University of Virginia Library

IV. PART IV.

IV. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR.

1754-1763.

CHAPTER I.

EXPEDITION OF BRADDOCK.

In order to impart to the events of the next nine years
something of a distinctive character, we have prefixed the
name by which that fierce and sanguinary struggle (the war
of 1754—63) was known at the time. We desire, however, in
the premises, to protest against the association—French and
Indian, as it is clearly a misnomer. That was emphatically
a war between France and England, in which the Indians
were employed as allies.

The success of the French at the forks, and their triumph
on the mountains, greatly chagrined the governor of Virginia,
and moved the British crown to renewed and increased efforts
for establishing their claim to the region of the Ohio. The
Virginia Assembly having refused to vote men and means
for carrying on the war, it remained with the parent government
to adopt such measures as might ensure success. With
as little delay as practicable, it was determined to send to
America a force sufficient to repell the "invaders." Two
regiments of foot, commanded by Cols. Dunbar and Halket,
were ordered to Virginia, and 10,000 pounds in specie sent to
Governor Dinwiddie to defray the expenses of the war.

In addition to the force just named, orders were sent to
Governor Shirley and Sir William Pepperell to raise two
regiments in Massachusetts and other northern states.

On the 20th of February, 1755, Major-general Edward
Braddock, to whom had been given the command,

reached Alexandria with the two regiments of Dunbar
and Halket.

With the instructions to Governor Dinwiddie, came orders
to place the colonial militia on the footing of independent
companies. The effect of this was to cut down the commission
of Washington to a captaincy, which he indignantly refused
to receive, and forthwith resigned. Braddock, however,
had heard enough of the gallant Virginian to make his
services an object worth securing, and so tendered him the
place of an aid in his staff. This Washington accepted, and
an order announcing the appointment, was made to the army
at fort Cumberland,[2] May 10th.

On the 20th of April, the whole force, embracing about
twenty-five hundred men, moved from Alexandria, and in due
time reached Wills creek, where a fort had been erected by
Colonel Innes,[3] and named Cumberland in honor of the distinguished
duke. Here the army was unfortunately delayed
for near a month, by the Virginia contractors failing to furnish
the required number of horses and wagons. At length,
through the efforts and personal influence of Franklin, then
Postmaster-general of the colonies,[4] they were supplied by
some Pennsylvania farmers. But this was only the commencement
of their difficulties. The mountain wilderness

presented obstacles that for a time seemed to defy
the energy and capacity of the European general. During
the first three days march, the army advanced but nine miles.
In many places they were compelled to double their teams in
front, and often, in climbing the mountain sides, their line was
extended to four miles in length.

On the seventh day, they had reached the Little Meadows,
where Washington advised that the heavy artillery should be
left, together with the wagons, and that the baggage, &c., be
taken on pack horses. To this suggestion Braddock at last
reluctantly assented. Twelve hundred men, with twelve
pieces of cannon, were chosen as the advanced corps. This
was headed by Braddock in person, assisted by Sir Peter Halket
as Brigadier-general, Cols. Gage and Burton, and Major
Sparks. Washington, who was too ill to travel, was left with
Colonel Dunbar and the balance of the army.

On the 8th of July, after a march of nineteen days, which
could have been accomplished in nine, had it not been for the
"fastidiousness and presumption of the commander-in-chief,"
who, instead of pushing on with vigor, "halted to level every
mole-hill and bridge every rivulet," the division reached a
point near the mouth of Crooked run and the Monongahela.[6]
On the morning of the 9th, Colonel Washington rejoined the
division under Braddock,[7] whom he found in high spirits, and
firm in the conviction, that within a few hours "he would
victoriously enter the walls of Fort Du Quesne."

The men were in fine discipline, and as the noontide sun of
mid-summer fell upon their burnished arms, and brilliant

uniform, there was displayed one of the finest spectacles, as
Washington afterwards declared, he had ever beheld.[8] Every
man was neatly dressed, and marched with as much precision
as though he had been on parade at Woolwich. The glitter of
bayonets, and the "flash of warlike steel, contrasted strangely
with the deep and peaceful verdure of the forest shade."
On the right of the army, calmly flowed the Monongahela,
imaging upon its bosom the doomed host; while, on the left,
rose up the green old mountain, the sides of which had never
before echoed to the tramp of soldiery or to the strains of martial
music.

"How brilliant that morning, but how melancholy that
evening."

Before proceeding farther, it may be necessary to describe
the ground now so celebrated as Braddock's field. It is a
small bottom, embracing but a few acres, bounded on the
west by the river and on the east by a bluffy bank, through
which runs a deep ravine, and over which at the time of the
battle, and for many years afterwards, grew heavy trees,
matted brambles, vines, grass, etc. Upon this bluff lay concealed
the Indian and French forces. By one o'clock the
entire division had crossed the river: Colonel Gates with three
hundred regulars, followed by another body of two hundred,
led the advance. The commander-in-chief, supported by the
main column of the army, next crossed. The whole of the
advance party remained on the bottom until the rest of the
division crossed, and herein, we conceive, was the great error.
Had the three hundred, or five hundred men under Colonel
Gates, advanced and drawn the enemy's fire, thus giving the
seven hundred men in reserve an opportunity to rout the foe
with ball and bayonet, the result of that bloody conflict might
have been very different.

The general having arranged his plans, ordered a movement
of the division under Colonel Gage, while he would

bring up in person, the residue of the army. The gallant
colonel moved forward with his men, and whilst in the act of
passing through the ravine already noticed, a deadly and
terrible fire was opened upon them by an invisible foe.

To the brave grenadiers, who had stood firm on the plains
of Europe, amid tempests of cannon balls, cutting down
whole platoons of their comrades, this new species of warfare
was perfectly appalling; and unable longer to breast the
girdle of fire which enveloped them, they gave way in confusion,
involving the whole army in distress, dismay and
disorder.

In such a dilemma, with hundreds of his men falling at
every discharge,—his ranks converted into a wild and reckless
multitude; unable to rally and too proud to retreat; Braddock
obstinately refused to allow the provincial troops to
fight the Indians in their own way,[9] but with a madness incomprehensible,
did his utmost to form the men into platoons
and wheel them into close columns. The result was horrible,
and the sacrifice of life without a parallel at that time, in Indian
warfare. The Virginia regiments, unable to keep together,
spread through the surrounding wood, and by this means did
all the execution that was effected. Every man fought for
himself, and rushing to the trees from behind which gleamed
the flash of the rifle, the brave Virginian often bayoneted the
savage at his post. This perilous enterprise, however, was
attended with a terrible sacrifice. Out of three full companies,
but thirty men were left. Truly has it been said, "they
behaved like men and died like soldiers." Of Captain
Polson's company one only escaped. In that of Captain
Peyronny, every officer from the captain down, was sacrificed.

Of those engaged in this fearful conflict, and who were so
fortunate as to escape, were many who afterwards became
distinguished in the military and civil annals of Virginia. Of
this number, were the Lewis', Matthews', Grant, Field, etc.

This appalling seen lasted three hours, during which the
army stood exposed to the steady fire of a concealed but
most deadly foe, and men fell on every hand like grass before
the sweep of the sickle.

Finally, Braddock, after having five horses killed under him,
fell mortally wounded, by the avenging hand of an outraged
American. (See note B., end of Part IV.) At his fall, all
order gave way, and what remained of that so lately proud
army, rushed heedlessly into the river, abandoning all to the
fury of the savages and French. Artillery, ammunition, baggage,
including the camp chest of Braddock, which contained,
it is said, £75,000 in gold, all fell into the hands of the victorious
enemy.

The retreating army rushed wildly forward, and did not
stop until coming up to the rear division. So appalled were the
latter at the terrible disaster, that the entire army retreated with
disgraceful precipitancy to Fort Cumberland. This, according
to Smollett, "was the most extraordinary victory ever
obtained, and the farthest flight ever made."

It was the most disastrous defeat ever sustained by any
European army in America. Sixty-three officers, and seven
hundred and fourteen privates were killed or dangerously
wounded.[10] There is perhaps, no instance upon record, where
so great a proportion of officers were killed. Out of the
eighty-six composing the regiment, but twenty-three escaped
unhurt. Their brilliant uniform seemed sure marks for the
deadly aim of the savage.

On that disastrous day, the military genius of Washington
shone forth with much of that splendor, which afterwards
made him so illustrious. Two aids of Braddock had fallen,

and therefore, upon Washington alone devolved the duty of
distributing orders. "Men were falling thick and fast, yet
regardless of danger, he spurred on his steed, galloping here
and there through the field of blood. At length his horse
sunk under him; a second was procured, and pressing amid
the throng, sent his calm and resolute voice among the frightened
ranks, but without avail. A second horse fell beneath
him, and he leaped to the saddle of a third, while the bullets
rained like hail stones about him." Four passed through his
coat, without inflicting the slightest wound, showing clearly,
that a stronger hand than that of man's protected the body
at which they had been aimed. An eye-witness says, he expected
every moment to see him fall, as his duty exposed him
to the most imminent danger.[11] An Indian warrior was often
afterwards heard to say, that Washington was not born to be
shot, as he had fired seventeen times at his person without
success.[12]

The courage, energy, bravery and skill displayed by Washington
on this occasion marked him as possessed of the highest
order of military talents. Just from a bed of sickness, yet
forgetting his infirmities, he pushed through the panic-stricken
crowd, and his bright sword could be seen pointing in every
direction as he distributed the orders of his commander.

At last, when

the noble Virginia aid, with his provincial troops, who had
been held in so much contempt by the haughty and presumptuous
general, covered the retreat, and saved the remnant of
the army from annihilation.

At the fall of Braddock, Washington, with Capt. Stuart
of the Virginia Guards, hastened to his relief, and bore him

from the field of his inglorious defeat, in the sash which had
decorated his person. (See note C., conclusion of Part IV.)

Braddock was taken to Dunbar's camp, on the summit of
Laurel Hill, where he breathed his last, on the

evening of the fourth day after the battle. His
body was interred in the center of the road, and the entire
army marched over the spot in order that the remains of the
unfortunate general might not be desecrated by savage hands.[14]

Tradition still designates the place of his burial. It is about
nine miles east of Uniontown, and one hundred yards north
of the National road.

The only words General Braddock was heard to utter after
his fall were, "Is it possible—all is over!"[15] What a volume
of agony did those simple words express. Alas, such is
glorious war!

General Braddock was a man of undoubted bravery, but
imprudent, arrogant, headstrong and austere. He was a rigid
disciplinarian, and could manœuvre twenty thousand men on
the plains of Europe equal to any officer of his age; but
was perhaps the worst man the British government could have
selected for leading an army against the savages of America.
The Walpole Letters, in speaking of him, say he had been
Governor of Gibraltar; that he was poor and prodigal as well
as brutal—"a very Iroquois in disposition." Also, that he
had been engaged in a duel with Mr. Gamley, and an amour
with Mrs. Upton.

Before leaving England, the Duke of Cumberland warned
him against surprise from the savages.[16] Dr. Franklin also
had a conversation with him in Virginia, and strongly advised
him to guard against ambuscades, at the same time acquainting

him with the mode of warfare peculiar to the Indians. Braddock
treated it all as no obstacle, talked of making short work of
it, swore he could take Fort Du Quesne in a day, then proceed
up the Alleghany, and destroy all the French posts between
the Ohio and Canada, &c. &c. It was this spirit of arrogance,
hauteur and overweening confidence, that brought about
his disastrous defeat on the Monongahela. Had he taken the
advice of Washington, Franklin, or Sir Peter Halket, and
guarded against surprise, his name might not have gone down
to posterity connected with the most inglorious defeat in the
annals of modern warfare, and his bones not have filled a
mountain grave in the unbroken solitudes of America.

Thus ended the expedition of General Braddock, certainly
one of the most unfortunate ever undertaken in the west.

After the retreat of the army, the savages, unwilling to
follow the French in pursuit, fell upon the field, and preyed
on the rich plunder which lay before them. The wounded
and slain were robbed of everything, and the naked bodies
left a prey to the fierce beasts of the wood.[17] In 1758, after
Gen. Forbes had taken Fort Du Quesne, it was resolved to
search up the remains of Braddock's army, and bury the
bones. This was partly carried out at the time, but many
years afterwards, (June, 1781,) a second and more successful
attempt was made. George Roush, John Barr and John
Rhodenhamer, engaged as scouts, gathered and carted several
loads of human bones, and deposited them in a hole dug for
the purpose. Our informant, who was one of the party, says
the place of sepulture was directly on the battle-field.

Although nearly one hundred years have elapsed since that
memorable day, still the plough of the husbandman occasionally
turns up some relic of melancholy interest. During the

past summer, (1850,) the workmen engaged in grading the
track for a railroad, threw up numerous bones, bullets, and
other relics of that melancholy affair.

The number of French and Indians actually engaged has
never been fully ascertained, but variously estimated at from
four to eight hundred.[18]

GENERAL BRADDOCK.

CHAPTER II.

NEW MINISTRY AND NEW EXPEDITIONS.

The disastrous termination of Braddock's campaign was
the means of inflaming the passions of the savages, and exciting
them to deeds of blood, the very contemplation of
which cannot fail to thrill us with horror. They pushed across
the mountains into the unprotected settlements of Virginia
and Pennsylvania, spreading terror, dismay and death
wherever they went. Men, women and children were tortured
and murdered in the most barbarous and brutal manner,
their property destroyed, and improvements laid waste.
All who could, fled across the Blue ridge, but many of
course, there were, who could not get away, and these were
compelled to stay and endure the dread, and often the horrid
reality of savage cruelty. Intense fear pervaded the whole
frontier settlements, from the Susquehanna to the Holston.
The very name of an Indian struck terror into the hearts of
the defenceless settlers.

Washington, in April, 1756, wrote as follows from Winchester:
"The Blue ridge is now our frontier, no

men being left in this county (Frederick) except a
few, who keep close with a number of women and children
in forts. . . . The supplicating tears of the women, and
moving petitions of the men melt me with such deadly sorrow
that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could
offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy,
provided that would contribute to the people's ease."

Washington recommended to the Assembly that an expedition
be fitted out against Fort Du Quesne, as it would be
utter folly to strike against the marauding bands of Indians,

so long as the French were permitted to hold their position
at the head of the Ohio.

Notwithstanding the terrible defeat sustained by the British
arms in America, no open declaration of war was made until
May, 1756. During the early part of that year, however,
both nations had been busy in forming alliances—France
with Austria, Russia and Sweden; and England with
Frederick the Great. Now commenced that long and
bloody struggle known as the Seven Years' War, wherein
most of Europe, North America, the East and West Indies
partook and suffered.

Notwithstanding the warlike attitude of England, nothing
was done to annoy the French or to check the depredations
of the savages, until a change of ministry; and the mastermind
of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, assumed control of
the government. Endowed with a high order of intellect—
eloquent, profound and patriotic—it seemed as though the
"Heavens began to brighten and the storm to lose its power"
the moment his mighty hand laid hold of the helm of state.
He seemed to possess in an eminent degree the full confidence
of the nation, and the command of all its resources.

His plans of operation were grand, his policy bold, liberal
and enlightened, all which seemed greatly to animate the
colonists and inspire them with renewed hopes. They resolved
to make every effort and sacrifice which the occasion
might require. A circular from the premier assured the
colonial governments that he was determined to repair past
losses, and would immediately send to America a force sufficient
to accomplish the purpose. He called upon the different
governments to raise as many men as possible, promising to
send over all the necessary munitions of war, and pledging
himself to pay liberally all soldiers who enlisted.

Virginia equipped sixteen hundred men and sent them into
the field under Col. Washington. Massachusetts, Connecticut,
New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, &c., also contributed large
quotas. Three expeditions were determined upon, and the

most active measures taken to bring them to the field. The
first was to be against Louisbourg, the second against Ticonderoga
and Crown Point, and the third against Fort Du
Quesne.

The first of these, consisting of 14,000 men, twenty ships
of the line, and eighteen frigates, succeeded; the second, embracing
16,000 men, utterly failed; and of the third, we will
now speak more in detail.

The western expedition was placed under the command of
General John Forbes, an officer of great skill, energy and
resolution. His army consisted of nearly nine thousand men,
embracing British regulars and provincials from Virginia,
North Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and the lower counties
of Delaware. The Virginia, North Carolina and Maryland
troops were ordered to rendezvous at Winchester, Col.
Bouquet with the Pennsylvanians assembled at Raystown, now
Bedford, while the commander-in-chief, with the British regulars,
marched from Philadelphia to effect a junction with the
Pennsylvania troops at Raystown. In consequence, however,
of severe indisposition, Gen. Forbes did not get farther than
Carlisle, when he was compelled to stop. He marched to
Bedford about the middle of September,[20] (1758,) where he

met the provincial troops under Col. Washington. A controversy
here arose between Washington and his commander as
to the route they had better pursue. Washington maintained
that the road cut by Braddock was the proper one as opposing
less obstacles, and passing through an abundance of forage.
Bouquet and the Pennsylvania officers contended for a new
road direct from Raystown, and with the latter agreed Gen.
Forbes.

Without farther parley, the road was cut to Loyal-hanna, a
distance of forty-five miles, where Col. Bouquet built a fort.
From this point, Major Grant, with a select body of eight
hundred men, was sent forward to ascertain the situation of
affairs at the forks, and to gain information as to the best
mode of attack. During the night of the 20th of

September, he reached the hill near the junction
of the two rivers, now known by his name, and at early dawn,
on the 21st, marched toward the fort, breaking the stillness
of that autumnal morning with the spirit-stirring reveillé. At the first drum-tap the gates flew open, and outrushed the
French and Indians in great numbers. The air was rent with
the savage war-whoop, and ere the commander had time to
press his men to the conflict, or even before they could bring
their guns to bear, the foe were upon them, dealing death at
every blow. The savages were perfectly furious, and but for
the French, who interposed to save the prisoners, not one
perhaps of that ill-fated party would have escaped.

Major Andrew Lewis, who had been detached with a rear
guard, hearing the sound of battle, rushed to the relief of the
sufferers, leaving a guard of fifty Virginians under Captain
Bullitt to protect the baggage. But this accession of strength
was insufficient to check the headlong rush of the enemy.
Both Majors Lewis and Grant were taken prisoners.[22] Capt.

Bullitt, seeing the men flying before their bloody pursuers, and
knowing all was lost, resorted to an expedient which, although
condemned by some, was the means of saving the remnant of
the party. Ordering his men to lower their arms, Captain
Bullitt waited until the savages, who believing the party about
to surrender, approached within a few steps, when giving the
signal, a galling and deadly fire was poured upon the foe, followed
up by a rush with the bayonet, so suddenly and vigorously,
that the enemy gave way, and retreated in the utmost
dismay and confusion. This rusé, so happily conceived and
so well executed, was much admired, and the Virginians publicly
complimented by the commander-in-chief.[23]

Collecting what remained of the party he retreated to the
camp of Col. Bouquet.[24]

On the 1st of November, Gen. Forbes reached Loyalhanna,
and with as little delay as possible pushed on toward
Fort Du Quesne. When within a few miles of the fort, the
General was chagrined to learn that the French, becoming
alarmed at the augmented force of the English, and having
lost most of their Indian allies, determined to abandon their
position at the forks. Unwilling, however, to leave to their
successors any thing to rejoice over, they fired all the buildings
and placed a slow match to their magazine. The whole
party then descended the Ohio by water. About midnight,
as the army of Forbes' lay at Turtle creek, "a tremendous

explosion was heard from the westward, upon which the old
general swore that the French magazine was blown up, either
by accident or design."[25] On the 25th of Novem-
ber, the army took peaceable possession of the
place: the blackened walls and charred outposts, alone remaining
of that once proud fortress. On its ruins rose Fort
Pitt; which has long since given way to the leveling hand of
civilization. Often have we stood upon the few remaining
stones of these two celebrated structures, and wondered at the
mutability of man's boasted greatness,[27] —the utter littleness
of all that constitutes the "pride and pomp and circumstance
of glorious war."

The beautiful Fleur-de-lis here once opened its folds to the
admiring gaze of the simple-hearted native; then came the
rampant Lion of old England to overawe and subdue;—himself
in turn, to be subdued by the never-sleeping eye of the
American Eagle!

With the fall of Fort Du Quesne, terminated the struggle
between France and England, in the valley of the Ohio. The
posts on French creek still remained; but it was deemed unnecessary
to proceed against them, as the character of the
war in the north left very little doubt that the contest would
soon cease, by the complete overthrow of the French.

In 1759, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Niagara and Quebec,
yielded to the British arms, and on the 8th

of September of the following year, Montreal,
Detroit, and all of Canada were surrendered by the
French governor. The treaty of Fontainbleau, in November
1762, put an end to the war.

CHAPTER III.

BRITISH INFLUENCE THE WEST.

In succeeding to the power, it was unhappily discovered,
at an early day, that the English had not succeeded to the
influence of the French over the Indians. Many of the
northern tribes, embracing the Ottaways, Wyandotts, Chippeways,
etc., were strongly attached to the French, and
greatly deplored their downfall. A celebrated Chippeway
chief once said in council, in speaking of the French, "They
came and kissed us,—they called us children and we found
them fathers; we lived like children in the same lodge."
With feelings like these, it may readily be imagined, how the
Red men received the success of the English.

One month precisely, after the surrender of Canada, a
British officer (Major Rodgers) reached Erie on his way to take
possession of Detroit. Near the latter place, lived a distinguished
Ottoway chief, Pontiac, who had resolved to resist
the English, and when Rodgers demanded a surrender of that
post, the native warrior came forward and demanded how he
dared to enter the Indian country.

Rodgers evasively answered, that he had not come to take
the country, but only to take the place of the French, and
open up the channels of trade.

This reply, with some manifestations of friendship, conciliated
the chieftain, and the officer was permitted to pass on.

Causes, whether real or imaginary, and not now necessary to
particularize, soon disturbed the good feeling between the Ottoway
chief and his English neighbors. He questioned their motives,

doubted their friendship, and openly declared that they
had "treated him with neglect." These, always sufficient to excite
the ire of an Indian, were not long in showing their effect
upon Pontiac.[29] With him to resolve was to do; and in his
heart he determined to exterminate the new incumbents.
Having perfected his plans he broke it to his people, by declaring
that the Great Spirit had appeared to him and said,
"Why do you suffer these dogs in red coats to enter your
country and take the lands I gave you? drive them from it,
and when you are in distress I will help you." His hosts
were accordingly marshaled, his plans of operation laid open
to them, and at a concerted signal every English post save
three, in the great valley of the west,—the gain of many
years hard fighting, and at a sacrifice of blood and treasure
scarcely to be comprehended, fell before the skill and cunning
of this distinguished warrior.

In the brief period of fifteen days from the time the first
blow was struck, Pontiac was in full possession of nine out of
the twelve posts so recently belonging the English.[30] His

fearful threat, too, of extermination, was almost literally carried
out. Over two hundred traders with their servants fell
beneath his remorseless power, and goods estimated at over
half a million of dollars became the spoils of the confederated
tribes.

The attack on Detroit was led by Pontiac in person, but
failed through the treachery of a squaw. Forts Pitt and
Niagara were the other two that escaped.

Although unsuccessful against Fort Pitt, many depredations
were committed in its vicinity. Families were murdered,
houses burned, crops destroyed, and many similar outrages
perpetrated.

Gen. Amherst, hearing that the fort held out, despatched
Col. Bouquet, at the head of a sufficient force, to its relief.
At Fort Ligonier, he determined to leave the wagons, and
proceed on pack-horses. But his progress had been closely
watched and faithfully reported to the Indian army that lay
in ambush waiting his approach. Bouquet, however, was a
prudent and brave man, and with the terrible lesson of Braddock
before him, moved with great caution, and only in the
track of experienced scouts. His vigilant spies soon reported
the presence of Indians, but the gallant colonel kept his men
ready for any emergency. His position, however, was becoming
critical; before him lay a long and dangerous defile,
surrounded by high hills and covered with dense wood. Fearing
an ambuscade at this point, the colonel moved slowly, and
ordered every man to be ready for an attack. The army
had nearly approached this defile, when, quick as thought, a
most violent descent was made upon his advanced guard by a
large body of Indians. The enemy were met by a steady
and well-directed fire, and the main army, hurrying up to the
support of the guard, the savages were beaten back, and even
pursued into their retreats along the hill-sides. But they

soon rallied, and again and again fell upon the little army,
so as to prevent its progress, and of course greatly annoy it.
Finally, the savages completely surrounded their intended
victims, cutting them off from all supplies of water, &c., and
causing their chances to look hopeless in the extreme. Now
it was that Bouquet's fine military genius suggested a movement
which saved them all, perhaps, from utter defeat, if not
extermination.

He posted his troops on an eminence, forming a circle
around their convoy. This arrangement had been effected
during the night, and early on the following morning he
ordered the two companies occupying the most advanced situations
to fall within the circle. The troops on the right and
left immediately opened their files and filled up the vacancy
as though they were endeavoring to cover the retreat of the
others. Another company of infantry and one of grenadiers
were ordered to lie in ambuscade to support the two first
mentioned companies, who moved on the feigned retreat, and
who were directed to commence the attack. The stratagem
was admirably arranged, and most successfully executed.

The Indians, thinking the whites were retreating, rushed
from the woods in great numbers, making a most furious onslaught
against their enemy. At the very moment they believed
themselves victorious, the two companies made a sudden
turn from the rear of a hill which had concealed them from
the savages, and rushing fiercely upon the enemy's right flank,
completely routed them, and drove them from the field with
great slaughter. The Indians lost about sixty men, including
many of their best warriors, besides many wounded. The
English loss, in killed and wounded, was over one hundred.

Thwarted in their attempts to cut off this reinforcement,
the savages retreated toward their own country, wholly abandoning
their designs against Fort Pitt. Without further
interruption the gallant colonel made his way to the forks.

Unable to pursue the enemy into their own country, and
take advantage of the victory obtained over them, Colonel

Bouquet had to content himself with supplying Fort Pitt and
other points with provisions, ammunition, &c. &c.

Such was the campaign of 1763, and its happy termination.

NOTE A.—Braddock's Route.

The following is an extract of a letter from the distinguished historian,
Jared Sparks, in reference to the march of Genl. Braddock to the west, in
1755. It bears date, Salem, Mass., Feb. 18, 1847. * * *

Having therefore examined with care the details of Braddock's expedition,
I am persuaded that the following, as far as it goes, is a correct account
of his march from Gist's plantation.

On the 30th of June the army forded the Youghiogheny, at Stewart's
crossings, and then passed a rough road over a mountain. A few miles
onward they came to a great swamp, which detained them part of a day in
clearing a road. They next advanced to Salt Lick creek, now called Jacob's
creek, where a council of war was held, on the 3d of July, to consider a
suggestion of Sir John St. Clair, that Col. Dunbar's detachment should be
ordered to join the main body. This proposal was rejected, on the ground
that Dunbar could not join them in less than thirteen days; that this would
cause such a consumption of provisions as to render it necessary to bring
forward another convoy from Fort Cumberland; and that in the mean time
the French might be strengthened by a reinforcement which was daily
expected at Fort Du Quesne—and moreover, the two divisions could not
move together after their junction.

On the 4th the army again marched, and advanced to Turtle creek, about
twelve miles from its mouth, where they arrived on the 7th inst. I suppose
this to have been the eastern branch, or what is now called Brush creek,
and that the place at which they encamped was a short distance northerly
from the present village of Stewartsville. It was Gen. Braddock's intention
to cross Turtle creek, and approach Fort Du Quesne on the other side; but
the banks were so precipitous, and presented such obstacles to crossing with
his artillery and heavy baggage, that he hesitated, and Sir John St. Clair
went out with a party to reconnoitre. On his return before night, he reported
that he had found the ridge which led to Fort Du Quesne, but that
considerable work would be necessary to prepare a road for crossing Turtle
creek. This route was finally abandoned, and on the 8th the army marched
eight miles, and encamped not far from the Monongahela, west of the
Youghiogheny, and near what is called in an old map, "Sugar Run." When
Braddock reached this place, it was his design to pass through the narrows,
but he was informed by the guides, who had been sent out to explore, that
the passage was very difficult, about two miles in length, with a river on the

left, and a high mountain on the right, and that much work must be done
to make it passable for carriages. At the same time he was told that there
were two good fords across the Monongahela, where the water was shallow, and
the banks not steep. With these views of the case, he determined to cross
the fords the next morning. The order of march was given out, and all the
arrangements were made for an early movement.

About eight o'clock, on the morning of the 9th, the advanced division
under Colonel Gage, crossed the ford and pushed forward. After the whole
army had crossed and marched about a mile, Braddock received a note from
Col. Gage, giving notice that he had passed the second ford without difficulty.
A little before two o'clock, the whole army had crossed this ford, and was
arranged in the order of march, on the plain near Frazier's house. Gage
with the advanced party was then ordered to march, and while the main
body was yet standing on the plain, the action began near the river. Not
a single man of the enemy had before been seen.

The distance, by the line of march, from Stewart's crossing to Turtle
creek, or Brush creek, was about thirty miles. At this point the route
was changed almost to a right angle in marching to the Monongahela. The
encampment was probably two or three miles from the bank of the river,
for Col. Gage marched at the break of day, and did not cross the ford till
eight o'clock. During the whole march from the Great Meadows, the pickets
and sentinels were frequently assailed by scouting parties of French and
Indians, and several men were killed. Mr. Gist acted as the general's guide.

On the 4th of July two Indians went out to reconnoitre the country
towards Fort Du Quesne; and Mr. Gist also, on the same day, in a different
direction. They were gone two days, and all came in sight of the fort, but
brought back no important intelligence. The Indians contrived to kill and
scalp a French officer, whom they found shooting within half a mile of the
fort.

The army seldom marched more than six miles a day, and commonly not
so much. From Stewart's crossing to Turtle creek, there were six encampments.
During one day the army halted. * * *

In addition to the foregoing, we will give a few extracts from the account
of Mr. Atkinson, the engineer who surveyed the route. Mr. A. deserves
much credit for the zeal he has manifested in this matter, and the faithful
manner he has traced the route trodden by the unfortunate army.

On the 8th of of June, Braddock left Fort Cumberland. Scaroodaya, successor
to the Half-King of the Senecas, and Monacateotha, whose acquaintance
Washington had made on the Ohio, on his mission to Le Bœuf, with
about 150 Indians, Senecas and Delawares, accompanied him. George
Croghan, the Indian agent of Pennsylvania, and a friendly Indian of great
value, called Susquehanna Jack, were also with him.

The first brigade under Sir Peter Halket, led the way, and on the 9th,

the main body followed. They spent the third night only five miles from the
first. The place of encampment is marked by a copious spring bearing
Braddock's name.

The route continued up Braddock's run to the forks of the stream, where
Clary's tavern now stands, nine miles from Cumberland, when it turned to the
left, in order to reach a point on the ridge favorable to an easy descent into
the valley of George's creek. It is surprising that having reached this high
ground, the favorable spur by which the National road accomplishes the
ascent of the Great Savage mountain, did not strike the attention of the engineers,
as the labor necessary to surmount the barrier from the deep valley
of George's creek, must have contributed greatly to those bitter complaints
which Braddock made against the Colonial governments for their failure to
assist him more effectively in the transportation department.

Passing a mile to the south of Frostburg, the road approaches the east
foot of Savage mountain, which it crosses about one mile south of the National
road, and thence by very favorable ground, through the dense forests
of white pine peculiar to this region, it got to the north of the National
road, near the gloomy tract called the Shades of Death. This was the 15th
of June, when the gloom of the summer woods, and the favorable shelter
which these enormous pines would give an Indian enemy, must have made a
most sensible impression on the minds of all, of the insecurity of their mode
of advance.

This, doubtless, had its share in causing the council of war held at the
Little Meadows[31] the next day. To this place, distant only about twenty
miles from Cumberland, Sir John St. Clair and Major Chapman had been
dispatched on the 27th of May to build a fort.

The conclusion of the council was to push on with a picked force of 1200
men, and 12 pieces of canon, and the line of march, now more compact, was
resumed on the 19th. Passing over ground to the south of the Little Crossings,
and of the village of Grantsville, which it skirted, the army spent the
night of the 21st at the Bear Camp, a locality I have not been able to identify,
but suppose it to be about midway to the Great crossings, which it
reached on the 23d. The route thence to the Great Meadows or Fort Necessity,
was well chosen, though over a mountainous tract, conforming very
nearly to the ground now occupied by the National road, and keeping on
the dividing ridge between the waters flowing into the Youghiogheny on the
one hand, and the Cheat river on the other. Having crossed the Youghiogheny,
we are now on the classic ground of Washington's early career,
where the skirmish with Jumonville, and Fort Necessity, indicate the country
laid open for them in the previous year. About one mile west of the
Great Meadows, and near the spot now marked as Braddock's grave, the

road struck off more to the north-west, in order to reach a pass through
Laurel Hill, that would enable them to strike the Youghiogheny, at a point
afterwards known as Stewart's crossings, and about half a mile below the
present town of Connolsville. This part of the route is marked by the farm
known as Mount Braddock. This second crossing of the Youghiogheny was
effected on the 30th of June. The high grounds intervening between the
river and Jacob's creek, though trivial in comparison with what they had
already passed, it may be supposed, presented serious obstacles to the
troops, worn out with previous exertions. From the crossing of Jacob's
creek, which was at the point where Welchhanse's mill now stands, about a
mile and a half below Mount Pleasant, the route stretched off to the north,
crossing the Mount Pleasant turnpike near the village of that name, and
thence, by a more westerly course, passing the great Sewickley near Painter's
Salt Works, thence south and west of the post office of Madison and Jacksonville,
it reached the brush fork of Turtle creek.

The approach to the river was now down the valley of Crooked run, to
its mouth, where the point of fording is still manifest, from a deep notch in
the west bank, though rendered somewhat obscure by the improved navigagation
of the river. The advance, under Col. Gage, crossed about eight o'clock,
and continued by the foot of the hill bordering the river bottom to the second
fording, which he had effected nearly as soon as the rear had got through
the first.

The second and last fording, near the mouth of Turtle creek, was in full
view of the enemy's position, and about one mile distant. By one o'clock the
whole army had gained the right bank, and was drawn up on the bottom
land, near Frazier's house, and about three-fourths of a mile from the
ambuscade.

NOTE B.

In the ranks of Braddock were two brothers, Joseph and Thomas Fausett,
or Fawcett; the first a commissioned, and the latter a non-commissioned
officer. One of them, ("Tom Fausett,") the Hon. Andrew Stewart of Uniontown,
says he knew very well, and often conversed with him about early
times. "He did not hesitate to own, in the presence of his friends, that he
shot Braddock." The circumstances, perhaps, were briefly these. Regardless
of Genl. Braddock's positive and foolish orders that the troops should
not protect themselves behind trees, Joseph Fausett had so posted himself,
which Braddock discovering, rode up, and struck him down with his sword.
Tom Fausett, who stood but a short distance from his brother, saw the whole
transaction, and immediately drew up his rifle, and shot him through the body.
This, as he afterwards said, was partly out of revenge for B.'s assault upon
his brother, and partly to get the general out of the way, and thus save the
remnant of the army.

In addition to the above, we may give the statement of a correspondent of
the National Intelligencer, who seems to have been familiar with the facts.
"When my father was removing with his family to the West, one of the Fausett's
kept a public-house to the eastward from, and near where Uniontown now
stands. This man's house we lodged in about the 10th of October, 1781,—
twenty-six years, and a few months after Braddock's defeat; and then it
was made anything but a secret, that one of the family dealt the death-blow
to the British general. Thirteen years afterwards, I met Thomas Fausett,
then, as he told me, in his 70th year. To him I put the plain question, and
received the plain reply, `I did shoot him.' I never heard the fact doubted
or blamed, that Fausett killed Braddock."

Mr. Watson (Annals of the Olden Time, vol. i. pp. 141-2,) says, that in
1833, he met William Butler, a private in the Pennsylvania Greens at the
defeat of Braddock. "I asked him particularly, who killed Braddock? and
he answered promptly, one Fausett, brother of one whom Braddock had killed
in a passion." In 1830, Butler saw Fausett near Carlisle, where he had gone
on a visit to his daughter. The Millerstown (Perry county, Pa.,) Gazette,
of 1830, speaks of Butler being there, and in company with an aged soldier
in that town, "who had been in Braddock's defeat, and that both concurred
in saying, that Braddock had been shot by Fausett,"

A Minister of the M. E. Church, writing to the Christian Advocate, says,
"The old man died at the age of one hundred and fourteen years, in 1828,
who killed Braddock." The Newburyport Herald of 1842, declares its
acquaintance with Daniel Adams, an old soldier of that place, aged 82,
who confirmed the shooting of Braddock by one of his own men.

"Braddock wore a coat of mail in front, which turned balls fired in front,
but he was shot in the back, and the ball was found stopped in front by the coat
of mail." The venerable William Darby of Washington City, has recently
stated to the author, that during his early days, he never heard it doubted,
that Fausett had killed Braddock. It seems a generally conceded fact,
and most of the settlers were disposed to applaud the act.

NOTE C.

The identical sash worn by Braddock at the time of his defeat, and in
which he was borne from the field bleeding and dying, recently passed into
the hands of one of America's greatest and most successful generals.

It appears that the sash referred to, some years since became the property
of a gentleman at New Orleans.

After the brilliant achievement on the Rio Grande in 1846, the owner of
the relic forwarded it to Genl. Gaines, with a request that it might be presented
to the officer who most distinguished himself on that occasion. The
old general promptly sent it by special messenger, to the Commander-in-Chief.

The person who bore it, thus speaks of the presentation and interview.
"General Taylor took the sash and examined it attentively. It was of unusual
size, being quite as large, when extended, as a common hammock. In
the meshes of the splendid red silk that composed it, was the date of its
manufacture, `1707,' and although it was one hundred and forty years old,
save where the dark spots, that were stained with the blood of the hero who
wore it, it glistened as brightly as if it had just come from the loom.

Upon the unusual size of the sash being noticed, Gen. Worth, who had
joined the party in the tent, mentioned that such was the old-fashioned style;
and that the soldier's sash was intended to carry, if necessary, the wearer
from off the field of battle. It was mentioned in the conversation, that after
Gen. Ripley was wounded at Lundy's Lane, his sash, similar in form, was
used as a hammock to bear him from the field, and that in it he was carried
several miles, his body swaying to and fro between the horses, to which the
ends of the sash were securely fastened. To a wounded soldier, no conveyance
could be more grateful, or more appropriate.

Gen. Taylor broke the silent admiration, by saying he would not receive
the sash. Upon our expressing surprise, he continued, that he did not think
he should receive presents until the campaign, so far as he was concerned,
was finished. He elaborated on the impropriety of naming children after
living men, fearing lest the thus honored might disgrace their namesakes.
We urged his acceptance of the present; and he said, finally, that he would
put it carefully away in his military chest, and if he thought he deserved so
great a compliment, at the end of the campaign, he would acknowledge the
receipt."

The stirring events that have transpired since he made that remark, have
added the laurels of Monterey to those he then wore; and the world, as well
as the donors of that sash, will insist upon his acceptance of it.

Since writing the above, the old chieftain himself has passed from the
living to the dead. He died—a singular coincidence, on the anniversary of
that terrible event—the defeat of Braddock. But a few weeks previous to
his death, the author, then on a visit to Washington, freely conversed with
the distinguished chieftain upon the very subject about which we have been
writing. He said, that the sash referred to, was still in his possession, and
at any time we desired it, would have it shown. Knowing that matters of
state pressed heavily upon him, we did not ask it at that time; and thus,
perhaps, the opportunity has been lost forever;—certainly deprived of
one of its most interesting features—to be seen in the hands of General
Taylor. During the interview referred to, he spoke much and frequently
of Washington's early operations in the west, and inquired whether any
of the remains of Fort Necessity could be seen.