seventy miles) where, meeting Captain
Joncaire, who had command of the station, Washington
was informed that they (the French) had taken possession of
the Ohio, (meaning the entire region from the Lakes to the
river Ohio) and, by — they "would hold it." Joncaire advised
Washington to proceed to the quarters of St. Pierre
(Le Bœuf) who was a higher officer in command. Four
days more of severe fatigue, brought the little party to St.
Pierre. Delivering Gov. Dinwiddie's message, the commandant
replied that he could do nothing more than send it on to
the Marquis Du Quesne, Governor-general of Canada. As

to withdrawing from his present position, he could not. This
was all done in the most polite and respectful manner.[52] During
his stay, Washington was handsomely cared for; every attention
and kindness being shown him.

Returning, they reached Venango, after a "tedious and
fatiguing passage down the creek. Several times, we had
like to have been staved against rocks, and many times, were
obliged to get out and remain in the water half an hour or
more, getting over the shoals. At one place, the ice had
lodged and made it impassable by water: we had therefore,
to carry our canoes across a neck of land, a quarter of a
mile."[53]

From Venango, Washington and Gist set out on foot,
"with gun in hand, and pack on back" for the Ohio. Of the
hardships which they underwent during this perilous march,
we will quote a few passages from the journal of the illustrious
chief. Reaching a place in the Alleghany river, where
they desired to cross, but the ice driving in such vast quantities,
it was found impossible to effect a passage except on a
raft, "which we set to work with our poor hatchets, and
finished just after sun-setting. This, was a whole day's work;
we next got it launched, then went on board of it, and set
off; but before we were half-way over, we were jammed in
ice in such a manner, that we expected every moment our raft
to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out my setting pole,
to try to stop the raft that the ice might pass by, when the
rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against
the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water; but I fortunately
saved myself, by catching one of the raft logs.—
Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either
shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit
our raft and make to it.

"The cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his

fingers and some of his toes frozen, and the water was shut
up so hard, that we found no difficulty in getting off the island,
on the ice, in the morning."[54] Who can read this plain,
simple and touching narrative, and not shudder at the imminent
danger of a life so valuable? At one time, a treacherous
Indian,[55] at the distance of fifteen paces, fired upon them;
but, escaping all, they reached the house of a friend at the
mouth of Turtle creek, and thence Washington returned in
safety to Williamsburg, reaching that place on the 16th of
January, 1754.

1 Supposed to be Wainright's Island, a short distance above Pittsburg.

CHAPTER VII.

VIRGINIA ASSUMING THE QUARREL.

The answer of St. Pierre, left no other course for the provincial
authorities to pursue, than prepare for war. Washington's
journal was published by order of the Council, to arouse
the people of the provinces. It was re-published in England,
exciting not only respect for its author, but a determination
to meet and resist the encroachments of France.[56]

Governor Dinwiddie sent messengers to the provinces of
North Carolina, Pennsylvania and New York, advising them
of the crisis, and calling upon them for assistance. Two companies
were ordered to be immediately raised in Virginia,—
one East, the other in the West, to proceed at once to the
erection of a fort at the point where Pittsburg now stands.
Washington was given the command of the force thus to
be raised. One company was to be enlisted by himself, and
the other by Captain Trent, an experienced frontierman.—
Five thousand acres of land were to be divided among those
who should enlist; one thousand acres of which were to be
laid off contiguous to the fort, for the use of the soldiers doing
duty there, which were to be called the `garrison lands.'[57]

The company raised by Trent, was ordered on, and directed
to put up, at the forks, with the least practicable delay, a fort
of suitable strength to resist any ordinary attack, and with
orders to destroy or capture any hostile or resisting force.[58]

On the 17th of February, 1754, Capt. Trent, with his
company, reached the forks, and immediately

commenced the erection of a fort. Early in April,
Capt. Trent, left his command to visit Wills creek, and soon
after, Lieutenant Frazier absented himself on a visit to his
family at the mouth of Turtle creek. Thus the command
devolved upon Ensign Ward, an officer of courage, but not
much experience, who with his little company of forty-one
men, vigorously pushed forward the fort. On the morning
of the 16th of April,[60] when all seemed security,
and none dreamed of danger, Ensign Ward, with
what terror may well be imagined, beheld approaching the
point, a French fleet of such magnitude as to startle the rustic
backwoodsman out of all notions of war, and war-like defences.
The French fleet numbered several hundred vessels.[62] They
descended the Alleghany, and sweeping round in front of the
"garrison," Monsieur Contrecœur, sent on shore the following
imperious summons to surrender.

"A SUMMONS,

Nothing can surprise me more than to see you attempt
a settlement upon the lands of the king, my master,
which obliges me now, sir, to send you this gentleman, Chevalier
Le Mercier, captain of the artillery of Canada, to know
of you, sir, by virtue of what authority you are come to
fortify yourself within the dominions of the king, my master.
This action seems so contrary to the last treaty of peace, at
Aix La Chapelle, between his most Christian Majesty and
the King of Great Britain, that I do not know to whom to
impute such an usurpation, as it is incontestable that the lands
situated along the Beautiful River belong to his most Christian
majesty.

"I am informed, sir, that your undertaking has been concerted
by none else than by a Company, who have more in
view the advantage of a trade than to endeavor to keep the
union and harmony which subsists between the two crowns of
France and Great Britain, although it is as much the interest,
sir, of your nation as ours to preserve it.

"Let it be as it will, sir, if you come out into this place,
charged with orders, I summon you in the name of the king,
my master, by virtue of orders which I got from my general,
to retreat peaceably with your troops from off the lands of
the king, and not to return, or else I will find myself obliged
to fulfil my duty, and compel you to it. I hope, sir, you will
not defer an instant, and that you will not force me to the
last extremity. In that case, sir, you may be persuaded that
I will give orders that there shall be no damage done by my
detachment.

"I prevent you, sir, from asking me one hour of delay,
nor to wait for my consent to receive orders from your governor.
He can give none within the dominions of the king,
my master. Those I have received of my general are my
laws, so that I cannot depart from them.

"On the contrary, sir, if you have not got orders, and only

come to trade, I am sorry to tell you, that I can't avoid seizing
you, and to confiscate your effects to the use of the Indians,
our children, allies and friends, as you are not allowed to carry
on a contraband trade. It is for this reason, sir, that we
stopped two Englishmen, last year, who were trading upon
our lands: moreover, the king, my master, asks nothing but
his right; he has not the least intention to trouble the good
harmony and friendship which reigns between his Majesty
and the King of Great Britain.

"The Governor of Canada can give proof of his having
done his utmost endeavors to maintain the perfect union
which reigns between two friendly princes. As he had learned
that the Iroquois and the Nipissingues of the Lake of the
Two Mountains had struck and destroyed an English family,
towards Carolina, he has barred up the road, and forced them
to give him a little boy belonging to that family, and which
Mr. Ulerich, a merchant of Montreal, has carried to Boston;
and what is more, he has forbid the savages from exercising
their accustomed cruelty upon the English, our friends.

"I could complain bitterly, sir, of the means taken all last
winter to instigate the Indians to accept the hatchet and to
strike us, while we were striving to maintain the peace. I
am well persuaded, sir, of the polite manner in which you
will receive M. Le Mercier, as well out of regard to his business
as his distinction and personal merit. I expect you will
send him back with one of your officers, who will bring me a
precise answer. As you have got some Indians with you, sir,
I join with M. Le Mercier, an interpreter, that he may inform
them of my intentions upon that subject.

With this summons Ensign Ward could do no less than
comply, and accordingly delivered up to the French entire
possession of the post; himself and men retiring up the
Monongahela as far as Redstone. Contrecœur took immediate
possession, and finishing the fort, called it Du Quesne,
after the Governor-general of Canada.

In the meantime, it having been determined by the Council
of Virginia to appropriate ten thousand pounds toward

carrying on the war, the two companies ordered to be raised
were increased to six, and Joshua Fry appointed colonel, with
Washington for lieutenant-colonel. The latter having organized
two companies at Alexandria, marched to Wills creek,
(Cumberland), where he received intelligence of the surrender
of Ward. Startled at this information, he was at a loss how
to act, as Colonel Fry had not arrived. But resolved on
checking the encroachments of the French, he determined to
erect a fort at the mouth of Redstone, (Brownsville,) and
pushing on boldly into the wilderness, had, by the
9th of May, reached the Little Meadows, at the
head of the Youghiogheny river.

Halting here his little command, Washington descended
the Youghiogheny to ascertain the chances of transporting
his men and artillery by water, and also to gather information
as to the movements of the French.

Finding the route by water impracticable, he returned, and
soon after a messenger from his old friend, the

Half King, came into camp to apprize him of
the rapid advance of a small party of Frenchmen. On the
same day, his former guide, Gist, called and confirmed the
statement of the Indian. But this information did not in the
least dishearten the gallant young commander. With the
least possible delay he hurried on to the "Great Meadows,"
an open and level piece of ground, and well adapted for a
place of defence. Here a hurried entrenchment was formed,
and every preparation made for meeting and resisting an
attack. Some time during the night a second express from
Tanacharison brought intelligence that the French were encamped
in a deep vale about six miles from his own position,
and to strike an effective blow it would be necessary to move
at once. Although the night was intensely dark, and the
rain falling in torrents, Washington, with the Indian guide,
led his little army forward, determined to anticipate the
attack of the French. Who can conceive the terrors of that
midnight mountain march over cragged rocks, through deep
ravines, amid the thunder of the elements and the darkness
visible which reigned around! With undaunted nerve the
youthful officer pressed on in the track of his Indian guide,
while his men followed in silence, for the sullen sound of the
thunder and fierce sweeping of the tempest smothered alike the
heavy tread of the one, and the stern command of the other.

At gray dawn, the united force of provincials and Indians
surrounded the camp of the French, who, little dreading an
attack at that time and place, were reposing in

conscious security. The guard, discovering the
presence of their foe, sounded the alarm, when an almost
simultaneous discharge took place.

M. De Jumonville, commander of the French, with ten of
his men, fell at the first fire; the balance surrendered without
further resistance.

Thus was shed the first blood in a war which Smollett
has ignorantly termed a "Native of America,"[66] and which,
speedily involved England and her colonies in a long and
bloody conflict.

It deserves to be commemorated as Washington's first
battle. It marked the man as one born to no ordinary destiny;
it served to prepare him for the great and splendid
achievements which so gloriously crowned his after life.

In this affair Washington had one man killed and two
wounded. The prisoners were marched to the "Meadow,"
and thence sent to Virginia. During the action, a Canadian
made his escape, and conveyed information of the defeat to
the commandant at Fort Du Quesne.

Washington, anticipating renewed efforts on the part of the
French, enlarged and strengthend his position, which he very
appropriately called "Fort Necessity."[67] He was soon joined

by Captain Mackey's independent company from South Carolina,
and a number of friendly Indians. Captain Mackey,
holding a commission from the English Crown, claimed precedence
over a colonial officer of equal grade, and attempted
to take command of the little army. But this idea he was
very soon compelled to abandon, as the disaffection became
so manifest, that he knew it would be dangerous to insist
upon his conceived rights. Very reluctantly, he was forced
to yield to the superior genius of our incomparable Washington.

On the 31st of May, Colonel Fry died at Wills creek, and
thus the whole command devolved upon Washing-

ton. On the 10th of June, Indian runners notified
him that the Shawanese and Delawares had
leagued with the French against the English. On
the following day, Colonel Washington marched with his
entire force, except Captain Mackey's company, left in command
of Fort Necessity. His object was to reach the Monongahela,
and erect a fort at the mouth of Red-stone. He
had time only to reach Gist's place, at the foot of Laurel
hill, when he was apprized of the advance of the French,
and cautioned against proceeding, as they "were as numerous
as the pigeons in the woods."[70] Convinced, by the various
accounts, that the French force was very great, a retreat was
ordered. Washington set the noble example of lending his
horse for the transportation of public stores, &c. The army
reached its entrenchments on the 1st day of July.
It was the intention of Washington to have proceeded
to Wills creek, but the men, greatly fatigued by their
mountain march, were unwilling to go further.[72]

Every effort was made to prepare to give a vigorous resistance.
But what could four or five hundred men, without
bread, and shut up in a half-finished fortress on the top of a
mountain, hope to accomplish against a well-fed and well-disciplined
force of three times their own number?

Early on the 3d of July, the French and Indians came in
view of the fort. In a short time, and while at

the distance of six hundred yards, they commenced
firing.

"Colonel Washington had drawn up his men on the level
ground[74] outside of the trench, waiting for an attack, which
he presumed would be made as soon as the enemy's forces
emerged from the woods." He suspected the distant firing a
mere rusé to draw his men into the forest; but finding they
would not approach, he stationed his men within the trenches,
and ordered them to fire at discretion.

The French and their allies kept at a respectable distance
during most of the day, but maintained a brisk fire from about
11 o'clock A.M. to 8 P.M. It rained heavily during the
whole day, and most of Washington's army stood in water
above their knees.

At 8 o'clock in the evening, the French commander ordered
a parley, as he saw it would be useless to continue the siege
any longer. A large number of his men had fallen before
the unerring aim of colonial riflemen, and a truce of any kind
was highly acceptable.

Washington's position was no better, and he was glad of
a respite on any honorable terms. He well knew that the
enemy's forces were vastly superior to his own, and could not
but apprehend the result of a second day's siege. Darkness

too, lay upon the earth; his men were in mud and water
above their knees; many had their guns wet and out of order;
they were without provisions, and no hope of a supply; what
else then, could he do, but agree to terms?

But, when the truce flag was sent him, apprehending treachery,
he refused to receive it. On a second application,
however, accompanied by a request that an officer might be
sent out, De Villier pledging his honor that no violence
should be done him, Colonel Washington despatched Captain
Van Braam, who was the only person under his command
who pretended to understand the French language.[75] In a
short time the Captain returned, bearing with him articles of
capitulation. These he read, and pretended to interpret to
his commander; but from gross ignorance of the French language,
he was the means of inflicting a great wrong upon the
fame and character of Washington.[76] The terms of capitulation
were alike honorable to both parties. Washington, with
his men, were to leave Fort Necessity with everything but
their artillery; to march out with drums and fife, displaying
colors, &c. The prisoners taken at the defeat of Jumonville,
were to be returned; and for the observance of this condition,
Captains Van Braam and Stobo were to be retained by the
French as hostages. It was further agreed, that the party
yielding, should not attempt to "build any more entrenchments
west of the mountains," for one year.[77]

Washington and his men marched out early on the following
morning, July 4, and proceeded at once to

Wills creek, but were greatly harassed during
most of the way, by bands of savages, who hung upon their
trail. Colonel Washington lost no time in repairing to Williamsburg,
and communicating to the colonial authorities the
events of the campaign. So well satisfied were the members
of the Assembly, that a vote of thanks was passed to the gallant
commander and all who had served under him.[79] This
acknowledgment of the bravery, skill, and energy of the little
army, was well merited. It had surmounted formidable difficulties,
kept a superior foe at bay, and even in defeat, had
secured a most honorable capitulation.[80]

The conduct of Washington throughout this expedition,
gave a glorious presage of the illustrious career which an All-wise
Providence had marked out before him.

As a copy of the capitulation signed on this occasion may
not be uninteresting to many of our readers, we give it below
in full. In connection with this matter, we will state that a
very old copy (supposed to have been made at the time,) has
recently been found in possession of an aged Frenchman at
Detroit. The paper had been in the family for many years,
without their appearing to know its value or character. At
length, Hon. W. Woodbridge, late United States Senator
from Michigan, looking over the old man's papers, found the
relic alluded to.

Art. 1. We permit the English commander to withdraw,
with all his garrison, to go back peaceably to his country,
and we engage on our part, to prevent that any insult should
be committed upon him by our Frenchmen, and to hinder as
much as will be in our power all the savages who are with us.

Art. 2. He will be permitted to withdraw and carry away
all that belongs to them, with the exception of the artillery,
which we reserve for ourselves.

Art. 3. That we accord them the honors of war; that

they will go out, drum beating, with a small cannon, wishing
by that to prove to them that we treat them as friends.

Art. 4. That as soon as the articles are signed on both
sides, they will bring the English flag.

Art. 5. That to-morrow at the break of day a French
detachment will go to cause the garrison to file off, and take
possession of said fort.

Art. 6. That as the English have scarcely any horses or
oxen left, they will be at liberty to hide or secrete their goods,
so that they may carry them away when they have obtained
horses; to this end they will be permitted to leave guards in
such number as they think proper, upon condition that they
will give parol of honor, that they will not labor at any settlement
in this place, nor beyond the high grounds, for one
year to commence from this day.

Art. 7. That as the English have in their power an
officer and two cadets, and generally the prisoners which
they have made at the time of the murder of Sir de Jumonville,
and that they engage to send them with safe guard to
Fort Du Quesne, situated upon the Beautiful River, (Ohio)
therefore, for the security of this article, as well as of this
treaty, Messrs. Jacob Vanbraam and Robert Stobo, both
captains, will be given us as hostages, until the arrival of
our Frenchmen and Canadians, as above mentioned. We
oblige ourselves on our part to give escort, and return in
safety the two officers who promised us our Frenchmen in two
months and a half at the furthest.

Made duplicate upon one of the posts of our block house,
the day and year as above stated.

Have signed, Messrs. James Mackey, George Washington,
Coulon Villier.

As we have already stated, when the Virginia House of
Burgesses met in August, they requested the Governor to lay
before them a copy of the capitulation, and, upon a due consideration
of the subject, passed a vote of thanks to Colonel
Washington and his officers for their bravery and gallant defence
of their country. The names of all the officers were
enumerated, except those of the Major of the regiment, and
of Captain Vanbraam, the former of whom was charged with
cowardice, and the latter with having acted a treacherous part
in his interpretation of the articles. The Burgesses, also, in
an address to the Governor, expressed their approbation of

the instructions he had given to the officers and forces sent
on the Ohio expedition. In short, all the proceedings of the
campaign were not only approved, but applauded, by the representatives
of the people, and by the public generally. A
pistole was granted to each of the soldiers, who had been in
the engagement. To the vote of thanks Washington replied
as follows:

TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES.

Nothing could give me, and the officers under my
command, greater satisfaction, than to receive the thanks of
the House of Burgesses, in so particular and public a manner,
for our behaviour in the late unsuccessful engagement with
the French; and we unanimously hope that our future proceedings
in the service of our country will entitle us to a continuance
of your approbation, I assure you, sir, I shall always
look upon it as my indispensable duty to endeavor to
deserve it.

I was desired by the officers of the Virginia regiment to
make their suitable acknowledgments for the honor they have
received in your thanks. I therefore hope the enclosed will
be agreeable, and answer their, and the intended purpose of,
sir, your most obedient and humble servant,

TO THE WORSHIPFUL THE SPEAKER, AND THE GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF
BURGESSES

We, the officers of the Virginia regiment, are highly sensible
of the particular mark of distinction with which you have
honored us, in returning your thanks for our behaviour in the
late action, and cannot help testifying our grateful acknowledgments
for your high sense of what we shall always esteem
a duty to our country and the best of kings.

Favored with your regard, we shall zealously endeavor to
deserve your applause, and by our future actions strive to convince
the worshipful House of Burgesses, how much we esteem
their approbation, and, as it ought to be, regard it as
the voice of our country.

NOTE A.

A number of recent writers on Western History, among whom we may mention
Dr. Hildreth, in his "Pioneer History," Col. Geo. W. Thompson, one of the
Commissioners appointed to adjust the boundary question between Virginia
and Ohio, and several others, speak of the destruction in 1753 of an English
trading house at Logstown.[81]

Col. Thompson, in support of his position, that Virginia authority extended
west of the Ohio, alleges, "That the first acts of hostility on the part
of the French, clearly indicate the possession and extensive establishment
of Virginia, west of the Apalachian mountains—west of the Ohio river."
And then quotes from Smollett and Burke, in reference to the destruction of
the post at Logstown.

Without desiring to enter upon a discussion of this point, it may be alone
necessary to say, that apart from the unreliable statements of Smollett and
other British writers, we have no evidence of the existence of any trading
post at Logstown, of the date referred to. Washington, who was there in
1753, makes no allusion to it in his journal. Important cotemporary papers,
now among the archives of the Ohio Historical Society, make no mention of
such a thing; and it is therefore most probable that the destruction of the
post referred to by Smollett, Burke, Russell, and others, was on the Miami,
and not at Logstown, on the Ohio.

NOTE B.

The treaty of Lancaster, made in 1744, presents a very correct idea of
the manner in which the simple-hearted children of the forest were dealt
with by their Christian brethren.

The necessity for this treaty grew out of the fact that settlements had been
made on the Indian lands in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. Passing
over the first three days' proceedings as detailed by Marshe, one of the Secretaries,
we commence with the operations of Monday, June 24th. "On
this day, speaking began, to the satisfaction of all parties, and ended merrily
with dancing and music, and a great supper. On Tuesday and Wednesday
also, speeches were made, varied by dances, in which appeared some

very disagreeable women, who danced wilder time than any Indian! On
Thursday, the goods were opened, wherewith the Maryland people wished to
buy the Indian claim to the lands on which settlements had been made.
These goods were narrowly scanned by the red men, but at last taken for
£220, Pennsylvania money, after which, they drank punch. Friday, the Six
Nations agreed to the grant, and punch was drank again. On Saturday, a
dinner was given the Indians, at which they drank heartily, fed heartily,
and were very greasy before they finished! After this, came the Commissioners
from Virginia, supported by a due quantity of wine and bumbo,[82] and received
`a deed releasing their claim to a large quantity of land lying in that
colony,' the Indians being persuaded to `recognize the King's right to all
lands that are, or by his Majesty's appointment shall be within the colony
of Virginia.' For this, they received £200 in gold, and a like sum in goods,
with a promise, that as settlements increased, more should be paid, which
promise was signed and sealed."[83]

Such was the treaty of Lancaster, upon which the British based their claim
by purchase to the lands on the Ohio.