 | THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
X. THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY
CHAPTER X
EMPEROR HSIAO-CH'ENG
INTRODUCTION
Few textual characteristics of this chapter require comment. Its
eulogy, like that in the preceding chapter, opens with a remark by
Pan Piao, but, like that chapter, this one shows no characteristics that
would lead us to consider it more than the other annals to be the work
of Pan Piao. Pan Ku might easily have quoted a passage from his
father's eulogy in a chapter that was largely his own composition.
Summary of the reign
This chapter constitutes the chronological summary covering one
of the long reigns in the dynasty, which lasted twenty-six years, from
33 to 7 B.C. It was a peaceful period, when the traditional practises
were largely continued without change. The government was entrusted
to the Wang clan, that of the Emperor's mother; her brothers, one after
another, controlled affairs, while the Emperor took his pleasure in
amusement, music, banquets, incognito excursions, and in his harem.
The government consequently degenerated and corruption became rife,
until the people were driven to sporadic rebellions, none of which, however,
became serious. Certain events within the imperial harem influenced
history more vitally than anything else.
The beginning of the future Grand Empress Dowager née Wang's
career
Many casual happenings cooperated to bring Emperor Ch'eng to the
throne. About 52 B.C., while his father, Emperor Yüan, was still only
Emperor Hsüan's Heir-apparent, the Heir-apparent's favorite concubine
became ill and died. Either in sincerity or because she wished to keep
her husband true to her, she told the future Emperor Yüan, before she
died, that her death had been the result of magical imprecations by his
other concubines. He believed her, became ill with grief, and would
have nothing to do with his other women. His father, Emperor Hsüan,
became worried, and told his Empress to pick out some of his Daughters
of Good Family (the next to the lowest grade of imperial concubines)
for the Heir-apparent. Five girls were offered to the sorrowing Heir-apparent,
who had no desire for any of them. Out of respect for his
mother, he forced himself to say, "One of these will do." The harem
only one dressed in red; consequently she was sent to the Heir-apparent's
apartments.
This girl, Cheng-chün, the future Grand Empress Dowager née Wang,
was the daughter of a minor official in one of the capital bureaus. She
had been betrothed twice, and each time her betrothed had died. The
diviners had foretold that she would become honorable, so she had
been taught to write and to play the lute, and had been presented to the
imperial harem. At this time, she was in her nineteenth year. The
Heir-apparent had been married for seven or eight years and had had
several tens of women in his apartments, but he had had no children;
the first time that this new girl was summoned, she was favored and
conceived. In 51 B.C., she gave birth to the future Emperor Ch'eng.
Emperor Hsüan was delighted with the babe, his grandson, called him
the Heir-apparent of the Heir-apparent, and often had the child by
him. When Emperor Yüan came to the throne, this child was in his
third year and was made Heir-apparent. His mother was accordingly
made the Empress. Cheng-chün's father was made a marquis, and
her uncle was given an official position. The favoring of relatives
(cf. p. 292) is a Confucian moral principle.
Shih3 Tan frustrates an intrigue to change the Heir-apparent
When the Heir-apparent grew up, he proved generous and respectful,
but he gave himself up to drinking, music, and banqueting. His
father thereupon concluded that this son was incapable. The Emperor's
second son, Liu K'ang1a, who had been made King of Ting-t'ao, showed
much ability and skill, and was beloved by his father, who kept the boy
by him. He also highly favored the child's mother, the Brilliant Companion
née Fu. In 33 B.C., when Emperor Yüan was seriously ill, this
Brilliant Companion and her son were constantly in attendance upon
him, while the Empress née Wang and her son did not often see the
Emperor. He thought seriously of changing the succession, and several
times asked what previous emperors had done when they changed their
heirs.
Emperor Yüan had previously appointed, as the protector of his
Heir-apparent, Shih3 Tan, an intimate companion of the Emperor, who
was a younger son of the clan to which the Emperor's great-grandmother
had belonged. Shih3 Tan, who was attending upon the Emperor, took
the opportunity when the Emperor was alone to speak in behalf of the
Heir-apparent. He pointed out that the Heir-apparent had had that
position for more than ten years because he was the Emperor's eldest
son and had consequently become known to the people and the officials,
Yüan was impressed by this reasoning. He considered that his
Empress née Wang had been very respectful and careful and that his
Heir-apparent had been loved by Emperor Hsüan, so he did not change
the Heir.
The Wang clan controls the government. Their deeds
Just as Emperor Yüan had put his maternal relatives into control
of the government, so Emperor Ch'eng promptly put his mother's
relatives into the dominating positions. Wang Feng, the eldest brother
of his mother, was made Commander-in-chief, General-in-chief, and
Intendant of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing and an associate
of Hsü Chia, who had been Commander-in-chief and General of Chariots
and Cavalry for seven years previously. Hsü Chia was the father of
Emperor Ch'eng's first Empress and a maternal uncle of Emperor Yüan.
Wang Feng's concurrent titles were higher than those of Hsü Chia, and,
in three years, the latter retired because of age, after which Wang Feng
alone controlled the government.
The dominating position in the government became again, as previously
in the time of Emperors Chao and Hsüan, the Intendant of Affairs
of the Masters of Writing. In 29 B.C., the eunuch office of Palace
Writer was abolished. As Intendant, Wang Feng could determine
what matters came to the attention of the Emperor, who was supposed
to ratify all important appointments and enactments. When Wang
Shang1a (a different person from the Wang Shang1b, who was a brother
of Wang Feng) was Lieutenant Chancellor and accused a Grand Administrator
of crime, his memorial was suppressed by Wang Feng, so
that nothing could be done. Wang Feng soon had Wang Shang1a
dismissed (cf. 82: 2a). Emperor Ch'eng was young and deferred to his
uncle, who watched over the Emperor's every action. When the famous
scholar, Liu Hsin1a, was first presented to the Emperor, the latter was
delighted and wanted to make Liu Hsin1a a Regular Palace Attendant.
Just as he was about to be installed, one of the Emperor's entourage
told the Emperor that he should first consult Wang Feng. Emperor
Ch'eng wanted impatiently to proceed with the installation, but Wang
Feng's man insisted, and Emperor Ch'eng communicated with Wang
Feng. When the latter refused permission, the matter was dropped.
Thus Wang Feng dominated the government both through his position
and by his ascendency over his imperial nephew. He came to be cordially
hated by many in the court.
In order to prevent the domination of the government by a single
created. Chang Yü3, a Confucian scholar and Erudit, who had been
Emperor Ch'eng's teacher and was later made Lieutenant Chancellor,
had been made Intendant along with Wang Feng. The Confucian
scholar, however, feared the power of Wang Feng, and several times
pronounced himself ill and asked to resign. This permission was refused,
and he was not allowed to resign until 20 B.C., when he was retired on
account of age. The Confucian could not hold his own against the
Emperor's close relative.
Wang Feng's power did not go unchallenged; in 25 B.C., Wang Chang,
an outspoken official, in a private audience, took advantage of an eclipse
to tell Emperor Ch'eng that special visitations came because of deeds
done by high officials, and pointed out Wang Feng's derelictions. But
Wang Feng's cousin, Wang Yin, who was concealed and listening to the
conversation, reported the matter to Wang Feng. The latter promptly
pronounced himself ill, retired to his residence, and asked to retire on
account of age. When Emperor Ch'eng's mother heard of it, she wept
and refused to eat. Emperor Ch'eng was to kind-hearted to hurt his
mother or had become accustomed to be dominated by her; he had also
come to rely upon his uncle and found he could not do without him, so
he replied that Wang Feng should arise and do his best. Later the
latter had a Master of Writing memorialize Wang Chang's offenses; he
was sent to prison, where he died, and his family was exiled. Thereafter
the power of Wang Feng remained unchallenged. He chose the
incumbents of all the positions in the government and filled the bureaucracy
with his adherents.
Before Wang Feng died in 22 B.C., Emperor Ch'eng came to see him
and promised to make Wang Feng's brother the next Commander-inchief.
Wang Feng, however, recommended Wang Yin. The latter was
accordingly made Commander-in-chief, General of Chariots and Cavalry,
and Intendant of Affairs of the Masters of Writing. Hsieh Hsüan, who
later became Lieutenant Chancellor, was also made Intendant.
The Wang clan thus rose from obscurity to the control of the empire
because one girl of the clan had happened to give birth to the Emperor.
Eight members of the clan had already been made marquises; two more
were later also enfeoffed. Members of the clan vied with one another in
extravagance. They had several dozen women in their harems, hundreds
or thousands of slaves, musicians, singers, dogs, and horses. Their
residences were large and contained earthen hills, cave gates, high
pavilions, passage-ways, etc. Wang Shang1b, a brother of Wang Feng,
borrowed from Emperor Ch'eng the Ming-kuang Palace, north of Ch'ang-lo
He had the city-wall of Ch'ang-an pierced, in order to let the Feng River
into his residence, where he made a large pond. On his boat he had
feather coverings and curtains all around; his oarsmen sang songs of
Yüeh as they rowed. When Emperor Ch'eng visited Wang Shang's
residence and saw the pierced city-wall, he was displeased, but said
nothing. Later he saw the earthen hill in the park of Wang Feng's
residence, and became angry. These deeds violated imperial prerogatives.
He was told that another brother, Wang Li5, sheltered guests in
his house who made a practise of robbery. Emperor Ch'eng reprimanded
Wang Yin; the brothers, Wang Shang, Wang Li5, and Wang Ken, came
to the Emperor carrying axes and headsman's blocks on their backs,
begging pardon for their crimes. Again the kind-hearted and timid
Emperor could not bear to execute them or make them suffer, so they
escaped punishment.
When Wang Yin died in 15 B.C., his position was given to Wang Shang1b,
the eldest living brother of Wang Feng. He was made Commander-inchief,
General of the Guard, and Intendant of Affairs of the Masters of
Writing. When he died in 11 B.C., his next younger brother, Wang Li5,
was in line for the vacancy, but he had committed a crime, so Wang Li5
was passed over and his next younger brother, Wang Ken, was made
Commander-in-chief, General of Agile Cavalry, and Intendant of Affairs
of the Masters of Writing. He controlled the government for the next
five years.
The rise of Wang Mang
In 7 B.C., Wang Ken retired on account of age. His position was
taken by Wang Mang but not without an interval of struggle and intrigue.
Wang Ken's sister's son, Shun-yü Chang, had shown ability and so had
been made a marquis and had been elevated to be one of the ministers.
He naturally thought that he would succeed Wang Ken, and had even gone
so far as to discuss who should be given prominent government positions.
But Wang Ken's elder brother's son, Wang Mang (who later usurped the
throne), was intensely ambitious and wanted the place. He took care to
wait upon Wang Ken in his illness and to find out about Shun-yü Chang's
doings. The latter had many wives and concubines and indulged much
in music and women, not restraining himself by the laws. He had taken
the widowed sister of the dismissed Empress née Hsü as a concubine, and
had received bribes from the dismissed Empress to the value of more than
ten million cash, on the promise that he would induce the Emperor to
make her the Junior Empress. Wang Mang told Wang Ken about
Shun-yü Chang's deeds, adding that the latter had rejoiced at the illness
of Wang Ken, because he expected to succeed the latter in control of the
Empress Dowager née Wang about the matter, who in turn had Wang
Mang repeat his information to Emperor Ch'eng. Shun-yü Chang was
dismissed and ordered back to his estate.
As he was leaving, Wang Jung, the heir of Wang Ken's elder brother,
Wang Li5, called upon Shun-yü Chang, and the latter took the opportunity
to send some valuable jewels to Wang Li5, who accordingly spoke
the Emperor Ch'eng in behalf of Shun-yü Chang. Emperor Ch'eng
became suspicious and had the officials investigate. They arrested Wang
Jung, and his father made him commit suicide, in order to prevent the
government from securing information. Thereupon Emperor Ch'eng
became even more suspicious, and had Shun-yü Chang arrested and tortured.
He told about making sport of the dismissed Empress née Hsü
and of his promise to her; his crime was adjudged to be treason, and, in
8 B.C., he died in prison. His family was exiled; Wang Li5 was exiled
from the capital to his estate; the dismissed Empress was sent poison;
and several dozens of persons were sentenced.
Wang Ken recommended Wang Mang for his position, and in 7 B.C.
the latter was made Commander-in-chief and Intendant of Affairs of the
Masters of Writing. In five months, Emperor Ch'eng died; three months
later Wang Mang resigned to make way for the new Emperor's maternal
relatives.
Thus the Wang clan ruled the empire for a quarter-century by virtue
of being relatives of the Emperor's mother. She supported them against
any threat to displace them, and the weak Emperor was glad to be
relieved from the burdens of government. Their conduct is hardly
admirable. Wang Feng merely continued the traditions of his predecessors,
while Wang Ken was known for his avarice. The quality of the
government declined considerably. The Lieutenant Chancellor and
Grandee Secretary had become virtual subordinates of the Commanderin-chief.
Imperial economies and grants
A superficial perusal of this "Annals" gives the impression that Emperor
Ch'eng's reign was a good one. He had the best of intentions and
indeed probably thought of himself as a good ruler. He followed Confucian
models and continued his father's practise of instituting economies
in the government. Some twenty-five palaces and a prison in Shang-lin
Park were abolished (10: 2a, 3a). The imperial carriages and stables were
reduced (4a).
The great imperial sacrifices removed to the capital
A great economy was effected in 32 B.C. at the suggestion of the Confucian,
K'uang Heng, by moving the imperial sacrifices to the Supreme
Palace at Yün-yang (in the present central Shensi), from Fen-yin in
Ho-tung Commandery (in the present western Shansi), and from Yung
(Feng-hsiang, in the present western Shensi), respectively, to the capital,
where places for these sacrifices were established to the south and north
of the capital. The practise, which was continued down to Ch'ing times,
that the altar for the imperial sacrifices to Heaven and Earth should be
at the imperial capital, was thus inaugurated. This change was not,
however, made without qualms, especially as at the time of the change, a
storm uprooted more than a hundred great trees at the Kan-ch'üan altar.
When, in 14 B.C., Emperor Ch'eng was still without an heir, the Empress
Dowager restored the imperial sacrifices to their former places, and thereafter
Emperor Ch'eng traveled bi-annually to those places to perform the
usual sacrifices. Immediately after his death, however, the altars at
Ch'ang-an were restored, just as certain imperial ancestral temples, which
Emperor Yüan had abolished and restored, were finally abolished when
he died.
In addition to these economies, grants of taxes, noble ranks, money,
oxen, wine, silk, etc. were made at intervals of every few years; amnesties
were granted every two or three years; and approximately every three
years the Emperor asked for the recommendation of capable persons for
government service. In 18 B.C., a much lower price was put upon noble
ranks. In 15 B.C., noble ranks, official positions, and tax remissions
were given to those who made large contributions at the time of a famine.
When, in 16 B.C., it became apparent that more than four years' work
was insufficient to complete a second and grander tomb for the Emperor,
this tomb was given up and the Court Architect, who had planned the
second tomb, was punished, together with Ch'en T'ang, who had planned to
benefit by the real-estate development connected with the second tomb.
The imperial edicts show a sincere desire to secure a good and beneficent
government and to benefit the people. These edicts, however, had little
effect, for the Wang clan, not the Emperor, was selecting the officials,
and Emperor Ch'eng did little without the consent of this clan.
Corrupt government brings popular distress and rebellions
The character of the government administration must have declined
considerably and official oppression of the people must have increased
greatly, for in this reign there occurred a phenomenon that had been
absent since the reign of Emperor Wu—several sporadic revolts
occurred in various parts of the empire. There were droughts in 31 and
18 B.C. In 29, the Yellow River broke a dike and overflowed 32 prefectures
in four commandaries to a depth of thirty feet, because the
dike. The dike was immediately mended. There were floods again in
30, 29, 27, 23, and 17 B.C. These, however, do not seem to have been
much more than the usual number of such calamities in north China.
Yet in 17 B.C., there were many vagrants and roving people on the
roads (p. 10b)—people who had been driven away from their homes
for one reason or another—another phenomenon largely absent since
the time of Emperor Wu. In 22 B.C., there was an armed rebellion
among those sentenced to work as slaves in the government iron works
at Ying-ch'uan commandery (in the present central Honan). The
rebellion overran nine prefectures. In 17 B.C., there was a similar revolt
among the government criminals in Kuang-han Commandery (in the
present Szechuan), which lasted for ten months, overran four prefectures,
and produced a band said to have numbered ten thousand persons. In
the winter of 14/13 B.C., there was a revolt in Ch'en-liu Commandery
(the present central Honan), in which the Grand Administrator was
killed. Its leader was assassinated by some treacherous followers and
the revolt collapsed. The next month, the greatest of these revolts
arose among the government slaves in the iron works at Shan-yang
Commandery (the present southwestern Shantung). This revolt spread
over nineteen commanderies and kingdoms. It was put down in the
same year.
Since the officials had almost unchecked power over the people, unless
the Emperor took the trouble to consider the people's petitions, a set of
corrupt officials could easily tyrannize and oppress the common people,
until rebellion became a welcome relief from suffering. Those sentenced
to penal servitude would naturally be treated the worst, and hence would
be the first to rebel. In this reign, as in that of Emperor Wu, official
oppression, caused by imperial negligence in the oversight of the
bureaucracy and consequent official corruption and oppression, brought
about bitter suffering on the part of the common people in the provinces
and consequent revolts.
Divine visitations and prodigies
This reign is unique in the number of visitations and prodigies recorded.
Fires, comets, eclipses, fogs, flies, droughts, floods, earthquakes,
avalanches, murders, meteors, and thunders dot the pages of this chapter,
few years being without several visitations. The recording of these
portents is undoubtedly due to the increasing acceptance of Han Confucianism
by intelligent people, with its doctrine that Heaven, as the
state god, is interested in state happenings and consequently sends
visitations (tsai) as warnings whenever anything wrong is allowed to
As a natural consequence, people looked for portents whenever things
began to go wrong, and found a portent in any strange event. The
reporting of portents was thus a means of criticizing the government—one
which could hardly be punished or stopped, since portents were supposed
to be sent by Heaven, not by men. Ever since the time of Emperor Wu,
criticism of the government had been more or less repressed and ofttimes
punished; the reporting of portents thus became a safe outlet for peoples'
feelings. It is furthermore probable that most, if not all, of these
portents were reported by the people to the high officials, such as Commandery
Grand Administrators, and memorialized to the throne by the
latter, since, except for those persons who could go to the imperial palace
in person, ordinary people could not petition the emperor. Thus the
large number of portents in this reign is an indication of the reaction by
the people, and especially by the higher officials, to the character of the
central government.
There were several systems of portent-interpretation; they are summarized
in the "Treatise on the Five Elements," ch. 27, of which W.
Eberhard has made a study in his "Beiträge zur kosmologischen Spekulation
der Chinesen der Han-Zeit" (Baessler-Archiv, B. 16, H. 1-2). Since,
however, portents were merely strange chance events and could not be
fabricated to fit the situation, due to the danger of detection and punishment,
and since they had to be interpreted to fit the actual evils of the
time, no system of portent-interpretation could fit all cases; we find
diverse interpretations for the same portent from different authorities
and for the same sort of event at different times. It is therefore not
surprising that Pan Ku, after a long discussion of portents, should have
concluded that they are "obscure, profound, dark, and impenetrable."
(HS 100 A: 16a). In his "Memoirs," he records many instances in which
an interpretation of a portent produced a correct prophecy of the future,
but he characteristically also records instances in which reliance upon
portents led to error and calamity. The interpretation of portents was
thus, even in Han times, a pseudo-science not wholeheartedly accepted
by the best minds.
Emperor Ch'eng was usually affected by these portents; his edicts
testify to his acceptance of the Confucian doctrine that they are warnings
sent by Heaven to the ruler. Sometimes, however, he was not so sure
of their meaning. In 16 B.C., after an eclipse of the sun and several
earthquakes, people memorialized that these portents came because of
the Wang clan. But the aged Confucian scholar, Chang Yü3, told Emperor
Ch'eng that it is very difficult to know the causes of portents and
that Confucius rarely spoke of strange events or of supernatural beings,
Confucians and should pay attention to the government. Emperor
Ch'eng was glad to have his cherished relatives thus exonerated. On
the other hand, when, in 7 B.C., a strange appearance among the stars,
an avalanche, and an earthquake were all blamed upon the highest
official in the government, Emperor Ch'eng had this exacting and cruel
Confucian Lieutenant Chancellor, Chai Fang-chin, commit suicide, saying
that these signs showed he had not done his duty. Thus the Confucian
doctrine could be used upon a Confucian official who had made
use of portents in his criticism of others.
The status of Confucianism
During this reign, Confucianism reigned supreme as the official
philosophy and religion. The famous Liu Hsiang4 was given the task
of making a catalogue of the Imperial Private Library, the greatest library
in the empire, in the course of which he prepared and published standard
editions of some important books. He did this, for example, with the
works of the great philosopher, Hsün-tzu. An Internuncio was sent about
the empire to seek for lost books, and the `ancient text' classics and
explanations probably entered the Imperial Private Library at this time
(cf. p. 5b, 6a, n. 6.1). Pan Yu, a great-uncle of Pan Ku, assisted Liu
Hsiang4 in this undertaking and read much aloud to the Emperor (100 A:
4b). The results of this cataloguing are to be found in the "Treatise on
Arts and Literature" (HS ch. 30).
Emperor Ch'eng's personal character
In his personal character, Emperor Ch'eng was dignified, kindly,
affectionate, gentle, and docile. In the spirit of "yielding to others,"
he allowed his mother and uncles to control the government; his kindliness
and timidity prevented him from punishing their derelictions. He
became a heavy drinker and spent much time in banqueting, drinking,
watching dances, and other forms of sport. In the earlier part of his
reign, Emperor Ch'eng was inclined to the study of the classics, and had
two Confucian authorities, Chen K'uan-chung and Chang Yü3, expound
the classics in a hall at the palace. Certain of the imperial attendants,
such as Pan Po, another great-uncle of Pan Ku, were ordered also to study
with these scholars. This amusement, however, palled upon the Emperor
after some years, and he stopped studying.
In 20 B.C., a favorite nobleman, Chang Fang, whose mother was the
Emperor's aunt and who had married a sister of the Empress née Hsü,
invented a new amusement—Emperor Ch'eng went out incognito, like
a mere noble, with a following consisting of only a dozen persons, calling
and horse-races. The Emperor's mother became worried, and at
last made him send Chang Fang away to the border, urging her son to
associate more with Confucians like Pan Po, who warned against intoxication.
Emperor Ch'eng then revived his love for learning. He remained,
however, the dilettante, seeking amusement in Confucian studies just as
he had in horse-racing.
Lack of an heir induces the Emperor to change his Empress and distribute
his favors
The events that throw the most light upon the age, upon conditions
within the forbidden apartments of the imperial palace, and upon Emperor
Ch'eng's character are connected with his doing away of his two
natural sons for the love of a woman, so that he was left without a natural
heir. Such a deed would seem almost unbelievable, but, after his sudden
death, an industrious Director of the Retainers, whose duty it was to
investigate the actions of the officials at the capital, ferreted out the facts
and memorialized the depositions of eye-witnesses: certain eunuchs,
slave-women in the imperial palace, and chamberlains to the Brilliant
Companion née Chao. This sensational memorial is quoted in the
"Memoir of the Imperial Relatives by Marriage."
Emperor Yüan's mother had been assassinated soon after the birth of
her first child and Emperor Yüan sorrowed at that fact. Hence he
selected the daughter of her first cousin to be the consort of his Heir-apparent.
This girl later became the Empress née Hsü. She was intelligent
and accomplished and good at the clerkly style of writing. When
she was married, the future Emperor Ch'eng was delighted with her,
which overjoyed his father. From the time that she was married until
Emperor Ch'eng ascended the throne, she was continually favored by
the Heir-apparent, and he rarely approached his concubines. But her
children all died in infancy. She had a son who died young; after her
husband ascended the throne, she bore him a daughter, but this babe
died also.
One of the prime duties of a filial son, especially of an emperor, according
to Confucian teaching, is to have a son. The Emperor's mother and
her clan were worried at the lack of an heir, for, if another line came to
the throne, their power would be gone. The Confucian explainers of
visitations, especially the famous Liu Hsiang4 and Ku Yung, blamed the
visitations upon the imperial harem. Thus the Emperor's conscience,
his mother and relatives, and outstanding Confucians combined to urge
him to cease favoring only his beloved wife. In economizing government
expenses, he reduced the allowance for the Empress's apartments and for
replied, citing the portents alleged to have been directed against her.
Thus a coolness developed.
The Emperor's first new favorite was a great-aunt of Pan Ku, a well-educated
woman who understood the Odes and the admonitory writings
for women. She had been selected for the imperial harem when he first
ascended the throne. She first became a Junior Maid, the eleventh rank
among the imperial concubines, but in a little while the Emperor took
quite a fancy to her and made her a Favorite Beauty, the second rank.
She was installed in the Residence of Increasing Perfection, the third hall
in the imperial harem. She remained his prime favorite for some years,
and bore him two children, one of whom was a boy, who died when a few
months old. Once when the Emperor was going on an excursion to a
country lodge, he wanted this Favorite Beauty née Pan to ride in the
same chariot with him, but she refused, saying that according to the
histories, sage princes always kept famous subjects by their sides; only
decadent princes spent most of their time with concubines. Emperor
Ch'eng approved highly of her reply; it also commended her to the
Empress Dowager.
After 20 B.C., Emperor Ch'eng planned to spread his favors among
many concubines in order to secure an heir, and so the Favorite Beauty
née Pan introduced to him a maid of hers, Li P'ing. This girl was also
favored and made a Favorite Beauty. She had risen from humble
station, and so Emperor Ch'eng gave her the surname Wei, in memory
of Emperor Wu's famous Empress née Wei, who likewise rose from humble
people. Through his evil precedents, such as his selection of a singing
girl to be his Empress and his bestowal of high positions upon relatives,
Emperior Wu ultimately ruined his dynasty.
About this time, when Emperor Ch'eng was one day traveling incognito,
he passed by the residence of the Imperial Princess of Yang-o.
The Princess had music performed for him. (The ancient `music'
included dancing.) There he first saw the later famous beauty, Chao
Fei-yen. This girl had originally been a Palace Maid, one of a class of
slave-girls, aged seven and over, who were reared in the imperial palaces
to work there. She came from a very humble family, which was so poor
that when she was born, the family decided to abandon her. But the
babe was still alive on the third day, so she was reared. When she was
grown, she was put into the household of the Princess of Yang-o, and
studied singing and dancing, so that she came to be called Fei-yen, lit.,
"flying swallow." When Emperor Ch'eng saw this girl dance, he was
delighted with her and summoned her to his harem, where she became
and favored. Both sisters were made Favorite Beauties.
The Empress née Hsü had now lost the Emperor's favor, and naturally
tried every means of regaining it and of securing an heir. Her widowed
sister performed magical rites to attract the Emperor to the Empress and
to injure his concubines who were with child, especially a Beauty née
Wang, who was pregnant, and also to injure the Wang clan, which the
sisters regarded as having been responsible for the portents that had
caused the Emperor to turn away from the Empress. In 18 B.C., Chao
Fei-yen accused the Empress of having performed magical rites and of
having even pronounced imprecations against the Emperor. The
Empress Dowager née Wang was infuriated that a girl of her own clan
should have been injured; her eldest brother, Wang Feng, had died just
a few years previously, and now black magic was probably suspected to
have caused his death. The accused ladies were examined; the Empress's
sister and a few others were executed. The Empress was herself probably
guiltless, for she was merely dismissed and sent to live in a separate
palace. Her relatives, the Hsü clan, were all banished from the capital.
Chao Fei-yen had also accused the Favorite Beauty née Pan, but the
latter replied that life and death are fated; wealth and honor are bestowed
by Heaven. She said she had lived an upright life but had not yet been
blessed with the greatest happiness (a living imperial son). If now she
had done evil and tried to get the spirits and gods to aid her, if they had
knowledge of human activities, how could she hope not to be accused by
them of disloyalty to her lord; whereas if they had no knowledge, what
good would it have done her to appeal to them? Hence she said she had
not participated in any magical rites. Emperor Ch'eng was so delighted
with her reply that he gave her a hundred catties of actual gold.
It is noteworthy that there were no such general excitement and wholesale
executions at this time as in the time of the black magic and witchcraft
case near the end of Emperor Wu's reign. The difference is probably
due to the increased influence of Confucianism (which was sceptical
of magic and spirits), and to the higher degree of civilization then attained
in court circles. The reply of the Favorite Beauty née Pan, who came of
a highly educated family, indicates the attitude of the best people at this
time.
The Favorite Beauty nevertheless saw that eventually she might be
injured by the clever Fei-yen, so she asked for permission to withdraw
from the harem and devote herself to caring for the Empress Dowager.
Her request was granted, and she retired from the intrigues of the court.
Emperor Ch'eng's infatuation with the clever singer and dancer
continued, and he now wanted to make her his Empress. But his mother
circumstances. Emperor Ch'eng, however, had his boon companion,
who was also his mother's nephew, Shun-yü Chang, smooth matters
over, and finally secured his mother's consent. At last, in 16 B.C.,
Fei-yen was made Empress and her father was made a marquis.
Emperor Ch'eng's infanticide of his two sons for love of the Brilliant
Companion née Chao
After her elevation, Emperor Ch'eng gradually lost interest in her,
and came to favor her younger sister more than anyone else. This latter
girl was made a Brilliant Companion (the highest rank among the imperial
concubines) and was installed in the Sun-bright Residence, the first
of the eight halls in the imperial harem. Her residence was painted
and adorned with gold and jewels as no place in the harem had ever
before been decorated. She retained Emperor Ch'eng's favor until his
death, and he promised her never to be faithless to her.
The philandering Emperor's attention could not, however, be kept
from wandering. In 12 B.C., an educated slave-girl, Ts'ao Kung, became
pregnant. She had been employed to teach the difficult Book of Odes
to the Empress, Chao Fei-yen. This girl told her mother, who was also
a government slave in the palace, that she was with child by the Emperor.
In due time, she bore a son on whose forehead there were stubborn hairs
like those of Emperor Yüan. This child constituted a great danger for
the Empress and the Brilliant Companion née Chao, for neither sister
had any children. If this child became the Heir-apparent, his mother
would be made Empress and the Chao sisters would lose their influence.
Within a few days, a eunuch came to the Assistant at the harem prison
(who testified later to what he had done), bringing an imperial edict
ordering that Ts'ao Kung, her child, and her six slaves should be taken
to the palace prison, and that no one should even ask the sex of the child or
who was its father. The third day after, another edict was brought to
the Assistant, asking whether the infant was dead yet. A little later the
messenger returned, saying that the Brilliant Companion and the Emperor
were very angry, and asking the Assistant why he did not kill the babe.
He replied that whether he did or did not kill the child, he would have to
die, so he wrote the Emperor a memorial saying that it did not matter by
whom the Emperor's heir was born. When the messenger brought the
Emperor this reply, the latter merely looked at the messenger fixedly.
That night the Assistant was brought an order to give the child to another
eunuch, who was ordered to select a wet-nurse for the babe, and not to
allow the matter to leak out. The child was then seven or eight days old.
The third day after, another edict was brought to the Assistant, together
to the woman and that she must drink it. In it were two packages of
drugs and a little written message from Emperor Ch'eng, "I am commanding
you, Wei-neng [the `style' of Ts'ao Kung], to try hard to drink
this medicine. You cannot again enter Our presence, which you yourself
know." After protesting in vain and lamenting that she had no means
of giving information about her newly born son to the Emperor's mother,
who would probably have saved the babe, Ts'ao Kung drank the poison.
Her slaves were summoned by the Brilliant Companion née Chao and
were made to strangle themselves. The wet-nurse cared for the babe to
its eleventh day, when a eunuch came with an imperial edict to take it
away, and it disappeared. Such was the penalty of successfully attracting
a philandering Emperor whose favorite was a determined woman.
It is not difficult to imagine what happened between the Emperor and
his Brilliant Companion.
Emperor Ch'eng loved hunting and similar amusements, so did not
remain continually in Wei-yang Palace. At the large Shang-lin Park,
some miles west of Ch'ang-an, some imperial concubines were kept at the
Lodge for Wetting and Bathing the Hair. In 11 B.C., a certain Beauty
née Hsü was summoned to the Ornamented House in that Lodge, conceived,
and in due time gave birth to a boy. Among the fourteen ranks
of imperial concubines, the Beauties ranked fifth, so that this child could
not be disposed of as easily as the child of a mere slave.
To prove his sincerity, Emperor Ch'eng in person brought the news of
the child's birth to the Brilliant Companion née Chao. She reproached
him with unfaithfulness to her and her sister. A eunuch later testified
that he overheard her say to the Emperor, "You are always deceiving me.
You said that you came from the Empress; if you have been coming from
the Empress, how has it come about that the Beauty née Hsü should
have had a son? Must an Empress née Hsü be again set up?" In her
desperation, she struck herself with her fists, beat her head against the
wall and doorposts, and threw herself down to the ground from her bed.
She wept and declared she would not eat, saying, "Where will you now
put me? I want to go home."
Emperor Ch'eng replied that he had purposely told her about the birth
in order to prove his own sincerity and faithfulness to her, for she could
not otherwise have known about the child being born in a lodge outside
the capital. He evidently considered that occasional attentions to other
concubines outside of the Palace did not constitute unfaithfulness to his
favorite. In order to convince her, Emperor Ch'eng likewise refused to
eat. Finally the Brilliant Companion said, "If your Majesty thinks that
`I promise not to turn my back upon you.' But now that this Beauty
had a child, you will eventually turn you back upon your promise.
What do you mean to do?"
Emperor Ch'eng replied, "I promise that for the sake of the ladies née
Chao I will not set up the Beauty née Hsü as the Empress, and I will
bring it about that nobody in the world surpasses the ladies née Chao.
Do not be worried."
Later the Emperor and the Brilliant Companion went to this Lodge in
Shang-lin Park. A eunuch afterwards testified that he was ordered to
take a green sack containing a letter to the Beauty née Hsü. He was
told, "The Beauty will have something to give to you. Bring it and
put it in the Ornamented House south of the curtain." She took her
babe and put it into a reed basket, sealed it, and gave it with a written
reply to the eunuch. He took them, and placed them where he had been
directed, then left. The Emperor and the Brilliant Companion seated
themselves in this room, and the Emperor ordered one of his companion's
chamberlains, who later testified to the occurrence, to open the basket.
Before the sealed knot had been opened, the Emperor ordered all the
three chamberlains out of the room. He himself closed the door and
remained alone with the Brilliant Companion. In a moment he opened
the door and called them back, ordering them to take the sealed basket
to the Assistant at the harem prison. They were told that in the basket
there was a dead child and that he should bury it near the gate and should
let no one know of it. He buried it below the wall of the prison. Thus
Emperor Ch'eng himself disposed of his only sons.
It was then an ancient custom, even in the noblest houses, that when
a male or female babe was born, it was laid upon a couch or on the ground;
if the head of the family did not pick it up, the babe was not reared.
Emperor Ch'eng was thus quite within his rights in disposing of his own
sons. Yet when, several months after Emperor Ch'eng's successor had
ascended the throne, this infanticide became known, it caused a very
great stir. There indeed grew up a general feeling that Emperor Ch'eng
had acted contrary to the will of Heaven in destroying his sons, and that
the Han dynasty had lost the mandate of Heaven. The troubled economic
condition of the country aided in spreading this feeling, and in
the next reign, prophets appeared with recipes for renewing the lost
Mandate of Heaven (cf. Glossary, sub Hsia Ho-liang). Wang Mang
later took advantage of this feeling to usurp the throne. Although the
Empress née Chao and her sister, the Brilliant Companion, had assisted
Emperor Ai to the throne, when the fact became known that the Brilliant
Brilliant Companion was already dead, Emperor Ai dismissed her brother
and nephew from their marquisates, made them commoners, and exiled
them together with their families. Because of his debt to the Empress
nee Chao, Emperor Ai did not push the matter further.
Public opinion did not, however, unanimously condemn the infanticide;
one Grandee-remonstrant (whose office corresponded to the Ch'ing
dynasty's Censors) memorialized that the matter was not serious, for the
Emperor had himself had his own children killed. Some intelligent
people thus justified Emperor Ch'eng's action. Immediately after the
death of Emperor Ai in 1 B.C., when the Wang clan again came into
power, the Empress née Chao was, however, degraded and exiled to
another palace; a few months later she was dismissed and made a commoner,
whereupon she committed suicide. Thus died a famous Chinese
beauty.
The appointment of an Heir-apparent and the Emperor's death
It remains to speak of the succession to the throne and of Emperor
Ch'eng's death. When Emperor Ch'eng remained without heirs, his
first cousin, Liu Hsin5, the son of the Liu K'ang whom Emperor Yüan
had once planned to make his heir, came to pay court to Emperor Ch'eng
a few years before the latter's death. Liu Hsin5's grandmother, the
Brilliant Companion née Fu, secretly bribed Chao Fei-yen and the latter's
sister, the Brilliant Companion nee Chao, together with others, so that
in 8 B.C., Liu Hsin5 was finally made the Heir-apparent. Four months
later Emperor Ch'eng died quite suddenly. He had not been ill. On the
night of April 16, 7 B.C., he slept in the White Tiger Hall. It had been
arranged that the next morning two vassal kings were to take their leave
and on that day K'ung Kuang was to be installed as Lieutenant
Chancellor. His seal and charter had already been prepared. In the
evening, Emperor Ch'eng was well; towards the next dawn, he tried to
arise with his trousers and stockings on, but dropped his clothes and could
not speak. In the morning, when the clepsydra marked the tenth division,
he died. The people blamed the Brilliant Companion. The
Empress Dowager had the officials investigate what had happened in the
harem that the Emperor should have become ill, and the Brilliant
Companion committed suicide. It was, of course, suspected that the
Emperor had been poisoned; it is however quite possible that he died of
apoplexy. He was in his forty-fifth year of age. So ended the reign of
a loving and kindly playboy, who was forced to choose between his heir
and his childless beloved, and chose the latter.
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
[Chapter] X
THE TENTH [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao]-Ch'eng
Emperor Hsiao-ch'eng was the Heir-apparent of
Emperor Yüan. His mother was entitled the Empress
[née] Wang. While Emperor Yüan [was living]
in the Heir-apparent's Palace, [the future Emperor
Ch'eng] was born in the Painted Hall of the
First Lodge.[1]
He was [called] the Imperial Grandson
Who is the Heir by the First Wife. Emperor
Hsüan loved him, named him the Heir-apparent of
the Heir-apparent,[2]
and constantly kept him about
When he was in his third year, Emperor Hsüan
[whereupon the future] Emperor became the Heir-apparent.
and was large-minded and generous, circumspect
and attentive.
Previously, when the Heir-apparent lived in Kuei
Palace, Emperor [Yüan] once summoned him [to come]
in haste. He went out of the Lung-lou Gate [to his
way,[8] so went west to the Chih-ch'eng Gate [of the
city], where it was permitted to cross [the imperial
pathway]. Thereupon he crossed, returned [eastwards],
and entered the Artisan's Chamber Gate [of
Wei-yang Palace]. The Emperor [said] he was
tardy, and asked the reason for it. [The Heir-apparent]
replied, [giving] the circumstances, and
the Emperor was greatly pleased. Thereupon [the
Emperor] published an ordinance, ordering that an
Heir-apparent should be allowed to cross the imperial
pathway.
Later, [the Heir-apparent grew] fond of wine and
"took pleasure in the delights of conviviality,"[9]
[so that] Emperor Yüan did not think him capable.
Moreover [Emperor Yüan's second son], King Kung
of Ting-t'ao, [Liu K'ang], showed innate ability and
talents; his mother, the Brilliant Companion [née]
Fu, was also loved and favored [by the Emperor];
thoughts of wanting to make King Kung his heir.
[But] because of the Palace Attendant Shih3 Tan,
who protected the Heir-apparent's household and
effectively aided and assisted [the Heir-apparent],
and because, moreover, the deceased Emperor
[Hsüan] had especially loved the Heir-apparent, Emperor
[Yüan] permitted him not to be dismissed.
In [the period] Ching-ning, the first year, the fifth
on [the day] chi-wei,[15] the Heir-apparent ascended
of [Emperor] Kao, honored the [Ch'iung-ch'eng] Empress
Dowager [née Wang], entitling her the Grand
Empress Dowager, [honored] the Empress [née
Wang], entitling her the Empress Dowager, and
made his eldest maternal uncle, the Palace Attendant
and Commandant of the Palace Guard, the
Marquis of Yang-p'ing, Wang Feng, Commanderin-chief
and General-in-chief, and Intendant of
Affairs of the Masters of Writing.[18]
On [the day] yi-wei,[19]
a high official said that [to
chariot, his carriages, oxen, horses, birds, and beasts
was contrary to the [ancient] rites, so that it was improper
to bury them [with the Emperor]. The memorial
was approved. In the seventh month, a
general amnesty [was granted to] the empire.
In [the period] Chien-shih,[22]
the first year, in
there was a visitation [of fire] in the temple of
the [Emperor's] imperial great-grandfather, the
Deceased [Imperial] Father Tao, [Liu Chin].[26]
The Chief of the Arsenal in Shang Commandery,
[Liu] Liang, the younger brother of the former King
of Ho-chien, [Liu Yüan2b], was set up as King [of Ho-chien].
A comet appeared in [the constellation] Ying-shih.[27]
The Imperial Prison in Shang-lin [Park] was abol-
ished.
In the second month, Yao Yin, a Chief Clerk of
the General of the Right, [Wang Shang1a], who had
been sent [as an envoy] to the Huns, and others
—when they were on their way back and were a
hundred-odd li from the Barrier—a fire which
sprang up [in the grass] in a violent wind burnt to
death [Yao] Ying and the others, seven persons
[in all].[31]
[The Emperor] granted to the vassal kings, the
Lieutenant Chancellor [K'uang Heng], the generals,
the marquises, the Queens Dowager, the Imperial
Princesses, the Royal Princesses, and the officials
[ranking at] two thousand piculs, actual gold; to
[members of] the imperial house who were in the
various offices, and officials [ranking at] a thousand
piculs, down to those [ranking at] two hundred piculs,
together with members of the imperial house who
were enregistered, the Thrice Venerable, the Filially
Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, the [Diligent] Cultivators
of the Fields, widowers, widows, orphans,
and childless, cash and silk, to each proportionately;
and to the officials and common people of fifty households,
an ox and wine.
An imperial edict said, "Recently a visitation of
fire descended upon an [imperial] ancestral temple
and a comet appeared in the eastern quarter [of the
heavens]—the rectification [of Our government] at
its inception has [shown some] defect. What calamity
[could be] greater! The Book of History says,
`Verily, [when a portent occurred], the greatest kings
of former [times] rectified their work.'[33]
The highest
ministers should be very diligent, should lead
support Us in Our inadequacies, exalting clemency
and generosity, and making harmony and concord
grow. In all these things they should `treat others
as themselves'[36] and not be exacting and oppressive.
Let a general amnesty [be granted] to the
empire, so that [everyone] may secure [an opportunity]
to renew himself."
[The Emperor] enfeoffed his maternal uncle, the
Inspector of Officials and Imperial Household Grandee,
the Kuan-nei Marquis, Wang Ch'ung2a, as
Marquis of An-ch'eng and granted to [the Emperor's]
maternal uncles, Wang T'an2b, [Wang] Shang1b,
[Wang] Li5, [Wang] Keng, and [Wang] Feng-shih, the
noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis. In the summer,
the fourth month, a yellow fog completely filled the
and grandees widely [for an explanation, telling
them] not to keep silent about anything. In the
sixth month, there were innumerable ten-thousands
of blue flies, which collected on the places [for
standing] at the court receptions in the Hall of Wei-yang
Palace.[41]
In the autumn, twenty-five palaces and lodges in
In the eighth month there were two moons, one
above the other, that appeared at dawn in the eastern
quarter,[46] and in the ninth month, on [the day]
mou-tzu, there was a shooting star whose light lighted
up the earth. It was forty or fifty feet (degrees)
long, curved and sinuous in the form of a snake, and
traversed [the constellation] Tzu-kung.
In the twelfth month, [places] for the suburban
sacrifices [to Heaven and Earth and their rulers]
were made to the south and north of Ch'ang-an,
[respectively], and the sacrifices [to these deities] at
Kan-ch'üan [Palace] and at Fen-yin, [respectively],
were abolished. On that day a great wind uprooted
large trees that were more than ten spans
[in circumference] at the place for sacrifice in Kan-ch'üan
[Palace].[50]
The commanderies and kingdoms more than four-tenths
[of whose fields] had suffered calamitous
visitations were [ordered] not to pay the land tax
on cultivated fields.
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
the altars to the Five [Lords on High] at Yung were
abolished,[54] and on [the day] hsin-szu, the Emperor
first performed the suburban sacrifice at the place
for the suburban sacrifice south of Ch'ang-an. His
imperial edict said, "Recently [We] have moved the
Earth to the place for the suburban sacrifice south
[of Chang-an] and the place for the suburban sacrifice
north [of Chang-an, respectively]. When we
purified Ourself, and in person made the suburban
sacrifice to the Lords on High, August Heaven responded,
and [several] supernatural lights appeared
simultaneously. The elders of the three capital
commanderies are not [now] put to the trouble of
supplying tents and forced service,[57] [hence We
merely grant] an amnesty to the criminals who have
been sentenced to shave their whiskers, in the prefectures
which support the suburban sacrifices,
[namely] Ch'ang-an and Ch'ang-ling,[59] together with
[such criminals] in the offices at the imperial capital.
[We] reduce the capitation taxes and poll-tax money
by forty cash."[60]
In the intercalary [first] month, at the Yen-ling
Emperor's tomb was made.
In the second month, an imperial edict [ordered]
each to recommend one person who was
capable and good, sincere and upright.
In the third month the water of a well in the
Northern Palace overflowed and ran out.[66]
On [the day] hsin-ch'ou, the Emperor first sacrificed
to Sovereign Earth at the place for the Suburban
Sacrifice north [of Ch'ang-an].
On [the day] ping-wu, [the Emperor] established
the Empress née Hsü [as Empress].
[The Emperor] abolished the offices of the Six
Stables and the Clever Workmen.
In the summer there was a great drought.
[Because] the King of Tung-p'ing, [Liu] Yü3, had
committed crimes, the prefectures of Fan and K'ang-fu
were cut off from [his kingdom].[70]
In the autumn, the Park of Wide Vision was
abolished [from the appurtenances of] the Heir-apparent,
and it was granted to the members of
the imperial house who came to pay their court
visits in the spring and autumn. The [imperial]
chariots and horses of the stable were reduced.
In the third year, in the spring, the third month,
the criminals of the empire were [granted] an amnesty,
and two steps in noble rank were granted to
the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and
the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields. Defaulted
land and capitation taxes, and what had been given
in aid as loans were not to be collected.
In the autumn, within the [Han-ku] Pass [region]
there was a flood.[78] In the seventh month, a little
the high water was coming, ran and entered the
Kuang city-gate, entered without authorization
through the side gate of the Master of the Recipes,
and reached [the area of] Wei-yang Palace [under
the control of] the Intendant of the [Imperial] Palace
Parks, [because] the officials and common people
had been frightened and had gone up onto the city wall.[81] In the ninth month, an imperial edict said,
"Recently the commanderies and kingdoms have
suffered from a visitation of water, which carried
away and killed a large [number of] people, reaching
to thousands in number. In the imperial capital
it was causelessly and falsely rumored that a flood
was coming, and the officials and common people
were terrified, fled, ran, and mounted the city wall.
[This has] perhaps [happened because] vexations,
tyrannous, and severely oppressive officials have
not yet been suppressed and many of the great
multitude have reason for complaint because they
have lost their occupations. [We] send the Grandee-remonstrant
inspect the empire."
In the winter, the twelfth month, on [the day]
mou-shen, the first day of the month, there was an
eclipse of the sun[87] and in the night there was an
earthquake in[88] the Hall of Wei-yang Palace. The
imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard[89] that
when Heaven gave birth to the multitude of common
people, they were unable to rule themselves,
[hence Heaven] set up princes for them, in order to
rule and control them. When the way of a [true]
prince is attained, then [even] herbs, trees, and insects[91]
find their [proper] places. [But] when the
prince of men is not virtuous, a reproach appears in
Heaven or Earth, and visitations and prodigies
happen frequently, in order to inform him that he is
not governing rightly.
"Our experience in governing has been [only]
for a brief time, so that [We] have not been
correct in [Our] acts, hence on [the day] mou-shen
there was an eclipse of the sun and an earthquake.
We are greatly dismayed. Let the ministers each
think over Our faults and mistakes and state them
[to Us] clearly. `You should not assent to [Our]
face, and, after you have retired, make other [sorts
of] remarks.'[92]
[Let] the Lieutenant Chancellor,
Chung], with the generals, full marquises, and
[officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, together
with the inner commanderies and kingdoms,
recommend gentlemen who are capable and good,
sincere and upright, and able to speak frankly and
admonish unflinchingly. [Let] them go to the
[Majors in Charge of] the Official Carriages, and We
will interview them."
In Yüeh-sui[95] [Commandery], a mountain collapsed.
In the fourth year, in the spring,[96]
the office of the
first time five Masters of Writing were established.[99]
In the summer, the fourth month, there was a fall
In the fifth month, an Assistant Palace Internuncio,
the Retainers, Yüan Feng, in the [Palace] Hall.[104]
In the autumn, peach and plum [trees bore fruit
through the Chin Dike in Tung Commandery.[106]
In the winter, the tenth month, the Grandee Secretary,
Yin Chung, committed suicide because he had
not been careful in his duties and [as a consequence]
the [Yellow] River had broken through its dikes.
In [the period] Ho-p'ing,[110] the first year, in the
spring,[113] the third month, an imperial edict said,
"The [Yellow] River broke through its dikes in
Tung Commandery and submerged the two
provinces [of Yen and Yü]. The Chief Commandant,
Wang Yen-shih, diked and stopped the gap
and immediately there was calm. Let the year-period
be changed to be Ho-p'ing, and let noble
ranks be granted to the officials and common people
of the empire, to each proportionately."[115]
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]
eclipse of the sun, and it was total. The imperial
edict said, "[Ever since] We have secured [the opportunity
of] protecting the [imperial] ancestral temples,
[We] have trembled with respectful fear, [yet] have
not yet been able to be worthy of [Our] title. A
book says, `If the instructions for males are not
followed, since matters concerning the yang [or male
principle] are not attained, then there will on this
account be an eclipse of the sun and Heaven will
manifest this [sort of] a prodigy.' The blame [for
this eclipse therefore] lies upon Us Ourself. Let the
ministers and grandees exert themselves and do their
best to assist [Our] inadequacies, and [let] each of
the many officials perfect themselves in their duties.
sons and [let] cruel and injurious persons be dismissed
and sent away. [Let] Our faults and errors
be pointed out without keeping silent about anything.
[Let] a general amnesty [be granted] to the
empire."
In the sixth month, [the office of] Director of
were given to the Grand Herald.
In the autumn, the ninth month, the Funerary
Emperor were reestablished.[122]
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
was being cast flew up. A discussion is in the
"Treatise on the Five Elements."[126]
In the summer,[128]
the sixth month, [the Emperor]
Shang1b, [Wang] Li5, [Wang] Ken, and [Wang] Feng-shih,
all as full marquises.[130]
In the third year, in the spring, the second month,
there was an earthquake, and a mountain avalanche
blocked the water of the [Min] River, so that the
water flowed backwards.[136] In the autumn, the
eighth month, on [the day] yi-mao, the last day of
the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
The Imperial Household Grandee Liu Hsiang4 was
collating [the books] in the Palace Private Library,
Messenger to seek in the empire for lost books.[139]
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,
the Hun Shan-yü [Fu-chu-lei-jo-ti] came to pay
court.[143] An amnesty [was granted] to the criminals
of the empire, and there were granted to the Filially
Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and the [Diligent]
Cultivators of the Fields two steps in noble rank.
Defaulted land and capitation taxes and what had
been given in aid as loans were not to be collected.
In the second month, the Shan-yü was dismissed and
In the third month, on [the day] kuei-ch'ou, the
sun. [The Emperor] sent the Imperial Household
Grandee and Erudit, [Meng] Chia, and others, eleven
persons [in all], to inspect and report on the commanderies
bordering on the [Yellow] River. [The
imperial edict said],[148] "Those whose [property] has
been demolished or injured by the floods or who are
suffering and indigent and [do not have the means]
of keeping themselves alive are [to have their needs]
investigated[149] and to be assisted by loans. For
those who have been carried away by the water or
have been crushed to death and are unable to be
buried by their own [relatives, the legates] shall
order the commandery or kingdom to supply small
coffins and bury them. To [the relatives of] each
of those who were already buried, there are to be
given two thousand cash, and for those who have
gone to other commanderies and kingdoms to escape
the floods, the places in which they are, are to distribute
food to them. [The legates] are to treat
them carefully, with courtesy and equity, and are
not to cause them to lose their occupations. [The
legates] are to recommend gentlemen who are true
and honest, whose conduct is [correct], and who are
able to speak frankly."
On [the day] jen-shen, in Ch'ang-ling [prefecture],
In the summer, the sixth month, on [the day]
keng-hsü, the King of Ch'u, [Liu] Ao, died.
In Shan-yang [Commandery], a fire had started
among the rocks and [the Emperor] changed [the
name of] the year-period to be Yang-so.[156]
In [the year-period] Yang-so, the first year, in the
spring, the second month, on [the day] ting-wei, the
last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the
sun, and in the third month, an amnesty [was
granted] to the criminals of the empire.
In the winter, the Governor of the Capital, Wang
Chang1a, who had committed crimes, was sent to
prison and died.[162]
In the second year, in the spring, it was cold.
An imperial edict said, "Anciently, when Lord
Yao set up the offices for the Hsi and the Ho, he
commanded them to prevent the four seasons from
losing their order, by taking care of the matters
[concerning these seasons]. Hence the Book of
History says, `The many people multiplied and the
seasons were harmonious',[166] which makes plain that
[principles of the universe]. Now some of the ministers
and grandees do not believe in the Yin and
Yang, misprize and disdain them, [with the consequence
that] much of what they suggest in their
memorials is contrary to the [proper] governmental
acts for the seasons. They propagate [this attitude],
so that ignorance [of the rules concerning the seasons]
prevails all over the empire. Yet they expect
that the Yin and Yang will accord and harmonize.
Is not this absurd? Let [the officials] take care to
accord with the rules for the four seasons and the
months."[169]
In the third month, a general amnesty [was
month, the ranks [in the bureaucracy] of eight hundred
piculs and five hundred piculs were eliminated.[174]
In the autumn, there was a flood east of [Han-ku]
people who wished to enter through Han-ku [Pass],
T'ien-ching [Pass], Hu Mouth, or Wu-yüan Pass
should not be treated harshly or detained. [The
Emperor] sent Grandee-remonstrants and Erudits
In the eighth month, on [the day] chia-shen,[180] the
King of Ting-t'ao, [Liu] K'ang, died.
In the ninth month, those who had received [the
imperial appointment] as messengers [were found]
not to be suitable.[182]
An imperial edict said, "In ancient times, the
purpose of establishing an Imperial University was
to propagate the principles of the former kings and
to spread their transforming influence over the
world. The office of the Forest of Literati is the
source and spring for [the culture of all within] the
four seas, [hence] it is proper that [its occupants]
should all understand clearly ancient and present
[times], `reviewing what they already know and
acquiring new [knowledge],'[183]
and being penetratingly
understanding about the constitution of the
not [thus learned], then those who study with them
will not have anything to transmit [to others] and
they will be despized by their inferiors, which is not
the way to honor morality and virtue. `A workman
who wishes to do his work well must first sharpen
his tools.'[185] Let the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Chang
Yü3], and the [Grandee] Secretary, [Wang Yin], together
with [the officials ranking at] fully two thousand
piculs and at two thousand piculs, recommend
from many [sources] those who can fill the post of
Erudit in order to bring it about that [the abilities
of the Erudits] may be surpassing and they may be
looked up to [by all]."
In this year the Grandee Secretary, Chang Chung2,
died.[188]
In the third year, in the spring, the second
in Tung Commandery.
In the summer, the sixth month, a convict [workman]
Shen-t'u Sheng, and others, one hundred eighty
persons [in all], killed their Chief Official and took
the weapons from the arsenal by force. [Shen-t'u
Sheng] called himself a general and overran nine prefectures.[194]
[The Emperor] sent a Chief Clerk of
the Lieutenant Chancellor and the Palace Assistant
Secretary to pursue and arrest them according to
[the law] for levying military supplies,[195] and all [the
rebels] suffered for their crimes.
In the autumn, the eighth month, on [the day]
ting-szu, the Commander-in-chief and General-in-chief,
Wang Feng, died.[200]
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,
an imperial edict said, "Verily, the `Great Plan'
makes food the first of the eight [concerns of] government.[204]
This is truly the fundamental [factor
in making every] family self-supporting and in doing
away with punishments. [Our] imperial predecessors
encouraged agriculturists, lightening their
taxes on land and on produce and favoring those who
worked diligently [at agriculture]. They ordered
that [the Diligent Cultivators of the Fields] should
be classed with the Filially Pious and the Fraternally
Respectful.
"[But] recently the common people have been
more and more indolent and few have inclined towards
the fundamental [activity (agriculture),
whereas] many have been eager [to give themselves
up] to unimportant [matters (merchandizing)].
How can [We] correct them?
"Just now it is the season for the work of spring.[205]
Let is be ordered that [the officials ranking at] two
thousand piculs shall encourage agriculture and
sericulture and shall [send people to] go into the
paths between the fields[206]
in order to encourage the
labor in the fields, then there will be an [abundant]
harvest'?[209] Let [the officials] make strenuous efforts."[210]
In the second month an amnesty [was
granted] to the empire.[212]
In the autumn, the ninth month, on [the day]
In the intercalary month, on [the day] jen-hsü,
In [the period] Hung-chia, the first year, in the
"We have succeeded [to the care of] Heaven and
Earth and have had [the opportunity] to protect the
[imperial] ancestral temples, [but Our] insight has in
some respects been unclear and [Our] virtue has
not been able to bring tranquillity. The punishments
have not been appropriate, so that many
people have lost their positions through injustice
and have [hence] ceaselessly hastened to the [palace]
portals to inform and tell [of their wrongs]. Because
of this, the Yin and Yang have wandered
from their path and are in disorder, so that cold and
heat have lost their [proper] succession, the sun and
moon have had no brilliance, and people have exposed
themselves to criminal punishment. We pity
them greatly. Does not the Book of History say,
`Among my [officials] who are managing affairs, none
is capable or aged. The blame lies upon them
themselves'?[219]
"Just now it is spring, the season for birth and
growth. [We] have visited the Grandee-remonstrant
Li3 and others and send them to report unjust
law-cases in the three capital [commanderies], the
three Ho [commanderies], and Hung-nung [Commandery].
The ministers, grandees, and Inspectors
of Divisions shall inform clearly and warn the Administrators
and Chancellors [of commanderies and
kingdoms, respectively,] to conform to Our intentions.
Let there be granted to the common people
of the empire one step in noble rank; to the women
of a hundred households, an ox and wine; and [let
there be] added grants of silk to widowers, widows,
orphans, childless, and the aged. Defaulted loans
[from the government] and what has not yet been
paid shall not be collected."
On [the day] jen-wu, [the Emperor] traveled and
favored his imperial tomb [with a visit, where he
granted] an amnesty to the convicts working [on
the tomb]. Ch'ang1-ling Prefecture was made out
of the Hsi District of Hsin-feng [Prefecture]. Those
who were to support [the sacrifices at] the imperial
hundred households.
The Emperor for the first time went out to travel
incognito.[226]
In the winter, a yellow dragon appeared in [the
In the second year, in the spring, [the Emperor]
in which was Kan-ch'üan Palace].
In the third month, when the Erudits were performing
and perched in the courtyard, came up the steps,[234]
perched in various yamens,[237] and also perched in the
Ch'eng-ming Hall.
The imperial edict said, "Anciently, when [a ruler]
selected capable [officials], he made them express
themselves, accepted them `in accordance with their
discussions, and tested them clearly by their achievements.'[238]
Hence in the government offices affairs
were not neglected and among his subordinates
there were no negligent people. [Consequently, the
ruler's] instruction and civilizing influence spread
abroad and was carried out, the winds and rain were
harmonious and timely, the various grains therefore
ripened, the multitude of commoners rejoiced in
their occupations, and all were as a result prosperous
and tranquil.
"We have succeeded to [this] great estate for
more than ten years, yet have several times met with
visitations of flood, drought, sicknesses, and epidemics,
so that the many common people have frequently
result, although We] hoped that the rules of proper
conduct and moral principles would flourish, how
could it not but have been difficult [to achieve anything]?
Since We have not had any means of leading
and guiding [the people], the way of [the sage]
lords and [true] kings has been daily falling into
decadence.[240] Is it that the road for inviting and
not open, or is it that those who recommend [persons
for official examination] have not yet found the
[right] persons? Let there be recommended persons
who are true and honest, whose conduct [is according
to] moral principles, and who are able to speak
frankly, [so that We may] hope to hear earnest speech
and excellent deliberation in order to correct Our
inadequacies."
In the summer,[243]
braves and stalwarts from the
five million [cash] or more, [to the number of] five
thousand households, were moved to Ch'ang1-ling
[Prefecture]. There were granted to the Lieutenant
Chancellor, [Hsieh Hsüan], the [Grandee] Secretary,
[Wang Chün4a], the generals, the full marquises,
the princesses, and [officials ranking at] fully two
thousand piculs, places for tombs and residences [at
Ch'ang1-ling].
In the sixth month, [the Emperor] set up [Liu]
Kuang-tê.
In the third year, in the summer, the fourth
month, an amnesty [was granted] to the empire and
it was ordered that officials and common people
were to be allowed to purchase noble ranks at the
price of a thousand cash per step.[253]
There was a great drought.[254]
In the autumn,
visitation [of fire] to the [Northern][256] Portal of the
Temple to [Emperor] Hsiao-ching, and in the winter,
the eleventh month, on [the day] chia-yin, the Empress
Cheng Kung, a man of Kuang-han [Commandery],
and others, more than sixty persons in all, attacked
the government offices and buildings, taking by
force the prisoners and convicts and robbing arms
from the arsenal. He called himself the Lord of the
Mountains.[261]
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,
issued a decree to the high officials that they should
take care to be liberal and large-minded in their
actions and should prohibit tyranny and oppression,
[but] down to the present [their behavior] has not
changed. If one person commits a crime, they
recommend that his clan should be arrested and
imprisoned. The farmers and common people who
have lost their occupations and who cherish grudges
and hatred [against the government] are many,
which injures and damages the harmonious emanation,
so that water and drought have produced
visitations. East of [Han-ku] Pass, vagrants and
roving [people] are many, and in the Ch'ing, Yu, and
Chi [Provincial] sections [the situation] is especially
serious, so that We are greatly pained. [We] have
not heard that any one in [high] positions is saddened.
Who, [then], is capable of assisting Us
by being solicitous in this [situation]?
["We] have already sent messengers to travel
about and inspect the commanderies and kingdoms.
In [those commanderies and kingdoms] that have
been injured by the visitations and disasters [to the
more, the common people whose property is not as
much as thirty thousand [cash] shall not [be required]
to pay the land-tax or capitation taxes. Defaulted
loans and what has not yet been paid shall
all not be collected. Those wandering people who
wish to enter through the passes shall be enregistered
and admitted whenever [they arrive]. Those who
[wish to] go to [other] commanderies or kingdoms
shall be treated respectfully and with equity. [Let
the officials] take care that they have the desire to
preserve and keep alive [the refugees], in order that
they may accord with Our intentions."
In the autumn, in P'o-hai and Ch'ing-ho [Commanderies,
the Yellow] River overflowed. Those
who suffered from the visitation were assisted by
loans.[268]
In the winter, in Kuang-han [Commandery], Cheng
Kung and others [formed] a faction which gradually
spread, invading and passing through four prefectures.
His horde [numbered] almost ten thousand
persons. [The Emperor] installed the Chief Commandant
of Ho-tung [Commandery], Chao Hu, as
the Grand Administrator of Kuang-han [Commandery]
and mobilized [the people] in that commandery
together with [those in] Shu Commandery, altogether
thirty thousand men, to attack [the rebels]. Some
[of the rebels] seized and beheaded other [rebels],
in order to expunge [their own] crimes, and in ten
months [the region] was pacified. [The Emperor
later] promoted [Chao] Hu to be Chief of Palace
Police in the Capital and granted him a hundred
catties of actual gold.[270]
In [the period] Yung-shih, the first year, in the
spring, the first month, on [the day] kuei-ch'ou, there
was a fire in the Ice Chamber of the Grand Provisioner,
on [the day] mou-wu there was a fire in
[the Southern] Portal of the Funerary Park of Queen
Li,[278] and in the summer, the fourth month, [the
Emperor] enfeoffed [Chao] Lin, the father of the
Favorite Beauty née Chao, [Chao Fei-yen], as Marquis
of Ch'eng-yang. In the fifth month, [the Emperor]
Attendant, Chief Commandant of Cavalry, and
Imperial Household Grandee, Wang Mang, who was
the son of [the Emperor's] maternal uncle, [Wang]
Wan. In the sixth month, on [the day] ping-yin,
[the Emperor] established the Empress née Chao,
[Chao Fei-yen, as Empress], and [granted] a general
amnesty to the empire.
In the autumn, the seventh month, an imperial
and in [Our] plans [We] have not [consulted] all of
[Our] subordinates, [so that We] have erred in listening
to the Court Architect, [Chieh] Wan-nien, who
said that the Ch'ang Tomb could be completed in
the third year. He has worked [at it] to the fifth year,
[but] has not yet set anyone to work inside the
Majors' Gates to its Hall in the central part of the
Tomb.[284] The empire's [treasury] is empty and
The earth taken from other places [distant from the
Tomb] is scanty and bad, so that in the end [the
Tomb] cannot be completed. When We reflect
upon these difficulties, [We] are saddened and afflicted
at heart. Verily `to err and not to reform
may indeed be called error.[287] Let the Ch'ang
Tomb [and the town of Ch'ang1-ling] be abolished
and [let the imperial tomb] be returned[288] to the
former Tomb. Let no officials or common people
be moved [to the former Tomb],[289] so that in the
empire there may not be caused any disturbance in
peoples' hearts."[290]
[The Emperor] set up [Liu] Li4, a son of King
Hsiao of Ch'eng-yang, [Liu Ching3a], as King [of
Ch'eng-yang].
In the eighth month, on [the day] ting-ch'ou, the
[Ch'iung-ch'eng] Grand Empress Dowager née Wang
died.
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
on [the day] chi-ch'ou, the Commander-in-chief and
General of Chariots and Cavalry, Wang Yin, died.[296]
In the second month, on [the day] kuei-wei, in
the night, stars fell like rain,[300] and on [the day]
yi-ch'ou, the last day of the month, there was an
eclipse of the sun. The imperial edict said, "Recently
a dragon appeared in Tung-lai [Commandery]
and there was an eclipse of the sun. Heaven has
made grievous vicisitudes and prodigies appear in
order to manifest Our faults. We are greatly dismayed.
[Let] the ministers inform and decree to
the various officials that they should ponder deeply
the warning of Heaven. If there is anything that
can be economized or reduced to the advantage and
peace of the people, let it be memorialized in detail.
Let what [has been given] in aid or loaned to povertystricken
people not be collected."
It also said, "East of [Han-ku] Pass for successive
years there has not been a [good] harvest. To those
officials and common people who, because of moral
principles, have gathered and fed poverty-stricken
people or have contributed grain or goods to assist
the imperial government in helping and succoring
[the poor], there have already been granted the value
[of their contributions].[302]
For those [who have
contributed] a million [cash] or more, let there be
granted in addition the noble rank of Senior Chieftain
of Conscripts and let those who wish to become officials
be given vacancies [of the rank of] three hundred
piculs; let those who are officials be promoted two
steps. [Let those who have contributed] three hundred
rank of Fifth [Rank] Grandee; if they are officials,
let them also be promoted two steps; if they are
common people, let them be given vacancies as
Gentlemen. Let the families [of those who have
contributed] a hundred thousand [cash] or more not
pay the land-tax or capitation taxes for three years,
and [let the families of] those [who have contributed]
ten thousand cash or more [not pay taxes] for one
year."[306]
In the winter, the eleventh month, [the Emperor]
traveled and favored Yung [with a visit, where he]
sacrificed at the altars to the Five [Lords on High].[309]
In the twelfth month, an imperial edict said,
"Previously, the Court Architect, [Chieh] Wan-nien,
knew that the Ch'ang Tomb [locality] was low and
could not be made a habitation for [Our] decease,
[but nevertheless] memorialized, begging to plan
and build [that Tomb] and to found and establish
a town at the outer wall [of the Tomb], deceitfully
producing lies. He gathered earth and piled it up
high, increased the taxes, exactions, and forced service,
and pushed [the laborers] to rapid and hurried
work, so that the workmen and convicts have suffered
punishment and died in continuous succession.
The people are utterly worn out and the empire's
[treasury] is empty and exhausted.
"The Regular Attendant, [Wang] Hung, when he
was previously the Palace Assistant Grand Minister
of Agriculture, memorialized several times that the
Attendant and Commandant of the Palace Guard,
[Shun-yü] Chang, stated several times that it would
be proper very quickly to cease removing families
[to Ch'ang1-ling] and to return [the tomb] to
its former location. Because of [Shun-yü] Chang's
words, We sent the document of [Wang] Hung to
[Our] subordinates, and the ministers and consultants
all agreed with [Shun-yü] Chang's calculations.
[Shun-yü Chang][313] has taken the lead in proposing
the best plan. [Wang] Hung, as Director in Charge
[of building the Tomb], has saved a great expense
and the common people have therefore become tranquil
and at peace. [Wang] Hung has previously
been granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis
and a hundred catties of actual gold. Let [Shun-yü]
Chang be granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei
Marquis with the income of an estate of a thousand
households, and [let Wang] Hung [be granted the
income of an estate] of five hundred households.
"[Chieh] Wan-nien has been a flatterer, perverse,
and disloyal. His evil influence has spread among
the multitude of commoners so that the hatreds
[of persons] within the [four] seas have not ceased
down to the present. Although he has received a
pardon, it is not proper that he should live in the
imperial capital. Let [Chieh] Wan-nien be exiled
to Tun-huang Commandery."
In this year the Grandee Secretary, Wang Chün4a,
died.[314]
In the third year, in the spring, the first month, on
was an eclipse of the sun. The imperial edict said,
"Visitations from Heaven have been repeated and
frequent, so that We have been greatly dismayed
have lost their occupations and [We] have visited
and sent the Grand Palace Grandee Chia and others
to travel about and inspect the empire, to visit and
ask the aged and common people from what bitternesses
they suffer. Let [these messengers] with
the Inspectors of Regional Divisions each recommend
[to Us] one true and simple, humble and yielding
person whose actions accord with moral principles."[320]
In the winter, the tenth month, on [the day]
keng-ch'en, the Empress Dowager [née Wang] issued
an imperial edict [ordering] the high officials to reestablish
the [imperial] sacrifices at the altar to the
Supreme [One] at Kan-ch'üan [Palace], to Sovereign
Earth at Fen-yin, at the altars to the Five [Emperors]
at Yung, and to the Jewel of Ch'en at Ch'en-ts'ang.
A discussion is in the "Treatise[323] on the Suburban
and Other Sacrifices."
In the eleventh month, Fan Ping, a man of Wei-shih,
and others, thirteen persons [in all], who had
plotted to rebel, killed [Chuang P'u],[327] the Grand
Administrator of Ch'en-liu [Commandery], seizing
and kidnapping officials and people. [Fan Ping]
called himself their general. The convict Li T'an
and others, five persons [in all], together struck and
killed [Fan] Ping and the others. [Li T'an and his
associates] were all enfeoffed as full marquises.[328]
In the twelfth month, the convicts in the office for
iron in Shan-yang [Commandery], Su Ling and
others, 228 persons [in all], attacked and killed their
[Su Ling] called himself their general. They passed
through nineteen commanderies and kingdoms,[331]
and killed the Grand Administrator of Tung Commandery
and the Chief Commandant of Ju-nan [Commandery.
The Emperor] sent the Chief Clerk of
the Lieutenant Chancellor and the Palace Assistant
Secretary, with credentials, to superintend and urge
on the pursuit and arresting [of the rebels]. The
Grand Administrator of Ju-nan [Commandery],
Chuang Hsin, arrested and beheaded [Su] Ling and
the others. [The Emperor] promoted [Chuang] Hsin
to be Grand Minister of Agriculture and granted him
a hundred catties of actual gold.
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,
[Palace with a visit, where he] performed the suburban
sacrifice at the alter to the Supreme [One];
supernatural lights descended and rested upon the
Purple Hall. A general amnesty [was granted] to
the empire and there were granted: to the officials
and common people of Yün-yang, noble ranks; to the
women of a hundred households, an ox and wine;
and to widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and
aged, silk. In the third month, [the Emperor]
traveled and favored Ho-tung [Commandery with a
visit, where he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth.
Grants were made to the officials and common people
[of this place] just as at Yün-yang; the places through
which he had passed were not to pay the land-tax
on cultivated fields.
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]
Hall of Approach to Flowers in Ch'ang-lo [Palace]
and in the Eastern Majors' Gate in Wei-yang Palace,
and in the sixth month, on [the day] chia-wu, there
was a visitation [of fire] to [the Eastern] Portal of
the Funerary Park at the Pa Tomb.[340] [The concubines
of Emperor Hsüan] at the Tu Tomb who had
not served the Emperor were sent away and returned
to their homes,[341] and an imperial edict
said, "Recently there was an earthquake and in the
imperial capital, visitations of fire have several times
descended, so that We are greatly dismayed. Let
the high officials do their utmost to make clear the
parallels [to these visitations, in order to show where
lies] the blame for them. We will Ourself look over
[their replies]."
It also said, "The Sage-kings made clear the rites
and regulations in order [to display] the ranks of the
honorable and lowly; they made distinctions among
carriages and clothes in order to render illustrious
those who possessed virtue. Although a person had
the wealth [to own splendid carriages and clothes],
if yet he did not have the honorable [rank necessary
for displaying them], he was not permitted to overstep
the regulations [for his rank]. Hence the common
people were excited to good conduct, moral
principles were exalted, and profit was deprecated.
"[But] just now the custom of the age is to be
limit, without being contented or satisfied.
The ministers, full marquises, [Our] personal attendants,
and the courtiers near [Our Person should
We] have not yet heard of any who cultivate their
personalities in obedience to the rules of proper
conduct or who join in mind [with Us] in being solicitous
for the state. Some, moreover, are extravagant
and prodigal, [loving] repose and pleasure, taking
care to enlarge their dwellings and residences, building
gardens and ponds, maintaining an excessive
number of male and female slaves, carrying on their
shoulders and wearing [on their bodies] flowered silks
and gauzes, setting up bells and drums, procuring
female musicians, chariots and trappings, and performing
marriages and burials that overpass the
regulations. The [lower] officials and common people
emulate and imitate them, so that [such extravagance]
has gradually become customary. Under
[these circumstances], is it not difficult to expect the
people to be economical and self-restrained, families
to be self-sufficient, and [every] person to be contented?
Does not the Book of Odes say,
"Let it be made known and decreed that the high
officials shall therefore gradually prohibit [such extravagance].
Let, however, blue and green, which
are the regular [colors of] clothing for the common
people, not be forbidden.[346]
Let the full marquises
and the courtiers near [the throne] each economize
and reform himself, and let the Colonel Director of
Retainers investigate those who do not change."
In the autumn, the seventh month, on [the day]
hsin-wei, the last day of the month, there was an
In [the period] Yüan-yen, the first year, in the
first day of the month, there was an eclipse of the
In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and
favored Yung [with a visit, where he] sacrificed at
the altars to the Five [Lords on High].
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the first
sound of thunder and light shone out on all sides,
descending to the earth. At dusk it stopped.[355]
An amnesty [was granted] to the empire. In the
autumn, the seventh month, a comet appeared in
[the constellation] Tung-ching.[357] The imperial
falling stars, reproaches appearing in heaven. Great
prodigies have been repeated, [but] those who are in
[official] positions have been silent; rarely have there
been loyal utterances. Now a comet has appeared
in [the constellation] Tung-ching. We are greatly
dismayed. Let the ministers, grandees, erudits,
and grandee-consultants each do their best in pondering
and thinking upon the meaning of these
grievous vicissitudes, and parallel them clearly from
the Classics [in explanation], not keeping silent about
anything. Let them and the inner commanderies
and kingdoms each recommend one sincere and upright
person who is able to speak frankly and admonish
unflinchingly, and let the twenty-two commanderies
at the northern border each recommend
one person who is brave and fierce and knows the
methods of warfare."
[The Emperor] enfeoffed [Hsiao] Hsi3, a descendant
of the Chancellor of State, Hsiao [Ho], as Marquis
of Tsan.[361]
In the winter, the twelfth month, on [the day]
Wang Shang1b, died.
In this year, the Brilliant Companion née Chao
killed an Imperial Son in the Harem.[364]
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
sacrifice at the alter to the Supreme [One]. In the
third month, he traveled and favored Ho-tung
[Commandery with a visit, where he] sacrificed to
Sovereign Earth.
In the summer, the fourth month, he set up [Liu]
Shou3a,[371] the son of King Hsiao of Kuang-ling, [Liu
Pa], as King [of Kuang-ling].
In the winter, [the Emperor] traveled and favored
Ch'ang-yang Palace [with a visit], and, accompanied
by guests who were northwestern barbarians (Hu),
he [held] a great hunting contest.[374] He spent the
night at Pei-yang Palace and made grants to his
accompanying officials.
In the third year, in the spring, the first month, on
collapsed, blocking the [Min] River to the third day,
so that the water of the [Min] River was exhausted.[380]
In the second month, [the Emperor] enfeoffed the
Guard, Shun-yü Chang, as Marquis of Ting-ling.
In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and
the altars to the Five [Lords on High].
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,
[Palace with a visit, where he performed] the suburban
sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One].
In the second month, the office of the Colonel
In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and
he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth. Sweet dew descended
in the imperial capital, and [the Emperor]
granted oxen and wine to the common people of
Ch'ang-an.[388]
In [the period] Sui-ho, the first year, in the spring,
the empire. In the second month, on [the day]
kuei-ch'ou, an imperial edict said, "We have succeeded
to the vast estate of the Eminent Founder,
[Emperor Kao], and have upheld the [imperial]
ancestral temples to the twenty-fifth year. [But
Our] virtue has been unable to give tranquility to or
administer [properly the region] within the [empire's]
boundaries. Many are the people who [cherish]
resentment. [We] have not received the blessing of
Heaven, [for] down to the present [We] have not yet
one to whom its hearts can attach themselves.
When [We] look over the warnings [in the history]
of the distant past and of recent events, the beginnings
of calamities and disorders have all come
from this [lack of an appointed heir].
"The King of Ting-t'ao, [Liu] Hsin5, has [acted]
toward Us as a son. He is affectionate, benevolent,
filial, and obedient, so that he may therefore follow
[Us] in the succession [decreed by] Heaven, and continue
the [imperial] sacrifices. Let [Liu] Hsin5 be
made the Imperial Heir-apparent. Let the Grandee-remonstrant
Feng Ts'an, who is the maternal uncle
of the King of Chung-shan, [Liu Hsing], be enfeoffed
as Marquis of Yi-hsiang,[396]
and let the kingdom of
Chung-shan be increased by thirty thousand households,
in order to console [Liu Hsing's] feelings, [since
he is not made Heir-apparent]. Let there be
granted: to the vassal kings and full marquises, gold;
to those in the empire who will be the successors to
their fathers, a noble rank; to the Thrice Venerable,
the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and
the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields, silk, to each
proportionately."
It also said, "Verily, [We] have heard that the
[true] kings necessarily preserved the descendants of
the two [preceding] kingly [dynasties], in order that
they might thereby connect themselves with the
Three Beginnings.[397]
Anciently, T'ang the Victorious
nasty, the Yin,] is grouped among the Three
Dynasties, yet his sacrifices have been neglected and
cut off. When [We] sought for his descendants,
none was more upright than K'ung Chi. Let
[K'ung] Chi be enfeoffed as the Marquis Continuing
and Honoring the Yin [Dynasty]." In the third
month, his noble rank was advanced to be that of
Duke. Together with the Marquis who Succeeds
to the Greatness of the Chou [Dynasty, Chi Tang],
they were both made Dukes, each with a territory
of a hundred li [square].
[The Emperor] traveled and favored Yung [with
a visit, where he] sacrificed at the altars to the Five
[Lords on High].
In the summer, the fourth month, the Commander-in-chief
Ken, was made [merely] Commander-in-chief, and
his General's office was abolished. [The title of]
the Grandee Secretary was made that of the Grand
Minister of Works, and [its incumbent, Ho Wu,] was
enfeoffed as a full marquis.[406] The salaries of the
Commander-in-chief and the Grand Minister of
Works were increased to be like that of the Lieutenant
Chancellor.[407]
In the autumn, the eighth month, on [the day]
In the winter, the eleventh month, [the Emperor]
set up [Liu] Ching3b, a grandson of King Hsiao of
Ch'u, [Liu Ao], as King of Ting-t'ao.[410]
The Marquis of Ting-ling, Shun-yü Chang, [who
had committed] treason and inhuman conduct, was
sent to prison and died, and the Commandant of
Justice, K'ung Kuang, was sent with credentials to
grant poison to the honored lady née Hsü. She
In the twelfth month, the Inspectors of Regional
instead Provincial Shepherds with the rank of two
thousand piculs.
In the second year, in the spring, the first month,
[Palace with a visit, where he performed] the suburban
sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One].
In the second month, on [the day] jen-tzu, the
In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and
he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth. On [the day]
ping-hsü, the Emperor died in Wei-yang Palace.
The Empress Dowager [née Wang] issued an imperial
edict that the high officials should reestablish
the [places] for the suburban sacrifices to the south
and north of Ch'ang-an. In the fourth month, on
[the day] yi-mao,[422] [the Emperor] was buried in
the Yen Tomb.
In eulogy we say: Your servant [Pan Piao's] paternal
aunt was given a place in the [imperial] harem
K'uang], his sons and her brothers waited [upon the
Emperor] in his private apartments, and frequently
said to your servant, "Emperor Ch'eng was good at
cultivating his deportment and appearance. `When
he mounted his chariot, he stood upright, he did not
look around, he did not speak hastily, he did not
point with his hands.'[426] When he attended court,
he was profound and silent, dignified and grave like
a god, so that it might be [truly] said, Majestic is the
bearing of the Son of Heaven.[427] He read widely on
[both] ancient and present [matters], and received
frank discourses indulgently." His ministers were
worthy of their positions, and their memorials and
discussions are worthy of being transmitted [to
posterity].
He happened upon an age which inherited a peaceful
condition, when the superior and his inferiors
were in concord. Yet he gave himself up to wine
and women. The Chao clan caused disorder within
[the palace] and his maternal relatives made themselves
masters in the court. In saying this, I cannot
but feel oppressed. From [the period] Chien-shih
onwards,[430] the Wang clan first grasped the
power of the state. [Emperors] Ai and P'ing had
[only] short lives, and [Wang] Mang thereupon
usurped the throne. In fact his [usurpation of the
imperial power, thereby enabling him to grant]
severity or favor, came about [very] gradually.[431]
Hsün Yüeh (148-209), in his Han-chi 24: 1a, repeats the statement in HS 98: 3a
that Emperor Hsüan himself gave to the future Emperor Ch'eng the name Ao and his
tzu [OMITTED] was T'ai-sun, so that this passage was early interpreted as recording the Emperor's
`style'. But Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) points out that T'ai-sun [OMITTED] is an appellation
analogous to Heir-apparent [OMITTED], just as in the time of Emperor Wu the son
of Heir-apparent Li was called the Imperial Grandson [OMITTED], and his son (the future
Emperor Hsüan), was called the Imperial Great-grandson [OMITTED]. This interpretation
is confirmed by the statement in 98: 3a, that after Emperor Yüan ascended the throne,
he "[OMITTED], established the Heir-apparent of the Heir-apparent as his Heir-apparent,"
in which [OMITTED] seems plainly to be a title (cf. HS 8: 1a and Glossary,
sub vocibus).
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) comments, "The ch'ih-tao [OMITTED] is the road on which
the Son of Heaven travels, like the present central path." Cf. Glossary sub Imperial
pathway.
A quotation from Analects XVI, v, where Confucius condemns these enjoyments.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) remarks that in his time the vulgar copies did not have the second
[OMITTED], which was excised because people did not understand that this phrase was a
quotation. From the comment of Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275), his copy evidently also did not
have this character.
Han-chi 24:1a reads yi-wei instead of chi-wei, and Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813)
hence says that the HS here is mistaken; but Hüang's Concordance des Chronologies
néoméniques puts a chi-wei but no yi-wei day in this month, so that the text seems correct.
Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) 29: 21b reads chi-wei. The enthronement occurred
27 days after Emperor Yüan's death and 27 days before his burial.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) remarks, "The Wang clan secured its power for
the first [time] from this [appointment]."
Yi-wei is a mistake, for there was no such day in the sixth month. These words
seem to be either an erroneous dittography, an interpolation for the preceding chi-wei,
or a mistake for yi-ch'ou, which was Aug. 10.
The name of this year-period plainly means "to establish a beginning," and is
appropriate for the first year-period in a reign.
HS 27 Cb: 23a adds, "It was bluish white in color, sixty or seventy feet (degrees)
long, and more than a foot (degree) broad." J. Williams, Observations of Comets, lists
it as no. 50. Dio Cassius (Hist. Roman., L [Loeb ed., V, 451]) also mentions it; cf.
Chambers, Descriptive Astronomy, I, 556, [72].
HS 27 Ca: 6a says, "In [the period] Chien-shih, the first year, the fourth month,
on [the day] hsin-ch'ou [May 13], in the night, to the northwest, there was light as of a
fire; on [the day] jen-yin [May 14], at dawn, a great wind arose from the northwest,
and the clouds of emanations were red and yellow on [all] four [sides] of the empire for a
whole day and night. What came down and lay upon the earth was yellow earthen dust."
The portent is blamed on the immediately preceding enfeoffments of imperial relatives.
W. Eberhard says it may have been a distant volcanic eruption; it might also have been
an unusual dust-storm; cf. his "Beiträge z. Kosmol. Spekulation in d. Han-Zeit." p.
30-31. It was later instanced by Li Hsün, cf. 75: 23a.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggests that the words jen-yin must have dropped out of the text
in ch. 10 after the words for "fourth month."
Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "They were the places [for standing] for the ministers
and lower [officials] at the court gatherings." Blue flies were symbolic of calumny
(Book of Odes, II, vii, v; Legge, p. 394).
HS 27 Cb: 16a says, "In the eighth month, on [the day] mou-wu [Sept. 27], at dawn,
when the clepsydra had not yet emptied itself by three marks, there were two moons
shining together." Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the words mou-wu have dropped out
after the words for "the eighth month", since otherwise the passage would mean that
two moons appeared every night. Ying Shao quotes Ching Fang's (i cent. B.C.)
Yi-chuan (this passage is not found in the present book by that name, but quoted from
that source, in HS 27 Cb: 16b) in explanation, "When a prince is as weak as a woman,
so that he is led by the Yin (female [influence]), then two moons appear."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that this abolition and that of the other places for
sacrifice in the preceding year were all due to the suggestion of K'uang Heng, q. v. in
Glossary. These other places for sacrifice were reestablished in 14 B.C. and abolished
again in 7 B.C., after Emperor Ch'eng's death; cf. 10: 12a, b, 16a; Introduction, p. 362.
The Sung Ch'i ed. said that the Yao text (possibly x cent.) contained a note saying,
"Every time the Han [Emperors] went to Yung or sacrificed at Kan-ch'üan [Palace,
the people of those places] were put to the trouble of provisioning a thousand chariots
and ten thousand horsemen. Now the sacrifices were changed to the places for the
suburban sacrifice south and north [of Ch'ang-an], hence the [people] had [not] the trouble
of furnishing tents and forced service." (The interpretation of [OMITTED] as meaning [OMITTED] is
made by Chang Yen [prob. iii cent.] in a note to Pan Ku's "Fu on the Eastern Capital"
in the Wen-hsüan [ca. 530]. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the [OMITTED] in Sung Ch'i's quotation
should be [OMITTED] and the first [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED].)
Ying Shao explains, "The place for the suburban sacrifice to Heaven was south
of the city of Ch'ang-an and the place for the suburban sacrifice to Earth was north of
the city of Ch'ang-an within the borders of Ch'ang-ling [prefecture. These] two prefectures
had the care of upholding the suburban sacrifices, hence they were both granted an
amnesty at the same time."
Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) comments, "Originally the poll-tax was 120 [cash].
Now it was reduced forty [cash] and became eighty [cash]." But S. Kato comes to a
different conclusion. Cf. Glossary sub "poll-tax."
HS 27 Ba: 26a says, "In the third month, on [the day] mou-tzu [Apr. 25], the spring
in a well within the Northern Palace sprang up considerably, overflowed, and [water]
came out, flowing southwards."
He had murdered his divorced concubine, who had given information that he had
failed to fast and abstain during the period of mourning for Emperor Yüan. Cf. Glossary,
sub voce.
HS 27 A: 22a says, "In [the period] Chien-shih, the third year, in the summer, there
was a flood. In the three capital commanderies, there was a prolonged rain for more than
thirty days and in nineteen commanderies and kingdoms there was rain. Streams issued
from the valleys of the mountains, killing altogether more than four thousand persons and
destroying more than eighty-three thousand government buildings and houses of the
common people." This visitation was blamed upon the change in the suburban sacrifices
made in the preceding two years. This prolonged rain for more than thirty days is
also noted in 27 Ba: 9b.
HS 27 Ca: 21a says, "In the third year of [the period] Chien-shih, the seventh
month [the text reads the "tenth" month, but the day shows this numeral is an error],
on [the day] ting-wei, [Sept. 6], in the imperial capital, [people] terrified each other, saying
that a flood was coming. A little girl of Szu-shang on the Wei River, Ch'en Ch'ih-kung,
who was in the ninth year of her age, ran, entered the Kuang city-gate, and entered
the side gate of the Master of Recipes in Wei-yang Palace. The guards at the gates
and doors of the Hall did not see her. She reached the forbidden apartments [in the
care of] the Intendant of the [Imperial] Palace Parks, and was then discovered and
arrested." This passage explains the event as portending the entrance of the Wang
clan into the imperial inheritance through imperial favor shown to female relatives.
Wang Feng had advised that the Emperor and his harem should take to boats and the
people should take refuge on the city walls. Wang Shang1a opposed this advice and the
rumor of a flood proved groundless; cf. 82: 1b.
Ying Shao says, "To enter into a palace by fraud without any credentials or registration
[at the palace gate] is called lan [OMITTED]."
He also says, "The Yi-men [OMITTED] are small gates at the side of the main gates."
Yen Shih-ku adds, "The yi-men are on the two sides. It means that they are like a
man's armpits (yi)."
Cf. the Appendix for eclipses. The interpreters of portents made much of this combination
of eclipse and earthquake, alleging that it was due to intrigues in the harem.
Cf. 27 Cb: 15a, b.
The Appendix to the Official ed. says that the Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii cent.) omits
the words [OMITTED], but the other editions have them. The passage that follows is probably
a reference to Book of Changes, App. III, ii, 15 (Legge, 383).
Yen Shih-ku says, "K'un [OMITTED] [means] a crowd [OMITTED], and k'un-ch'ung [OMITTED] means the
numberless insects [OMITTED]. Moreover Hsü Shen [d. 121] in his Shuo-wen [13 B: 1a; A. D.
100] says, `Two ch'ung are [OMITTED] . . . . [This word] is read the same as k'un.' It means
that it is a general term for ch'ung. The two ideas are interchanged. Cheng Hsüan
[127-200, in a note to Li-ki 12: 3b] considered, however, that k'un-ch'ung means `insects
born under the influence of the Yang principle [OMITTED]', in which he was mistaken.
Ch'ung is pronounced [OMITTED] [pres. hui]."
A quotation from Book of History II, iv, i, 5 (Legge, p. 81), where this statement is
put into the mouth of Shun.
HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In Chien-shih IV, i, on kuei-mao [Feb. 29], four meteorites
fell in Kao-[ch'eng], and one in Fei-lei."
HS 27 Bb: 13b adds, "In the kingdom of Yen, many died." (The context shows
that the date there given [Chien-chao, IV, iii] was probably originally the same as that
here.) This portent was interpreted as presaging the dismissal of the Empress nee Hsü.
Ying Shao explains, "[Yüan] Feng had been the Prefect of Ch'ang-an and had attained
a reputation for able rule, so he was selected and installed as Colonel Director of
the Retainers. [Ch'en] Lin had held a long-standing grudge against [Yüan] Feng.
When he saw that the latter was to be honored and distinguished, he feared that [the
latter] would injure or kill him. After the installation had ended, before [Yüan Feng]
had gone out, [Ch'en Lin] sent a man to stab and kill him."
HS 27 Cb: 17a, b says, "In Ho-p'ing I, the first month, on [the day] jen-yin [Feb.
22], the first day of the month, when the sun and moon were both in [the constellation]
Ying-shih, the sun came up red. In the second month, on [the day] kuei-wei [Apr. 4],
the sun was red in the morning and when it went down it was also red. At night the moon
was red. On [the day] chia-shen [Apr. 5], the sun came up as red as blood, without any
brilliance. When the clepsydra marked four divisions and a half, [the sun] had some
light, and lighted up the earth red and yellow. After breakfast, [the sun] recovered [its
natural light]. . . . In the third month, on [the day] yi-wei [probably a mistake for chi-wei,
May 10], the sun came up yellow with a black emanation as large as a cash right in
the center of the sun," [probably a sun-spot].
This edict is also quoted in 29: 15a; the added detail there seems to show that the
quotation there represents the original, which Pan Ku has condensed and polished for
his "Annals."
This restoration was at the request of P'ing Tang. The Temple had been abolished
in 33 B.C. Cf. 9: 13a.
HS 27 A: 13b says, "In Ho-p'ing II, i, at the office for iron in P'ei Commandery,
[at present P'ei, northwestern Kiangsu], when iron was being cast, it would not come
down. There was a rumbling like the noise of thunder and also like the sound of drums,
and the thirteen workmen were frightened and fled. When the sounds stopped, they
returned and looked at the earth. The earth had opened up several feet, the furnace had
divided into eleven [pieces], and from inside the furnace, the iron had scattered like shooting
stars and had all gone up and out [of the furnace. It was] a phenomenon similar to
that in Cheng-ho II." HS 27 A: 13a says, "In Cheng-ho II, [91 B.C.], in the spring,
when, at the office for iron in Cho Commandery, they were casting iron, the iron melt all
flew up and out. In this [case, the element] fire constituted the unhappy vicissitude and
caused it to act thus."
Professor Thomas T. Read of the Columbia University School of Mines points out
that the above phenomena were what we would now call furnace break-outs, and that
the description is exceedingly important in the history of iron technology, because such
an accident could only happen in a furnace of the cupola type, which has been supposed
to be a much later development. Cf. T. T. Read, "The Earliest Industrial Use of Coal,"
Transactions, Newcomen Soc'y of England, v. 20 (1939-40), pp. 119-133.
HS 27 Bb: 16a says, "In Ho-p'ing II, iv [May/June], in the kingdom of Ch'u, it
rained hail as large as axe [heads], and flying birds were killed."
Su Yü (fl. 1913) points out that, according to HS 18: 19b-20b, these brothers were
all enfeoffed on the same day, and suggests that the day should have been mentioned in
the text here, "yi-hai," July 20. They were commonly called "The Five Marquises."
HS 27 Ca: 10b says, "In Ho-p'ing III, ii, on ping-hsü, in Chien-wei [Commandery],
Po-chiang Mountain collapsed and Chüan-chiang Mountain collapsed, both blocking the
water of the [Min] River, so that the water of the [Min] River flowed backwards, injuring
city-walls and killing thirteen persons. The earthquake shocks continued for twenty-one
days, 124 shocks." Except for a statement in the Comment on the Shui-ching (by
Li Tao-yüan, d. 527), 33: 10a, locating this earthquake in Nan-an Prefecture, there seems
to be no information about the location of these mountains. Nan-an was located, according
to the Yi-t'ung Chih 405: 3a, 20 li northeast of the present Chia-chiang [OMITTED]
Hsien, in the Ch'ing Dynasty's Chia-ting Fu, Szechuan. This potent is grouped in HS
ch. 27 with those due to lack of perspicacious thinking.
Anciently, what is now called the Min River was considered to be the upper course
of the Yangtze (Book of History, III, i, ii, 9 [Legge, 137]; HS 28 Aiii: 71a), hence the text
states that the Yangtze River was blocked. In this and other cases, I have used the
modern name.
Liu Hsiang4 not only published new editions of the ancient classics (cf. the preface
to his edition of Hsün-Tzu, in Hsün-tzu 20: 26a ff; trans. in Dubs, Hsüntze, p. 28 ff),
but also, with his son, Liu Hsin1a, made a catalog of the Palace Private Library, which is
to be found in HS ch. 30. Feng Yu-lan says that the "Ancient text" classics and explanations
must have entered the imperial private library at this time; Cf. his Chung-kuo
Chê-hsüeh Shih, 2nd. ed., II, p. 575f.
The sentences following are evidently taken from the edict commissioning the
legates; in order to translate them in direct discourse, instead of the indirect form in the
Chinese, I have added the words in brackets.
Yen Shih-ku says that [OMITTED] is the same as [OMITTED] and means "to measure their degree
[of need]." Ch'ien Ta-chao corroborates the fact that these two words were anciently
interchanged by quoting SC 28: 38, which uses the first word, and then pointing out that
where this sentence is quoted in HS 25 A: 19a, the second word is used.
This sentence may be translated, "In Ch'ang-ling and Lin-ching [prefectures],"
but Lin-ching was, according to the Ta-ch'ing Yi-t'ung Chih, located 2 li west of
the present Chen-yüan, Kansu, near the headwaters of a branch of the Ching River
(cf. HS 28 Bi: 21a), so that an avalanche there would seem of little importance.
Dr. D. Bodde suggests that this passage is an early reference to coal. Professor
Thomas T. Reed of the Columbia University School of Mines adds that this is probably
the earliest account of a coal seam on fire.
Ying Shao explains this name as follows: "At that time the Yin [principle] was flourishing
and the Yang [principle] was weak, hence [the Emperor] changed the year-period and
called it Yang-so (the beginning of the Yang), [meaning that] he wished the Yang [principle]
to revive and grow." Yen Shih-ku replies, "Ying [Shao's] explanation is mistaken.
So [means] beginning. Because the fire [i.e., a Yang manifestation and in Shan-yang
Commandery] started among stones, it means that it was `a beginning of the Yang's
manifestations.' "
Wang Chang had outspokenly criticized Wang Feng, who had him imprisoned;
cf. Glossary, sub voce.
Book of History I, i, 2 (Legge, p. 17, translates differently). The present text of
the Book of History has pien [OMITTED] instead of the HS's fan [OMITTED]. Ying Shao explains fan by
pien, but Wei Chao says that fan means to [OMITTED]. Yen Shih-ku notes the difference and
says that both are correct. Tuan Yü-ts'ai (1735-1815), in his Ku-wen Shang-shu Hsüan-yi
(in the Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh, 567: 10b, 11a), says that the `modern text' of the
Book of History read fan and the `ancient text' pien. Ying Shao followed the `ancient
text' to read fan as pien, whereas Wei Chao explained fan as to, so that the interpretation
of this sentence by the modern text school did not change the reading.
Ying Shao says that the li in li-min [OMITTED] means [OMITTED]. Yen Shih-ku repeats this
interpretation in a note to 5: 10b10.
In the Book of History, the sentence here quoted refers to the actions of Yao and comes
before the appointment of the Hsi and the Ho, whereas the edict here makes it the consequence
the appointment of the Hsi and the Ho.
On the "orders for the months or yüeh-ling" cf. Ku Chieh-kang Han-tai-Hsüeh-shu
Shih-lüeh [OMITTED], pp. 40, 41. Tung Chung-shu was largely responsible for
this cult.
The Sung Ch'i ed. notes that the Ancient Text (before vii cent.) did not have the
word for "summer."
Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) says, "[The rank] of eight hundred [piculs] was eliminated and
[the former occupants of that rank] were given [the rank of] six hundred [piculs; the
rank] of five hundred [piculs] was eliminated and [the former occupants of that rank]
were given [the rank of] four hundred [piculs]." Cf. Glossary, sub "Salaries."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggests that the word [OMITTED] has dropped out at this point.
Since the edict is not quoted in full, possibly Pan Ku purposely omitted this word.
Hoang lists no chia-shen day in the eighth month. Chia-shen may have been a
mistake for chia-tzu, which was Oct. 16.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that the foregoing statement has nothing to do with the
rest of the entries for this month, and says that such a general statement is not paralleled
elsewhere. Hence he suggests that it has been displaced from the end of the statement
just above, concerning the appointment of Grandee-remonstrants and Erudits. It
seems as if something has been omitted at this point.
He died some time before May 28th, which was the day when his successor, Wang
Yin, was installed; cf. 19 B: 43a. Yen Shih-ku remarks that the annalist upon whom
Pan Ku depended for the events of this "Annals" probably did not know in what month
Chang Chung died, so noted his death at the end of the chronicle for the year, just as
with Wang Chün (10: 12a). Pan Ku did not compile the HS "Tables," which record
the dates of official appointments.
The text reads "third month," but HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In Yang-so III, the second
month, on [the day] jen-hsü, eight meteorites fell in Po-ma [a prefecture of Tung Commandery]."
According to Hoang, there was no jen-hsü day in the third month (which
is the reading in the present text of the "Annals"). Hence I have emended "third" to
"second" in my translation. Han-chi 25: 9b reads "third month," showing that the
"Annals" was already mistaken in the second century. The peculiar style in recording
meteorites is copied from the Spring and Autumn. It is also used throughout the catalogue
of meteorites in HS 27 Cb: 25a. Cf. Hu Shih, The Development of Logical Method in
Ancient China, p. 49.
The text reads "commanderies" instead of "prefectures"; Chou Shou-ch'ang
remarks that the rebellion was put down within a month, which would have been difficult
or impossible if the rebellion had extended to nine commanderies; the names of these
commanderies are moreover not given. Hence "commanderies" is a mistake for "prefectures."
In 17 B.C., the rebellion of Cheng Kung lasted over a year, although he
disturbed only four prefectures (10: 10a,b). Hsün Yüeh seems to have followed a text
which read "commanderies" and also to have felt that it was doubtful, for his Han-chi
25: 9b reads, "He overran commanderies and kingdoms." HS 28 Ai: 91a notes an office
for iron in Yang-ch'eng of Ying-ch'uan Commandery.
SC 117: 61 quotes a note of Hsü Hung-chün (fl. dur. 1875-1908), "In my opinion,
chün-hsing [OMITTED] was the name of a Han [dynasty] law. The Chou-li 16: [1a = Biot, I,
357, says], `He equitably distributes [the grain] which has been collected and stored up,'
and Cheng Hsüan [127-200] comments, `When the imperial government levies and
gathers goods, [this levy] is called hsing. What today is called chün-hsing is the same
[as this].' " Hence chün-hsing was a technical term for levying an army and military
supplies, and not an error for [OMITTED], as it is said to be in the Tz'u-t'ung, vol. II, ch. 24,
p. 151. This phrase is also found in HS 57 B: 1a; 99 B: 14b; etc. For other examples,
cf. Han-lü-k'ao 3: 11a. Cf. also the technical name for the crime connected with this
law, in HS 99 C: 15b.
Ch'ien Ta-hsin remarks that deaths of Commanders-in-chief are recorded beginning
with 117 B.C. (6: 17b), but their surnames are omitted, just as in the case of Lieutenant
Chancellors, except in 22 B.C. (10: 7b), 15 B.C. (10: 11b), and 11 B.C. (10: 14a).
The "Great Plan" is Bk. iv of Part V in the Book of History; the allusion is to verse
7 (Legge, p. 327), which enumerates the eight concerns of government.
Ying Shao glosses, "The work of spring is plowing." This phrase is an allusion to
Book of History, I, ii, 4 (Legge, p. 19).
Yen Shih-ku explains, "The ch'ien-mo [OMITTED] were the roads between the cultivated
fields. Those north and south were called ch'ien; those east and west were
called mo. They were probably those opened by Shang Yang in the Ch'in period."
On these paths, cf. the illuminating remarks by Dr. Duyvendak in his Book of Lord
Shang, p. 18, n. 3; p. 45, n. 1 and the notes in HS 24 A: 8b & 28 Bii: 51a.
For [OMITTED] (which is in Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text and in the Official ed. [1739], and
which is not found in the dictionaries), the Ching-yu ed. (1034) and the Chi-ku Ko ed.
(1642) read [OMITTED].
HS 27 Bb: 14a says, "In Yang-so IV, the fourth month [May], snow fell, and in
[the kingdom of] Yen, birds died."
Book of History, V, xxviii, 2 (Legge, p. 617). In the present text of that Book,
three characters are different from those in the quotation here. Instead of the HS
text's [OMITTED], it reads [OMITTED]; instead of [OMITTED], it reads [OMITTED]; and instead of [OMITTED], it reads [OMITTED]; thus
giving an entirely different meaning to the last two clauses. Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220)
comments, "It says, [putting the words into the mouth of King P'ing of the Chou dynasty],
that my Chou dynasty has not been able to secure, as those employed [in charge
of] affairs, [officials] who are aged and capable, [thereby] causing the state to be in danger
and ruin. The blame lies upon those employed [to be in charge of] affairs." Su Yü
(fl. 1913) says that Wen Ying's explanation, "the blame lies upon those employed [to be
in charge of] affairs," interprets exactly chüeh-kung [OMITTED], which are the last two
words of the quotation in the edict, and that if this clause were interpreted to mean
"the blame lies upon myself," as Yen Shih-ku (and Legge, loc. cit.) interprets it, [OMITTED]
would have to be written instead of chüeh. He also remarks that the HS text is probably
from the "modern text" of the Book of History.
In spite of the text, the sense would, however, seem to require Yen Shih-ku's interpretation,
but of course chüeh does not bear that interpretation. Dr. Duyvendak has
called my attention to Karlgren's article on the pronoun chüeh in the Book of History,
(Göteborgs Högskolas Årsskrift, 39 [1933]: 2, pp. 29-38) in which he argues that, for paleological
reasons, chüeh was sometimes confused with nai [OMITTED], both in the sense of "then"
and as the second personal pronoun. But even nai would not give a suitable meaning
here.
Chang Yen (iii cent.) says, "He went out by a rear gate, followed by Gentlemen
Attendants at the Gates, together with his private slaves and guests, [in all] ten-odd
persons. They were [clothed] in white garments with a girdle and turban, and [rode]
one-[horse chariots] or [were all] on horses, going in and out of the markets and wards
without again ordering a clearing of the roads. This was like the conduct of an unimportant
and humble [person], hence it was called wei-hsing [OMITTED] (traveling [like] an
unimportant [person])." Tzu-chih T'ung-Chien 31: 2 a,b quotes the above comment
in its text and adds that the Emperor went as far as the prefectures neighboring on
Ch'ang-an and to Kan-ch'üan, Ch'ang-yang, and Wu-tso Palaces, to see cock-fights and
horse-races. It adds that he called himself a member of the household of the Marquis
of Fu-p'ing, Chang Fang, whose mother was Emperor Ch'eng's aunt, the Princess of
Ching-wu, and who had himself married a younger sister of Emperor Ch'eng's Empress
nee Hsü and was in high favor with the Emperor. The above information is taken
largely from HS 97 B: 16a and 27 Ba: 11a, b.
Yen Shih-ku implies that it was the prefecture of Chen-ting (q.v. in Glossary),
but I have preferred to take the larger unit, which included that prefecture.
HS 27 Bb: 9a says, "The Erudits performed the rites of the great archery [contest]."
Han-chi 25: 11a says, "The Erudits performed the rites for the district drinking of wine."
For these rites, cf. Li-chi, ch. XLIII. These three statements all refer to the same rites;
the first sentence in Li-chi XLIII (Legge, XXVIII, 446; Couvreur, II, 668) is, "Anciently,
when the feudal nobles would practise archery, they always first performed the ceremonies
of the banquet. When the ministers, grandees, and gentlemen would practise
archery, they always first performed the ceremonies of the district drinking of wine."
Cheng Hsüan (127-200), in a comment to the title of Li-chi XLIII, says that this chapter
records the rites of (1) the banquet and archery [contest] and (2) the great archery
[contest], (which two were probably the same thing, for only one performance is discussed
in the chapter).
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the T'ang text (before xi cent.) read [OMITTED] for the
chieh [OMITTED] of the text; but HS 27 Bb: 9a (which repeats this statement), Han-chi 25:
11b, and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 31: 3a all read chieh, so that the T'ang text must have
been mistaken.
HS 27 Bb: 9a specifies them as the yamens of the Grand Master of Ceremonies,
the Superintendent of the Imperial House, the Lieutenant Chancellor, the Grandee
Secretary, and the Commander-in-chief and General of Chariots and Cavalry.
Yen Shih-ku says, "Ling [OMITTED] [means] ch'iu [OMITTED]-ling (a mound); yi [OMITTED] [means]
p'ing [OMITTED] (level or calm). It says that it decays [OMITTED] as a mound gradually becomes
level." He also says, "Ling-ch'ih [OMITTED] also means [to decay], as a mound's sinuosities
gradually become lower." This statement is repeated in MH III, p. 122, n. 2. But
Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) replies, "[Yen] Shih-ku is mistaken in considering that
ling [in ling-yi] means a mound. Ling and yi both [mean] p'ing (level). In a note to
Wen-hsüan [9: 9a sub] the "Ch'ang-yang Fu," [Li Shan (649-689) quotes] Hsieh [Han's
(fl. ca. 25-60)] Han-shih Chang-chü [as saying], `Ling means to be p'ing in [all] four
[directions].' Hence the ling of ch'iu-ling (a tomb-mound) originally took its meaning
from ling-yi; ling-yi did not take its meaning from ch'iu-ling. SC 18: [2 (Mh III, 121 f),
says], `At first [the Emperor] has never failed to want to strengthen [a noble clan's]
trunk and roots, yet its branches and leaves little by little ling-ch'ih shuai-wei [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] (decay and weaken).' The four words ling-ch'ih and shuai-wei are precisely parallel.
Ling-yi cannot be interpreted as the yi of a ling any more than shuai-wei can be interpreted
as the shuai of a wei.
"Ling-yi is related to ling-ch'ih as wei [OMITTED]-yi is related to wei-ch'ih. Hence Wang Su
[159-256], in a comment on the [K'ung-tzu] Chia-yü [(prob. written by Wang Su),
1: 7a], says, `Ling-ch'ih is like an inclined declivity [OMITTED].' Huai-nan-tzu [ii cent.
B.C.], "T'ai-ts'u Hsün," [20: 6b, says], `Because the [Yellow] River is tortuous (wei-yi
[OMITTED]), it is able to extend far; because the mountains decline (ling-ch'ih), they are able
to be high.' Wei-yi and ling-ch'ih are parallel expressions; ling-ch'ih cannot be understood
as the ch'ih (decline) of a ling (mound), any more than wei-yi can be understood
as the wei (tortuousness) of a yi (serpent).' . . . Then it is quite clear that [the ling of
ling-yi and ling-ch'ih] is not the ling of ling-ch'iu."
HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In Hung-chia II, v, on [the day] kuei-wei [June 16], three
meteorites fell in Tun-yen [in Nan-yang Commandery]."
Ch'ien Ta-hsin (1728-1804) points out that the word [OMITTED] (younger brother) has
dropped out at this point, and should be read, as in 53: 12b. Cf. Glossary sub Liu
Yün-k'o. HS 14: 16b dates his appointment in the eighth month (Sept./Oct.).
The first mention of selling noble ranks is in 243 B.C. (Mh II, 103), when one step
was sold for a thousand piculs of grain. This enactment may, however, have been
merely making uniform a practise dating from the time of Shang Yang (cf. Duyvendak,
The Book of Lord Shang, pp. 64f, 236, 253, 304). In 195 B.C., the price of noble ranks
was still high, for those Gentlemen who were not awarded a step in noble rank were
given ten thousand cash (HS 2: 1b), so that a step was worth more than ten thousand
cash. HS 24 A: 14b, 15a says that in the time of Emperor Wen, when grain was lacking
for the border military colonies, those who contributed six hundred piculs were given
the second noble rank, Superior Accomplished; those who contributed four thousand
piculs were given the ninth rank, Fifth Rank Grandee; and those who contributed twelve
thousand piculs were given the eighteenth rank, Great Chief of the Multitude. Ch'en
Shu-yung (fl. 1887), in his Han-kuan Ta-wen 5: 1a, calculates that at 40 cash per picul
of grain (an average price), the second rank was worth twenty-four thousand cash, so
that one step was worth more than ten thousand cash. In 123 B.C., Emperor Wu sold
a specially created hierarchy of military noble ranks at the rate of 170,000 cash for the
first step (with succeeding ranks seemingly at a higher rate, cf. Mh III, 555f; HS 24 B:
8a, b). Evidently with the amelioration of the laws and government policies after the
time of Emperor Wu, the exemptions given by noble rank were not needed so much.
As a result, noble ranks lost their appeal, so that Emperor Ch'eng finally had to reduce
the price drastically.
HS 27 A: 18b says, "In the fifth month, on [the day] yi-hai [June 3], in the Southern
Mountains of Chi [prefecture] in T'ien-shui [Commandery], a great stone cried out. Its
sound was rumbling like thunder, and in a moment it stopped sounding." For the
interpretation of this portent (the people are complaining), cf. Eberherd, "Beiträge,"
p. 19.
Wang Nien-sun points out that the word [OMITTED] has dropped out at this point.
It is found in HS 27 A: 15a and in Han-chi 25: 12b. In similar notations of previous
fires at temple portals, in HS 4: 13a, 5: 7a, and 9: 9b, the name of the portal is always
given. In subsequent notations, the name of the portal is, as here, sometimes omitted.
yet in each case ch. 27 specifies the particular portal affected. Cf. 10: 11a, 13a.
The fire and the dismissal of Empress nee Hsü are also coupled in ch. 27.
HS 27 A: 18b describes those events slightly differently: "In Kuang-han [Commandery,
the convicts] with iron collars plotted [together], attacked the jail, and took
by force a prisoner [sentenced for] a capital crime, Cheng Kung, and others. They
robbed arms from the arsenal, and pillaged and overran the officials and people. [Cheng
Kung] clothed [himself] in embroidered garments and called himself the Lord of the
Mountains. His party gradually increased. The next year, however, in the winter,
he suffered execution. Those who gave themselves up [numbered] more than three
thousand persons." On the significance of this and other rebellions, cf. Introduction
to this chapter, pp. 362-363.
HS 27 Bb: 17 b says, "In Hung-chia IV, in the autumn, in Hsin-tua [Commandery].
it rained fish that were as long as five inches and less."
HS 19 B: 46b records the appointment of Chao Hu as Chief of Palace Police in
the Capital under the date 12 B.C., and Chu Yi-hsin (1846-1894) explains the discrepancy
by saying that Pan Ku merely notes this event here in order to complete his account
of the rebellion.
HS 27 A: 15a notes these two fires with the same wording, adding that it was the
Southern Portal; cf. n. 10.4. These fires are there likewise coupled with the elevation
of Chao Fei-yen.
HS 27 Bb: 17b says, "In Yung-shih I, in the spring, in Po-hai [Commandery, the
ocean] produced four large fish, sixty feet long [45 ft. Eng. meas.] and ten feet high
[7½ ft. Eng. meas.]." These fish were probably stranded whales.
P. Hoang, Concordance des chronologies néoméniques, contains an unnoticed typographical
error in this year. His lunar months, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 should have been set
to correspond with the solar months, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 respectively. Otherwise the
table for this year seems correct.
Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) explains, "Within the Tomb there were Majors' Gates
to its Hall, just as [is the case] in the buildings [occupied by the Emperor] during his
lifetime." But Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) replies, "Within the grave-pit that held the Son
of Heaven there were no Majors' Gates to its Hall. This [passage] denotes the Funerary
Chamber and Hall above the Tomb, [not in the grave itself], together with their Majors'
Gates. At that time they had not all been built." Yen Shih-ku approves Fu Tsan's
explanation and adds that the chung-ling [OMITTED] was the [OMITTED] (Main Funerary Chamber)
of the central Tomb. Cf. Glossary sub Funerary Chamber of Emperor Kao.
Ch'en Ching-yün (1670-1747) suggests emending chi [OMITTED] to fan [OMITTED]. Liu Hsiang
had admonished the Emperor against the Ch'ang Tomb (cf. HS 36: 19b-24a). HS 10:
12a says that Shun-yü Chang advised the Emperor that the people should be prevented
from moving to Ch'ang1-ling and that the Emperor's tomb "should be returned
(fan) to its former location," i. e., to the Yen Tomb. A note to Hsi-Han Nien-chi
(printed 1221) 26: 16b, by Wang Yi-chih, says that Wang Yi-chih's Hsi-Han Nien-chi
K'ao-yi remarks that the then current copies and the Academy ed. (1124) write chi,
but that Wang Yen-chang (1079-1154), who collated an edition of the Southern T'ang
period (937-975), wrote this phrase with fan instead of chi.
Hu San-hsing (1230-1287), in a note to Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 31: 12a, explains,
"At the former Tomb they were not to build a town for the Tomb and move officials
and common people [there]."
HS 27 Cb: 19a says, "In Yung-shih, II, ii, on kuei-wei, after midnight, stars fell
like rain, ten or twenty feet (degrees) long. [They appeared] continuously and were
extinguished before they reached the earth. At cockcrow they stopped." This meteoric
shower was that of the Lyrids, which is now dated on Apr. 20, because of precession.
Ju Shun explains, "[The Emperor] granted them noble ranks and exempted them
from the land-tax and capitation taxes, considering [the foregoing] as the value [of their
charitable contributions]." But Yen Shih-ku replies, "This explanation is mistaken. . . .
It means that the offices had [already] granted them the value of their expense. Only
at this time did he add noble ranks, together with exemption from capitation taxes."
Senior Chieftain of Conscripts was the fourteenth rank; Fifth Rank Grandee was the
ninth rank; cf. Glossary, sub vocibus.
Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) remarks that this practise was not as bad as that
of Emperors An and Huan in the Later Han Dynasty, who sold these official positions
and noble ranks for money. Cf. HHS An. 5: 6b; 7: 10b.
These altars had been abolished in Jan./Feb. 31 B.C. (Cf. 10: 3a & n. 3.4). Ho
Ch'uo says that they were now restored. He is however probably mistaken. HS 25 B:
15b-16a quotes the Empress Dowager's edict (cf. 10: 12b), which shows that these altars
were not reestablished as regular places of imperial sacrifice until Nov. 14, 14 B.C.
Liu Hsiang4 had told Emperor Ch'eng that these ancient places were extremely honorable
and important; the Emperor was probably experimenting to see whether he wanted to
reestablish these altars permanently.
Li Tz'u-ming (1829-1894) remarks that the word [OMITTED] should be inserted before
the [OMITTED].
According to 19 B: 44a, 45b, he died before Apr. 10, 15 B.C., when Chai Fang-chin
became Grandee Secretary.
Some copies of the Official ed. have [OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED]. The sacrifices in the Southern
and Northern Suburbs were reestablished in 7 B.C.; cf. 10: 16a. For these gods, cf.
Glossary, sub vocibus.
HS 17: 31b-32b enumerates only four: Li T'an, Cheng Chung, Chung Tsu, and
Tzu Shun. Szu-ma Kuang (1019-1086), in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi, 1: 15b,
accordingly says that the "Annals" is mistaken in saying "five." But as Pan Ku did
not compile the "Tables," that reasoning is far from conclusive.
HS 26: 58b, in recounting this rebellion, says "By the next year they had passed
through more than forty commanderies and kingdoms." HS 27 A: 18b also reads
"forty"; Chou Shou-ch'ang, however, remarks that there were only 103 commanderies
and kingdoms in the empire, hence "forty" would mean that about half the country was
in revolt. Such a great rebellion could not be put down so quickly. Chou Shou-ch'ang
suggests that the word "four" is an interpolation in these two passages, and that they
should read "more than ten commanderies and kingdoms."
HS 27 A: 15b contains the same recording of these three fires, specifying, in the
case of the last one, that it was the southern part of the Eastern Portal; cf. n. 10.4. These
fires were blamed upon the fact that the control of the government was in the hands of
the Wang clan.
It was then thirty-five years after the death of Emperor Hsüan; more than a
century previously, Emperor Wen had ordered that his inferior concubines were to be
sent back home immediately after his death. Cf. 4: 20b.
This was Halley's comet, for which Cowell and Crommelin (Monthly Notices of
the Royal Astronomical Society, 68: 669) calculate a perihelion for Oct. 8, 12 B.C. HS
27 Cb: 23a, b, says, "In Yüan-yen, I, vii, on hsin-wei, [Aug. 26], a comet appeared in
[the constellation] Tung-ching [μ, ν, γ, ξ, λ, ζ, 36, ε Gem], and marched over the Five
Nobles [θ, ι, τ, γ, κ Gem]. It rose north of the [two] Ho-shu [the same as the Nan and
Po-ho, ρ, α, β Gem and ε, β, α C Min] and directed itself towards and traversed Hsien-yüan
[35 Lyn; 10 U Ma; 38, α Lyn; 59, ι, ξ Cnc; λ, ε, μ, ζ, γ, η, α, ο, 31 Leo] and T'ai-wei
[δ, θ, ι, σ Leo; β, η, γ, δ, ε Vir; α Com]. It daily progressed six degrees [of equatorial
longitude] or more. At dawn it rose in the eastern quarter. On the thirteenth day
[Sept. 7], at evening, it appeared in the western quarter. It invaded the Second Consort
[ζ Scr (cf. SC 27: 14 notes)], the Harem [another name for Wei3 (ε, μ, ζ, η, θ, ι, κ,
λ, γ Scr) and Chi (γ, δ, ε, η Sgr; cf. HS 26: 8b, 9a)], the Bushel [ζ, τ, σ, ϕ, λ, μ Sgr], and
Saturn. [On Sept. 7, Saturn was in R. A. 283.5°.]
"The point of its flame [its tail] penetrated twice through the Tzu-kung [a circle of
stars about the north polar regions: 6, λ Dra; Piazzi 10h 126, 27 U Ma; Piazzi 7h 187,
48 H Cep; 19 H Cam; α, ι, η, ζ, δ, ε Dra; β, γ Cep]. Its great fire [head?] later reached to
the Milky Way and swept [away evils] in the Region of the Consorts and Empress
[U Mi?], went south, moved on, and invaded Ta-chio [Arcturus], the [two] Shê-t'i [η, τ,
ν and ο, π, ζ Boo], and went to the Heavenly Market-place [four stars of the six in Ch'i
(cf. HS 26: 7b), i.e., γ, ρ, 43, π, ο, ν Sgr], where it stopped for a lunation, traveling slowly.
Its flame [tail] entered into the Market-place for ten days and later went west and left.
On the fifty-sixth day [Oct. 20], it hid itself together with the Azure Dragon [the same
as the Eastern Palace (cf. 26: 7a), one-quarter of the zodiac, including Chio, K'ang,
Ti, Fang, Hsin, Wei3, and Chi (Vir, Lib, Scr, and part of Sgr)]." E. Biot, in Connaissance
des temps, 1846, app., pp. 83 f, and J. Williams, Observations of Comets, pp.
9 f, have not translated this difficult passage in full. Cf. also J. H. Hind, in Monthly
Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, 10: 58. Wen Shion Tsu, "The Observations
of Halley's Comet in Chinese History," Popular Astronomy 42: (1934) 193, has translated
part of this passage, but with errors. The recording he takes for the appearance of
Halley's comet in 163 B.C., taken from HS 26: 49b, is a blunder; the date there given is
Feb. 6, 162 B.C., a year different from that calculated for Halley's comet. The return
of 87 B.C. is dated in HS 7: 1b (cf. my note 1.4), which Mr. Wen seems not to have seen.
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the T'ang text (before xi cent.) and the Chiang-nan
text (x cent.) write Hsiao Hsi3's personal name as "Chia," which was the name of a man
who was a grandson of Hsiao Ho and who was marquis 155-149 B.C. HS 16: 12b dates
Hsiao Hsi3's appointment in Yung-shih I, four years before Yüan-shih I, and notes that
his son succeeded him in Yung-shih IV, so that the notation of Hsiao Hsi3's appointment
here in the "Annals" cannot be correct.
For this sensational imperial infanticide, cf. Glossary, sub Chao, Brilliant Companion
née, and the Introduction to this chapter, pp. 369-372 ff. HS 27 Cb: 23b, after the
account of Halley's comet, says, "In this year, the Brilliant Companion [née] Chao killed
the two Imperial Sons and the fifth year afterwards Emperor Ch'eng died"; Pan Ku
in his "Annals" may hence be referring to both infanticides. But the dates he gives in
ch. 97 show that only one babe was killed in 12 B.C.
The Sung Ch'i ed. said that the Ching-tê ed. (1004-5), the Text in the Historiographer's
Office (before xi cent.), and the T'ang ed. (before xi cent.) all write [OMITTED] instead of
Shou. Han-chi 27: 7a writes Hsien [OMITTED]. HS 14: 20b and 63: 17b write Shou; Tzu-chih
T'ung-chien 32: 8b follows suit.
Ju Shun explains the meaning of the word chiao [OMITTED] (translated "contest") by
quoting Chou-li 33: 1a (Biot, II, 254) to the effect that the Hsiao- (or Chiao-)jen [OMITTED] had
charge of the imperial horses. Yen Shih-ku says he is mistaken, and that chiao here
means a wooden fence enclosing the animals to be hunted. Liu Pin (1022-1088), however,
explains that chiao here has the meaning it has in Analects VIII, v, viz., "contesting,"
which interpretation is approved by Wang Hsien-ch'ien.
For a brilliant description of this hunt, cf. Yang Hsiung's Yü-lieh (or Chiao-lieh) Fu
and his Ch'ang-yang Fu; HS 87 A: 23a-33a; 87 B: 1b; Wen-hsüan 8: 20a-33a; trans. in
von Zach, Uebersetzungen aus dem Wen Hsüan, pp. 14-16.
There has been a misunderstanding concerning the dating of this hunt. HS 87 A:
19b, 23a dates the presentation of Yang Hsiung's Yü-lieh Fu in 11 B.C., while 87 B:
1a dates in the next year the presentation of his Ch'ang-yang Fu (the introduction to
which describes the gathering of the animals for the hunt, and their being freed and
being chased by the Hu barbarians with their bare hands). Szu-ma Kuang, in his Tzu-chih
T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 1: 16a, hence argues that the hunting contest happened in
Yüan-yen III, and dates it thus in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 32: 11a. But, as Shen
Ch'in-han explains in a note to HS 87 B: 1a, Yüan-yen III is merely the date of the
Ch'ang-yang Fu's presentation to the Emperor; the Yü-lieh Fu and the Ch'ang-yang Fu
both refer to the same event. Hence the dating of this hunt here in 10: 14b must be
correct.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks that [OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED], interpreting the passage
to mean, "He set free [animals and birds for] his Hu guests to hold a great hunting
contest," as in HS 87 B: 1b9.
HS 27 Ca: 10b repeats most of this passage, saying that "the water of the River
flowed backwards to the third day and then it flowed on." Liu Hsiang4 interpreted this
event to mean that it is to be feared the Han dynasty would soon end.
HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In Yüan-yen IV, the third month, two meteorites fell in
Tu-kuan [of Shan-yang Commandery]."
The Ching-yu ed. and the Official ed. read Yi-hsiang [OMITTED], so does 18: 23b and 79:
10a. Wang Hsien-ch'ien reads Yi-ch'ing, with a note that this reading is erroneous.
Liu Hsing was the rival candidate for the position of Heir-apparent.
Yen Shih-ku explains the "Three Beginnings (san-t'ung [OMITTED])" as "Heaven,
Earth, and Man." This phrase also refers to the Three Dynasties: the Hsia, the Yin,
and the Chou dynasties. The phrase was used by Tung Chung-shu in his cyclical theory
of history to denote these three dynasties with their respective colors, black, white, and
red, which three principles he asserted would succeed each other in a ceaseless round.
Cf. Fung Yu-lan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, p. 27, n. 1; Chung-kuo Chê-hsüeh
Shih, vol. II, ch. II, sect. 11, pp. 532-537.
Ch'ien Ta-hsin points out that at this time only the descendants of the Yin and Chou
dynasties were enfeoffed, and no search was made for any descendants of the Hsia
dynasty, so concludes that the term, "the three dynasties (san-tai [OMITTED])" here, contrary
to its meaning elsewhere, refers to the Yin, Chou, and Han dynasties. Emperor Ch'eng
is however merely quoting from a memorial of K'uang Heng, presented about 44 B.C.
to Emperor Yüan (67: 12b-13a), which begins, "The [true] kings, [referring to the Chou
dynasty], `preserved the descendants of the two [preceding] kingly [dynasties,' i.e., the
Hsia and Yin dynasties (a quotation from Tung Chung-shu's Ch'un-ch'iu Fan-lu, 7: 4b,
"San-tai Kai-chih Chih-wen," in which section this clause appears several times)], in
order to honor their own deceased [ancestral] kings and `connect themselves with the
Three Beginnings' [another quotation from Tung Chung-shu, ibid., 7: 6b]." This
memorial went on to recommend enfeoffing a descendant of Confucius in order to carry
on the sacrifices to the Yin dynasty. Emperor Yüan had considered that this recommendation
was not classical, so had laid the memorial aside. Recently, Mei Fu had
memorialised Emperor Ch'eng, making the same recommendation (67: 11a-12b). Because
Mei Fu also attacked the Wang clan, his memorial was rejected. Emperor Ch'eng's
attention was however drawn to K'uang Heng's memorial, and it was acted upon, in
accordance with the principles of "the Tso-chuan, the Ku-liang Commentary, the Geneological
Origins (Shih-pen), and the Book of Rites" (67: 13a). A descendant of the Chou
dynasty had been enfeoffed by Emperor Wu; Emperor Ch'eng was only interested further
in honoring the descendants of the two preceding dynasties, in accordance with Tung
Chung-shu's principle, hence he did not feel it encumbent upon him to enfeoff any
descendants of the Hsia dynasty. Cf. Po-hu-t'ung, 7: 8a, "San-cheng." Since the
Chou dynasty enfeoffed the descendants of the two preceding dynasties, Confucian
authorities held that other dynasties need support only the scions of the two preceding
dynasties. It is noteworthy that in so doing, the Ch'in dynasty was neglected—it was
treated as a usurping dynasty, not in the true succession.
Shen Ch'in-han remarks that the word [OMITTED] at this point is an interpolation. It
is lacking in HS 19 B: 47b and in Han-chi 27: 8b.
Ju Shun says, "According to the Code, the salaries of the Lieutenant Chancellor
and of the Commander-in-chief and General-in-chief were 60,000 cash per month. The
salary of the Grandee Secretary was 40,000 cash per month." Hung Liang-chi (17461809)
remarks, "If the salary of the Commander-in-chief was really like that of the
Lieutenant Chancellor, why does this [passage] say `increased'? I suspect that since in
67 B.C. Emperor Hsüan established a Commander-in-chief without concurrently making
him a general and without a seal, seal-ribbon, or official subordinates, his emolument
was probably also reduced; hence this [edict] increased it to be the same grade as that
of the Lieutenant Chancellor. [Ju Shun's] comment quotes `the Code', which must
be the Code of the time of Emperor Wu." Cf. also 19 A: 4b, 5a.
Liu Ch'ing3b was to continue the ancestral sacrifices to Liu K'ang, King Kung
of Ting-t'ao, since King Kung's son had been made the Imperial Heir-apparent and
should therefore maintain the sacrifices to Emperor Ch'eng, and not to his natural
father. Cf. Glossary sub Hsiao-Ai, Emperor.
The lady née Hsü was the former Empress. Shen Ch'in-han remarks that the
first [OMITTED] is an interpolation. I have retained it in the translation. For this incident, cf.
Introduction to this chapter, p. 361, and Glossary, sub vocibus.
The text writes chi-mao, but if there was a ping-hsü day in the third month, as
stated above, there could hardly have been a chi-mao day in the fourth month. Hoang
gives none. Chi [OMITTED] is almost certainly an error for yi [OMITTED], a common copyist's mistake.
This mistake must have occurred early, for Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285), in a note, says that
from the death to the burial was to the fifty-fourth day, which is the number of days
from a ping-hsü to a chi-mao day, inclusive. Han-chi 27: 11b, 12a, dates the death
in the third month on the day ping-wu and the burial in the fourth month on the day
chi-mao, and says specifically that the interval was to the thirty-fourth day, which
number is obtained by using these cyclical days. But Hoang gives neither a ping-wu
day in the third month nor a chi-mao day in the fourth month. Hence the error in the
text of the HS must date at least to the second century, when the Han-chi was written,
for the Han-chi is plainly correcting the date of the Emperor's death to correspond to
the interval of a month. It puts the death on the day of Emperor Ai's accession to the
throne, according to Han-chi 28: 1a and HS 11: 2a. HS 97 B: 10b and 81: 17a inform
us that K'ung Kuang was made Lieutenant Chancellor and Marquis on the day of
Emperor Ch'eng's death, and HS 19 B: 48b and 18: 24a both date those events in the
third month on the day ping-hsü, so that Emperor Ch'eng certainly died on that day.
The alternative possibility, that the burial occurred in the fifth month on the day chi-mao,
is not at all likely, because both the HS and the Han-chi date the burial in the fourth
month, while the latter has plainly made a correction to bring the burial into the fourth
month.
This was the Favorite Beauty nee Pan (cf. Glossary sub voce) who was the paternal
aunt of Pan Piao; hence Pan Piao wrote this part of the eulogy.
A quotation from a description of Confucius in Analects X, xvii, here used to
praise Emperor Ch'eng.
An allusion to Book of Odes, IV, i, ii, vii, 1 (Legge, p. 589) or to Li-chi XV, 23
(Legge, II, 73; Couvreur, II, 12).
APPENDIX
ECLIPSES DURING THE REIGN OF EMPEROR CH'ENG
i. In Chien-shih, III, xii (the twelfth month), on the day mou-shen,
the first day of the month, a solar eclipse is recorded (HS 10: 4a; Han-chi
24: 6b). HS 27 Cb: 15a adds that it was nine degrees in the constellation
Wu-nü.
P. Hoang, Concordance des chronologies néoméniques, equates this date
with the julian Jan. 5, 29 B.C., for which day Oppolzer, Canon der
Finsternisse, calculates his solar eclipse no. 2810. He charts the moon's
umbra as passing thru Indo-china and Formosa. He calculates the sun
as in long. 283° = 284° R.A. The principal star of Wu-nü, ε Aquarii, was
then in 284° R.A.
Between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, no solar eclipses were
visible in China.
ii. In Ho-p'ing I, iv, on chi-hai, the last day of the month, a second
solar eclipse is recorded. (HS 10: 5a, b; 27 Cb: 15b; Han-chi 24: 11a).
The "Annals" say it was total; the "Treatise" says, however, "It was not
completely [total, but] like a hook. It was 6 degrees in [the constellation]
Tung-ching." Liu Hsiang4's interpretation, in the same passage, however
says it was total. The Han-chi here copies the "Treatise," but
writes yi for chi.
Hoang equates this date with June 19, 28 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2813. Calculation of this eclipse according
to the method in Neugebauer, Astronomische Chronologie, shows that it
reached a magnitude of 0.96 (sun's diameter = 1.00) at Ch'ang-an, and
that the broad path of totality ran only 3° or less south of Ch'ang-an.
Hence the recording in the "Treatise" came from a record made in
Ch'ang-an, whereas that in the "Annals" was taken from reports from
places outside the capital, confirming the conclusion reached in connection
with the eclipse of July 17, 188 B.C. (cf. HFHD I, p. 189). The
calculated longitude of the sun was 84° = 83° R.A. The first star in
Tung-ching, μ Gem, was then in 65° R.A. There is thus a discrepancy of
about ten degrees between the location of the sun at the time of eclipse
and that stated in this record.
In the two years between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, no
solar eclipses were visible in China.
iii. In Ho-p'ing III, viii, on yi-mao, the last day, a third eclipse is
recorded (HS 10: 5b; 27 Cb: 15b; Han-chi 25: 1a). The "Treatise"
Hoang equates this date with Oct. 23, 26 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2820. He charts the moon's umbra as
passing thru Szechuan and Formosa, and calculates the sun as in longitude
207° = 205° R.A. The principal star of Fang, π Scr, was then
in 210° R.A.
In the two years between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, no
solar eclipses were visible in China.
iv. In Ho-p'ing IV, iii, on kuei-ch'ou, the first day, a fourth eclipse of
the sun is recorded (HS 10: 6a; 27 Cb: 15b; Han-chi 25: 5b). The
"Treatise" adds that it was in the constellation Mao.
Hoang equates this date with Apr. 18, 25 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2821. He charts the moon's umbra as
passing thru Siam and the Philippines, and calculates the sun's longitude
as 25° = 23° R.A. The principal star of Mao, η Tauri (Alcyone), the
brightest star in the Pleiades, was then in 28° R.A.
In the six months between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, no
solar eclipse occurred.
v. In Yang-so I, ii, on ting-wei, the last day, a solar eclipse is recorded
(HS 10: 6b; 27 Cb: 15b; Han-chi 25: 7a). The "Treatise" adds that it
was in the constellation Wei4.
Hoang equates this date with Apr. 7, 24 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2823. He charts the moon's umbra as
passing thru northern Siberia to the Arctic Ocean and calculates the sun's
longitude as 15° = 13° R.A. The principal star of Wei4, 35 Arietis, was
then in 13° R.A.
In the year between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, no solar
eclipses were visible in China.
vi. HS 27 Cb: 15b says, "In Yung-shih I, ix, on ting-szu, the last day,
there was an eclipse of the sun." The "Annals" (ch. 10) do not note this
eclipse. (Han-chi 26: 6a has this notation with the day yi-szu.)
Hoang equates this date with Nov. 1, 16 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2846. It was merely partial; calculation
shows that at Ch'ang-an it reached a magnitude of only 0.08 at 4:29
p.m. local time. It was better visible farther north; at the present
Peiping it reached a magnitude of 0.15 at 4:51 p.m. local time.
The "Treatise" and the Han-chi say, after the record of this eclipse,
"[Heaven] caused the capital alone to know of it, the kingdoms in the
four [directions] did not perceive it." The small magnitude of the eclipse
in north China effectually prevented its being perceived except by special
etc., so that unless people were looking for an eclipse, it would hardly
have been perceived. It accordingly appears very likely that during
this reign, at least, the court astronomers were on the look-out for solar
eclipses, and used special means to perceive them. There was an Office
for Watching the Heavens (cf. Glossary, s.v.).
Between these eclipses of 24 and 16 B.C., Oppolzer calculates 22 solar
eclipses, none of which was visible in China.[1]
vii. In Yung-shih II, ii, on yi-yu, the last day, a solar eclipse is recorded
(HS 10: 11b; 27 Cb: 15b; Han-chi 26: 6a).
Hoang equates this date with Mar. 29, 15 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2847. He charts the path of the moon's
umbra as passing thru the present outer Mongolia.
The "Treatise" and the Han-chi continue, "[Heaven] caused the four
quarters all to perceive [this eclipse], whereas in the capital it was cloudy
and overcast." Here is definite proof that eclipses were reported to
the capital from other localities and were recorded by the court
astronomers.
In the seven months between this and the preceding recorded eclipse,
no solar eclipses occurred.
viii. In Yung-shih III, i, on chi-mao, the last day, an eighth solar
eclipse is recorded (HS 10: 12b; 27 Cb: 16a; Han-chi 26: 10a. The latter
book reads yi for the HS's chi.)
Hoang equates this date with Mar. 18, 14 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2849. This eclipse reached a magnitude
of 0.43 at 3:40 p.m., local time at Ch'ang-an.
In the year between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, no solar
eclipses were visible in China.
ix. In Yung-shih IV, vii, hsin-wei, the last day, a ninth solar eclipse
is recorded (HS 10: 13b; 27 Cb: 16a; Han-chi 26: 12a). Hoang equates
this date with Aug. 31, 13 B.C., for which Oppolzer calculates his solar
eclipse no. 2852. He charts the path of the eclipse as passing through
In the year and a half between this and the preceding recorded eclipse,
no solar eclipses were visible in China.
x. HS 10: 13b & 27 Cb: 16a also record another solar eclipse in Yüan-yen
I, i, chi-hai, the first day. The Han-chi does not list this eclipse.
Hoang equates this date with Jan. 26, 12 B.C., for which Oppolzer calculates
his solar eclipse no. 2853. This eclipse was merely partial; calculation
shows that at Ch'ang-an it reached only a magnitude of 0.07 at 7:14
a.m., local time, beginning at 7:35 a.m. and ending at 8:42 a.m., local
time. Sunrise was at 6:56 a.m. An eclipse of such a slight magnitude
and lasting only 67 minutes could only have been perceived by an
astronomer who was on the look-out for eclipses.
In the five months between this and the preceding recorded eclipse,
no solar eclipses occurred.
Except for six eclipses, all others are plainly shown to be invisible by the data in
Oppolzer, either by the data for the track of the moon's umbra, or by the value given
for γ. The remaining six were calculated and found invisible. That of Mar. 27, 23 B.C.
was visible only at high latitudes, except in the Atlantic Ocean. That of Aug. 22, 23 B.C.
was also visible only at high latitudes; at the longitude of Ch'ang-an it was visible only
north of lat. 45°. That of Feb. 5, 21 B.C. was visible in India and in the Pacific Ocean,
but not in China. That of June 10, 19 B.C. was visible only in western Siberia. That of
Nov. 23, 18 B.C., was invisible north of about lat. 19°. That of Apr. 9, 16 B.C. was
invisible south of lat. 60°.
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