University of Virginia Library

VIII. THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY

CHAPTER VIII

EMPEROR HSIAO-HSÜAN

INTRODUCTION

The apogee of the Former Han period

The reign of Emperor Hsüan (74-48 B.C.) marks the highest point
of Chinese power and civilization during the Former Han period. In
government, in prosperity, in art (cf. 8: 25a), and in its power over
foreign tribes, this reign constitutes the apogee of the period. Never
before was the government so well-administered or so kindly disposed to
the people; never before had there been such good harvests. Emperor
Wu had sent out victorious military expeditions, but never before had
the Huns acknowledged themselves vassals of the Chinese. After this
reign, decline ensued, until the dynasty ended and there came a general
collapse under Wang Mang.

In giving an account of the important events in this reign omitted
from or inadequately discussed in these "Annals," it will perhaps be
worth while to discuss the change in the succession to the throne, the
revolt of the Ho clan, the character of Emperor Hsüan's rule, the submission
of the Huns, and the ascendancy of Confucianism over its rivals.

Liu Ho4b's brief reign and deposition

Emperor Hsüan was not the Heir-apparent of Emperor Chao, but was
selected to be Emperor by Ho Kuang and the ministers. The actual
successor to Emperor Chao was Liu Ho4b, who was dismissed from the
throne after a reign of twenty-seven days. This episode is passed over
with a bare mention in the "Annals," since Emperor Hsüan did not
figure in it. A full account of this as well as of other matters discussed
in this introduction is to be found in the relevant "Treatises" and "Memoirs,"
which are abstracted in the glossary.

Emperor Wu had six sons, three of whom died before their father.
Liu Chü, his Heir-apparent, was killed in the insurrection caused by the
famous witchcraft and black magic case (91 B.C.). With him died all
his sons. The only descendant saved alive was an infant grandson only
a few months old, Liu Ping-yi (the future Emperor Hsüan), who had been
born of a singer and dancer slave-girl sold into the household of Liu Chü's
son. Since the babe was a grandson, he was not executed, for the Chinese

law of blood-feud demanded that vengeance be taken for a parent's
death only to the first generation of the dead man's descendants. Consequently,
the Chinese law of inculpation similarly required the execution,
in heinous crimes, of only the three sets of closest relatives (cf.
glossary, sub Three sets of relatives). The courage of Ping Chi prevented
this babe's death in the general executions that occurred after that
insurrection. By 74 B.C., when Emperor Chao died, Liu Ping-yi had
already been restored to membership in the imperial clan, from which
he had at first been excluded, and was known as the Imperial Great-grandson.

Another son of Emperor Wu, Liu Hung1a, King of Ch'i, had died in 110
B.C. without descendants. A third son, Liu Po6, King of Ch'ang-yi, had
also died before his father (89 B.C.), leaving a son, Liu Ho4b. A fourth
son of Emperor Wu, Liu Tan4a, King of Yen, had intrigued against
Emperor Chao and Ho Kuang, and had been executed (80 B.C.). A
fifth son, Liu Hsü, King of Kuang-ling, was still living. The sixth and
youngest son, Liu Fu-ling, had become Emperor Chao.

There were thus, at the time of Emperor Chao's death, only three
eligible descendants of Emperor Wu: Liu Ping-yi, Liu Ho4b, and Liu Hsü.
Liu Tan4a's three sons were then commoners, and, because of their
father's crimes, were not eligible. Liu Hsü had not proved himself a
suitable person for the throne. He had been far from decorous and had
delighted in such things as music (dancing), wandering, and feats of
strength, such as lifting weights and fighting bare-handed with bears,
boars, and other wild animals. He was passed over. Twenty years
later he was executed for murder.

The obvious choice for the throne was Liu Ho4b, and he was accordingly
invited to come and perform the funeral rites as the heir of Emperor Chao.
Liu Ho4b was then in his eighteenth or nineteenth year and had already
been King of Ch'ang-yi for twelve years. The manic-depressive insanity
that seems to have afflicted him in later years was probably
already beginning to affect him. He was expecting the message; it was
sent by fire-beacons from Ch'ang-an to Ch'ang-yi, which latter place
was located in the present southwestern Shantung. In a fit of enthusiasm,
Liu Ho4b started for the imperial capital late the same afternoon,
spurring as hard as he could, killing horses recklessly, traveling
135 li in the remainder of that day. Meat, intercourse with women,
and joyful amusements were forbidden during the period of mourning;
in his delight at being on the way to the throne, Liu Ho4b forgot all prudence
and had his slaves secure women and meat. When, forty-two
days after, he reached the capital, instead of weeping as the heir of a

deceased emperor, he could not control his joy. When he came to the
palace Portal, he however performed the required prostrations.

Liu Ho4b was now given the imperial seals and the title of Emperor.
Emperor Chao's Empress (née Shang-kuan), who was a grand-daughter
of Ho Kuang, was made Empress Dowager, thus becoming the
adoptive mother of Liu Ho4b. Emperor Chao died on June 5th; Liu
Ho4b became Emperor on July 18th; Emperor Chao was buried on
July 24th. An essential feature of the coronation was the presentation
of the new Emperor in the ancestral Temple of Emperor Kao, the
founder of the line. Liu Ho4b, in his pursuit of enjoyment, postponed
this event.

Meanwhile he gave rein to his wishes like a care-free youth. He played
with the imperial seals. He gave his followers a thousand catties of
gold in order that they might secure ten wives for him. He gave elaborate
rewards to his boon companions. While the imperial coffin was
still in the Palace Hall, he had music performed. He indulged in elaborate
feasts, and did not refrain from meat, sending his followers out to
buy chickens and pork when the palace officials refused to provide them
for him. He committed fornication with the Palace Maids and threatened
death to anyone who revealed the fact. In the twenty-seven days
of his reign, he sent out messengers with credentials and edicts on 1127
missions. Officials who admonished him were warned to keep silent
or were imprisoned.

Ho Kuang was in distress at this flaunting of the dynasty's customs
and institutions, and asked his intimates what could be done. He was
reminded of the precedent set by Yi Yin, the venerated minister of
T'ang the Victorious, the founder of the Shang dynasty. Yi Yin had
imprisoned to the third year, in a place near his grandfather's tomb,
T'ai-chia, an unworthy grandson and successor of T'ang, until T'ai-chia
had repented of his wild ways. Thereupon Yi Yin had handed the rule
back to T'ai-chia. This account was part of the Confucian tradition (it is
found in Mencius V, i, vi, 5, also in the SC [Mh I, 189]), and was consequently
part of the state constitution. Ho Kuang summoned the
officials and members of his party to a conclave and explained the
situation to them. They were astounded at the proposal to dethrone
the Emperor, and did not dare to say anything, until T'ien Yen-nien
arose, pulled out his sword, and asked for permission to kill anyone who
dissented. The officials thereupon agreed unanimously.

The Empress Dowager, Ho Kuang's grand-daughter, was three or four
years younger than Liu Ho4b, but was technically his mother, so that
she could command Liu Ho4b. To lure Liu Ho4b out of the imperial quarters,

she went to the Emperor's palace. Liu Ho4b accordingly came to
pay his court to her; when he returned to his apartments, he alone was
allowed to enter the doors; the eunuchs held the doors and kept Liu Ho4b's
followers out. These followers were arrested and imprisoned. Liu Ho4b
was summoned to the Empress Dowager. She received him in full
regalia (probably in the throne room), seated in the military tent, with
several hundred attendants bearing arms. The courtiers ascended into
the audience hall according to their proper order and Liu Ho4b was
commanded to prostrate himself and hear the proceedings. A Master
of Writing thereupon read a memorial signed by Ho Kuang and all
the important officials, which asserted that Liu Ho4b had abandoned the
rules of proper conduct and moral principles, and enumerated his misdeeds
one by one. When the reading reached the point where Liu Ho4b
was charged with fornication, the Empress Dowager said, "Stop. Could
any subject or son of mine act in so disorderly a manner as this?"

Liu Ho4b left his mat and prostrated himself while the Master of
Writing continued reading the memorial. It ended by saying that Liu
Ho4b had not yet presented himself in the Temple of Emperor Kao to
receive the imperial mandate and was not fit to continue the imperial
line nor to uphold the sacrifices in the imperial ancestral temples, so that
he should be dismissed. It begged that the proper officials should be
instructed to give information of that fact in the Temple of Emperor Kao.
The Empress Dowager assented to this memorial and Ho Kuang ordered
Liu Ho4b to arise, bow and accept the edict. Liu Ho4b protested, whereupon
Ho Kuang held Liu Ho4b's hands and took away from him his
imperial seals, the insignia of imperial authority. These he presented
to the Empress Dowager, and led Liu Ho4b down, out of the palace Hall,
out of the palace gate, and to the residence at the imperial capital for the
kings of Ch'ang-yi. Liu Ho4b was then sent back to Ch'ang-yi, where
he was given a stipend; his wealth was distributed among his daughters
and sisters and he was left without any title. Ten years later, when he
had proved to be harmless, he was made a marquis.

The selection of Emperor Hsuan

Ho Kuang and the ministers thereupon discussed the succession
to the throne. Liu Hsü had already been passed over and the sons of Liu
Tan4a could not be considered. Hence the most closely related member of
the imperial clan was Liu Ping-yi, the Imperial Great-grandson. He was
well spoken of and was then in his eighteenth year. Emperor Wu had
ordered him to be taken care of in the imperial palace, and faithful eunuchs
had used their private funds to have him given a good Confucian

education and to get him properly married. Ho Kuang memorialized
the Empress Dowager that this youth would be a fit person to be the
successor of Emperor Chao. The proper officials then went to the
youth's residence, bathed and dressed him, and took him to the yamen
of the Superintendent of the Imperial House, where he purified himself
by fasting. Liu Ho4b was dismissed on Aug. 14; on Sept. 10, Liu Ping-yi
presented himself to the Empress Dowager, who first ennobled him, making
a marquis, after which Ho Kuang, acting upon her direction, invested
him with the imperial seals and presented him to the imperial ancestors
in the Temple of Emperor Kao.

Thus the Confucian constitution of the state showed itself capable
of dismissing an unworthy emperor after he had been (partly) enthroned,
and of selecting another imperial scion to take his place, without creating
any disturbance in the state. The particular device used was the
principle of authority in the family: that a filial son owes obedience to
his parents, hence the mother of the family could even dismiss from the
throne an unworthy imperial son. (The Han emperors, after the first
one, were all called hsiao, "filial," in their posthumous names.) The
success of such a change depended upon the loyalty of the minister who
made the change and his reputation in the court.

The dangerous intrigues and downfall of the Ho clan

The revolt of the Ho clan is probably the most important single
internal disturbance during this reign. When Emperor Hsüan was
enthroned, Ho Kuang modestly resigned; Emperor Hsüan retained this
minister in power, and he was the actual ruler until his death in 68 B.C.
Emperor Hsüan paid no attention to the government until after Ho
Kuang's death. In recompense for his services, Emperor Hsüan granted
Ho Kuang a laudatory edict, ranked him the same as Hsiao Ho, Emperor
Kao's Chancellor of State, who had founded the dynastic institutions,
and gave his heirs the right to be exempt from the usual inheritance tax,
by which the estate of a noble was decreased one-fifth each time it was
transmitted from one generation to another. Ho Kuang's son, Ho Yü,
was made General of the Right; Ho Kuang's grand-nephew, Ho Shan,
was made Intendant of Affairs of the Masters of Writing; Ho Kuang's
grand-daughter was the Empress Dowager née Shang-kuan; his daughter
was the Empress nee Ho; his sons-in-law, grand-nephews, and other
relatives were all given high positions.

Thus the Ho clan seemed to be in firm control of the court. But the
train of events that was to bring about this clan's speedy downfall and
destruction had already begun.

Ho Kuang's first wife had no sons; his son, Yü, was born of a slave-girl,
Hsien. After his first wife had died, Ho Kuang had accordingly made
Hsien his wife. Her unscrupulous ambition destroyed his house.

When Emperor Hsüan had been a commoner, with the name Liu
Ping-yi, he was at first not even allowed to be enregistered as a member
of the imperial house; consequently his friends found difficulty in securing
a wife for him. The eunuch Superintendent of the Lateral Courts (the
imperial harem) had been a follower of Heir-apparent Li, Liu Ping-yi's
grandfather. One of the Superintendent's subordinate eunuchs, Hsü
Kuang-han, had a daughter, P'ing-chün, who was in her fourteenth or
fifteenth year. She had been betrothed to a boy who had died and so
it would be difficult to find a husband for her. The Superintendent
persuaded her father to marry her to Liu Ping-yi, which was done in
75 B.C. Hsü Kuang-han had been a Gentleman to Emperor Wu, but
through sheer stupidity had been impeached for robbery when accompanying
the Emperor, a capital crime; his punishment had been commuted
to castration, and he had finally become Inspector of Fields in the Drying
House, the prison in the harem of the imperial palace, where was located
the palace laundry. Several months before Liu Ho4b's deposition, P'ing-chün
gave birth to a boy, who later became Emperor Yüan.

After Liu Ping-yi became Emperor, P'ing-chün was made a Favorite
Beauty (the highest rank of imperial concubines). Ho Kuang had a
young daughter, and the officials began talking of appointing an Empress,
thinking naturally of this daughter. But Emperor Hsüan cared
for P'ing-chün and knew the Confucian principle that a wife married in
poverty must not be cast off in success, so told his officials that they
should seek even for the swords he had used before he had been ennobled.
They took the hint, and suggested P'ing-chün as Empress.
She was appointed in 74 B.C.

Ho Kuang's wife, Ho Hsien, was now at her wits' end, for she was
ambitious to make her daughter the Empress. The next year, the
Empress nee Hsü was with child and fell ill. One of the imperial women
physicians was a favorite with the Ho family and came to ask Ho Hsien
for a favor in behalf of her husband, who was a guard in the palace
harem. Ho Hsien saw her opportunity, and persuaded this woman to
poison the Empress. Medicines given to imperial personages were
always tested befoŕehand; this woman watched her opportunity and
mixed the extract from some poisonous shells with the great pill of the
Grand Physician. Before the Empress died in great agony (71 B.C.),
she asserted she had been poisoned. Ho Hsien did not dare to reward
the woman physician highly; the imperial physicians were all arrested

and questioned; Ho Hsien had to tell her husband what she had done.
He said nothing, but managed to have the woman physician released.
Then Ho Hsien prepared her daughter's marriage garments and sent
her to the imperial palace. A year after the Empress née Hsü's death,
Ho Hsien's daughter became Empress. She secured the sole affection
of the Emperor.

Emperor Hsüan would not, however, allow affection for a new wife
to prevent him from doing his duty to the wife of his poverty. A year
after Ho Kuang died, the Emperor made Liu Shih, the son of his first
wife, his Heir-apparent, and made his first wife's father, Hsü Kuang-han,
a marquis. Ho Kuang had previously opposed such an enfeoffment,
saying that it was not proper for a criminal to be made a noble. Ho
Hsien was now extremely angry, and instructed her daughter to poison
the Heir-apparent. The sudden death of the Empress née Hsü had put
people on their guard, and the child's nurse tasted all food given the boy,
even when it was offered by the new Empress, so that the latter could
not find any opportunity to poison the boy, even though she summoned
the boy several times and kept poison by her.

After the death of Ho Kuang in 68 B.C., the Grandee Secretary Wei
Hsiang and others pointed out to Emperor Hsüan the danger of allowing
one clan to monopolize the high positions in the court. The power of
Ho Kuang's grand-nephew, Ho Shan, was accordingly curtailed drastically
by enacting that memorials might be sealed before presentation
and no duplicate need be presented. Thus the Intendant of Affairs of
the Masters of Writing no longer knew beforehand what was being said
to the throne and could not completely control the government business.
Wei Hsiang had long private talks with the Emperor. About this time
Emperor Hsüan heard the truth regarding the assassination of his first
Empress. He did not attempt to punish the Ho clan immediately, for
that clan and its relatives controlled the army. The Empress's assassination
was accordingly not investigated any further. Instead of that,
the members of the Ho faction were gradually displaced and their power
taken away. The generals in that faction were one by one given civil
posts or sent out into the provinces to be Grand Administrators of distant
commanderies. Their positions were given to members of the Shih or
Hsü clans, to whom belonged the maternal grandfather and the fatherin-law
of the Emperor. Wei Hsiang was made Lieutenant Chancellor
in place of the incompetent Confucian scholar who had been appointed
through Ho Kuang's influence. Ho Yü was promoted to be Commanderin-chief,
but was denied the right to wear the regular hat of a commanderin-chief
or to carry the commander-in-chief's seal (whereby orders were
authenticated), and thus his troops were taken out of his control.

When the Ho clan thus saw their power shorn away, they wept and
blamed themselves. At last Ho Hsien told them about the poisoning of
the Empress née Hsü. They then saw that there was no hope for their
safety except by some desperate action. So they plotted to have the
Empress Dowager hold a feast to which Wei Hsiang and Hsü Kuang-han
were to be invited, at which the Empress Dowager was to issue an edict
to behead these two enemies of the Ho faction, dethrone Emperor Hsüan,
and make Ho Yü the Emperor. A messenger bearing news of this plot
was intercepted by the imperial officials, and the palace of the unsuspecting
Empress Dowager was carefully guarded, to prevent word of
the plot being carried to her. At the same time, an imperial edict commanded
that there should be no more arrests, thereby confounding the
Ho faction. Their plot could not be carried out, because persons essential
to the plot were moved to positions away from the capital. Ho
Shan and his second cousin, Ho Yün, were dismissed from their positions
for disrespectful lack of attention to their duties. Then Ho Shan was
arrested and sentenced for having written secret letters. Ho Hsien
offered to pay a thousand head of horses and to turn over to the government
her residence west of Ch'ang-an, in order to ransom Ho Shan, but to
no avail. He and Ho Yün then committed suicide. Thereupon Ho Hsien,
Ho Yü, and the other conspirators were arrested and the whole Ho faction
was exterminated. Altogether several thousand families were executed
and destroyed as accomplices; the only ones saved alive were the two
Empresses. The Empress Dowager seems to have known nothing about
the plot. The Empress nee Ho was dismissed and sent to a palace in
Shang-lin Park, outside the capital; eleven years later she was moved
to a still meaner place, whereupon she committed suicide. Thus the Ho
clan, from having held the dominating power in the government, fell into
utter ruin and annihilation within two years after the death of Ho Kuang.
A more complete upset would hardly be imagined. The skill with which
power was gradually taken away from this faction, its suspicions allayed
by making no attempt to unearth evidence against them, while they were
yet pursued relentlessly, is worthy of note. Rarely has such great
power been so successfully withdrawn.

The kindly and generous rule of Emperor Hsüan

Emperor Hsüan did not himself take over the rule until after the
death of Ho Kuang. As a youth he had been a commoner and had come
to know, by personal experience, how the government affected the common
people. He consequently had an infinitely better conception of the
nature of a desirable government than could have been secured by a
youth who had grown up in an imperial or a kingly palace, shielded from

contacts with a rough world. Emperor Wu had encouraged a severe
government, with the result that tyranny had come to be looked upon
as a sign of an official's ability. Ho Kuang had continued Emperor
Wu's practises. Emperor Hsüan had himself seen the sufferings of the
people, and set about to make the administration kindly disposed to the
people. He rewarded those officials who were known to be kindly,
and degraded those who were harsh. Huang Pa, the Assistant Grand
Administrator of Ho-nan Commandery, had become known for generosity
and fairness in deciding law-cases; Emperor Hsüan had heard of
this fact before he came to the throne, and consequently gave Huang
Pa a high position in the office of the Commandant of Justice. Thus a
beginning was made in doing away with harshness in government.

The inevitable result was that officials took advantage of the Emperor.
Wang Ch'eng, who was Chancellor in the kingdom of Chiao-tung,
sent in a false report in which he magnified the benefits he had
conferred upon the people; Emperor Hsüan honored him with a noble
title and increased his salary. Before Wang Ch'eng could be summoned
to the capital to receive his rewards, he died. Then Emperor Hsüan
discovered his deceit. The Emperor, however, continued the practise
of rewarding kindly officials, permitting some vulgar officials to secure
an empty fame for the sake of encouraging kindliness among the other
officials.

During the first part of Emperor Hsüan's reign, Ho Kuang himself
controlled the government and successively appointed as Lieutenant
Chancellor (the titular head of the government) two aged and incompetent
Confucian scholars who were famous for their learning and who
had been Emperor Chao's teachers. Both died in office. When Emperor
Hsüan ruled in person, his Lieutenant Chancellors were all Confucians,
who had each made a special study of some Confucian classic, but
they were not primarily scholars. All (except the last one) died in office;
Emperor Hsüan did not execute his officials as Emperor Wu had done.
The first Lieutenant Chancellor, Wei Hsiang, was stern and severe;
he had previously been made Grandee Secretary by Ho Kuang, which
position was regularly the stepping-stone to the position of Lieutenant
Chancellor. Wei Hsiang advised Emperor Hsüan against the Ho clan.
When Ho Hsien's crimes became known, the government needed a stern
and severe hand, and so Emperor Hsüan dismissed the scholar who was
Lieutenant Chancellor, giving this office to Wei Hsiang. For the next
Grandee Secretary, Emperor Hsüan selected a very different sort of person,
Ping Chi, a protégé of Ho Kuang who was good-natured and liberal,
and who sought no rewards for any of his own good deeds. If an official

committed a crime, Ping Chi would conceal the matter and suggest to
the official that he had better resign than be punished. When he succeeded
to the position of Lieutenant Chancellor, he inaugurated the
custom of not turning that office into a court for trying minor officials.
He was followed by Huang Pa, who did not show the ability as Lieutenant
Chancellor that he had shown as a commandery administrator. Emperor
Hsüan's last Lieutenant Chancellor was Yü Ting-kuo, a man who
was kindly to widows and, in doubtful cases, gave the accused the benefit
of the doubt. Emperor Hsüan was thus more successful in securing
capable and good Lieutenant Chancellors than any other emperor had
been since Emperor Kao.

Emperor Hsüan took a personal interest in legal cases. All cases of
capital punishment had to be memorialized to the Emperor and his
consent secured for the execution. Most of the information in the HS
concerning various persons and even concerning certain conversations
undoubtedly comes from the statements and testimony found in such
memorials, which, because they had been approved by the emperor, became
imperial edicts and were preserved in the imperial archives. Few
emperors had devoted much time to reviewing law-cases; after Emperor
Hsüan noticed the hardships inflicted upon the people by legal means,
he spent a great deal of time in the yamen to which important legal decisions
were sent for imperial approval. He reformed legal procedure
in various ways. He established special judges to whom difficult cases
could be referred (8: 9b) and who would be competent to judge such cases,
so that it would not be necessary to execute a judge for having made a
wrong decision, as had been done in the case of Hsü Jen and Wang P'ing
(cf. Glossary sub Tu Yen-ninea). Emperor Hsüan inaugurated the
practise that a son, grandson, or wife was not to be punished for concealing
his or her parents', grandparents', or husband's crimes. Parents,
grandparents, and husbands who shielded their sons, grandsons, or wives,
were not however to be thus exempted, but were to be given special
imperial consideration (8: 9b). He had special investigations made concerning
persons who died in prison (8: 11a). He exempted the aged from
punishment except for the most serious crimes (8: 15a). He continued
the practise of sending out messengers to search for and report unjust
trials (8: 20b).

In his treatment of his people, Emperor Hsüan was kindly and generous.
He rewarded capable officials and made large grants of money
to the sons of those capable officials who died poor (8: 15b, 17a). Persons
in mourning for their parents were exempted from required service (8: 9b)
and festivities were allowed at marriages (8: 19a). The salaries of the

lowest officials were increased by half, in order that they should not need
to oppress the people (8: 17b) and the practise was abolished that imperial
messengers might exact their necessities from the people instead
of securing them from the government (8: 24a). Various economies were
effected: in time of drought the imperial table was reduced and officials
were made to take a temporary reduction in salaries (8: 6b). Military
garrisons were reduced. Useless palaces and lodges were not repaired.
An unnecessary commandery was abolished (8: 9a, b). Taxes were
remitted in time of drought or calamity (8: 6a, 7a, 13a) and the poll-money
and poll-tax were reduced (8: 20a, 21b). Government land
was loaned to the poor (8: 8b, 9a); government reservoirs and preserves
were opened to cultivation (8: 9a). The price of salt (a government
monopoly) was lowered (8: 11a). These reductions in government
levies were not only made possible by economies; there was also such a
succession of good harvests that in 62 B.C. the price of grain dropped to
five cash per picul (probably one-eighth of its normal price).

It is not surprising that, as a consequence of these benefits, the people
should have seen many portents from Heaven. Phoenixes, supernatural
birds, sweet dew, dragons, and other marvels appeared. Upon
each such report, Emperor Hsüan distributed favors—amnesties, noble
ranks, oxen and wine, silk. It is consequently natural that reports of
of portents should have been frequent. The people, who credited even
the good weather to the beneficent government, doubtless considered
Emperor Hsüan worthy of all these portents and more. He was the best
ruler in the whole Former Han period.

The submission of the Huns

In his relations with non-Chinese peoples, Emperor Hsüan was especially
fortunate, for a dispute over the succession to the Hun throne
induced one of its claimants to come to the Chinese court and acknowledge
Chinese overlordship; Chinese assistance then enabled this claimant
to establish himself firmly on the Hun throne and to drive his rival far
away. A Chinese expedition finally ended this rival's career.

The Huns (Hsiung-nu) were a race of nomads, occupying the present
inner and outer Mongolia, who were in the habit of making annual raids
upon the settled Chinese to the south when winter gave them respite
from the care of their flocks and herds. Pelliot (La haute Asie, p. 6)
remarks that the Hsiung-nu were identical with the Huns of the great
European invasions. In their raids, these Huns not only took Chinese
animals and food, but also captives to be sold as slaves. Capture for
the slave-trade was probably the most profitable feature of these raids.

To protect themselves, the Chinese built the Great Wall, and organized
local militia for its defense. This system proved effective against small
bands of raiders. Following the example of the Ch'in First Emperor,
a Hun of the Lüan-ti clan, with the given name Mao-tun or Moduk,
however united the Hun tribes and established himself as their emperor
or Shan-yü (the last word of a phrase meaning, "Great Son of Heaven.")
Thereafter it was possible for large bands of Huns to gather and break
through the Great Wall. Emperor Kao was almost captured in a
campaign to drive Lüan-ti Mao-tun out of Chinese territory. Defeated
Chinese rebels regularly fled to the Huns and were welcomed by them,
bringing with them Chinese mechanical and military skill. The Empress
of Emperor Kao made peace and friendship with the Huns, sending them
a girl of the imperial clan to be a wife of the Shan-yü.

This arrangement did not, however, permanently stop the Hun raids.
In the time of Emperor Wen, the Huns raided almost within sight of
Ch'ang-an. Emperor Ching adopted the policy of encouraging Hun
dissensions by giving high noble rank to noble Hun rebels who surrendered
to the Chinese. Irritated by the constant Hun raids, Emperor Wu had
sent army after army deep into Hun territory, driving them out of inner
Mongolia and defeating them severely in outer Mongolia. At one time
the Shan-yü was actually surrounded by an overwhelming Chinese
force, but he succeeded in slipping away. The Chinese emperors
followed the policy of making large and valuable grants to barbarian
princes who came to pay homage; worn out by Emperor Wu's sledgehammer
blows and attracted by the prospect of Chinese gifts, in the time
of Emperor Chao, the Shan-yü thought of coming to the Chinese court,
in order to be allowed to inhabit inner Mongolia. His envoy, unfortunately,
became ill and died in Ch'ang-an; hence suspicion and pride kept
the Shan-yü from taking any further steps and led him to continue the
Hun raids. In 71, at the appeal of the Wu-sun, an Aryan tribe inhabiting
the present Ili valley, Emperor Hsüan sent five armies deep
into Hun territory, but the Huns had withdrawn and could not be found.
The Wu-sun, however, achieved a signal victory over the Huns, for which
Emperor Hsüan rewarded the Chinese Colonel, Ch'ang Hui, who had
been sent to give them moral support. Thus the Chinese and Huns
continued to oppose each other.

In 60 B.C., Shan-yü Hsü-lu-ch'üan-chü died. The succession to the Hun
throne was not fixed; the Hun kings were summoned to select his successor,
but, before they arrived, a Yen-chih or Hun empress seated the
deceased Shan-yü's younger brother upon the vacant throne. He proved
tyrannical and cruel, dismissing the sons and brothers of his predecessor,

and offending some of his nobles. They consequently set up a son of his
predecessor as Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh, and defeated the other Shan-yü,
who then committed suicide. Other claimants for the throne now appeared,
until in 57 B.C. there were five Shan-yü. Civil war eliminated
all but Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh, whereupon three more claimants appeared,
including Shan-yü Chih-chih, who was an elder brother, probably a
half-brother of Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh. Shan-yü Chih-chih moreover
succeeded in defeating Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh and occupied the region
of the Hun capital near the present Urga. Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh now
appealed to the Chinese for aid and sent his son to the Chinese court to
be an attendant upon the Emperor. Shan-yü Chih-chih countered by
similarly sending one of his sons to the Chinese court. Shan-yü Hu-hanhsieh
had now to find a more effective way of securing Chinese aid, so
in 52 B.C., he requested permission to come in person to the grand court
at the first of the Chinese year, bring tribute, and pay homage to the
Son of Heaven.

Such an event had never happened before, that the emperor of a powerful
neighboring state should come to pay homage to a Chinese emperor.
It was hence necessary to determine how the Shan-yü should be treated
and what rites should be used. The court officials urged that he be
treated as a vassal king and be ranked below the Chinese vassal kings.
But Hsiao Wang-chih, an independent-minded and learned Confucian,
advised that the Shan-yü should be treated as a guest, i.e., an equal of
the Emperor, since it would be better to attach the barbarians by kindness
and generosity than to alienate them by harshness and humbling
them. Since they were not settled inhabitants, they could not be apprehended
and subjugated. Therefore it would be better to influence
them by benevolence and righteousness, so that they would be led to
be trustful and yielding. Emperor Hsüan adopted this wise advice, and
had Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh treated as a guest. He was given an imperial
seal like that of the Chinese emperor (24 A: 21a). It was arranged that
the Shan-yü's retinue should be given a view of the imperial cortege,
and he was entertained at a great banquet during which he was shown
the imperial treasures. He was given rich presents and sent back after
a month or so.

Patriotic and proud Huns had opposed Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh's personal
submission to the Chinese, saying that it made them the laughing-stock
of the world. On Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh's return, the Chinese supplied
him with a large escort of Chinese cavalry, and allowed him to establish
himself in inner Mongolia and to take refuge in the Chinese fortifications
beyond the border. He was given large quantities of grain. The second

year after, Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh again came to the Chinese court and
received even greater presents. Shan-yü Chih-chih had expected that
when Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh once went to the Chinese court, he would
not be able to return, but now he had not only returned but was greatly
enriched by Chinese presents and grain, so that the Huns flocked to
him. As a consequence, Shan-yü Chih-chih gave up all hope of being
able to conquer his rival and moved to the west to carve himself out a
kingdom there. In 36 B.C., during the reign of Emperor Yüan, a notable
Chinese expedition pursued and beheaded him. Thus Chinese support
proved able to determine the succession to the Hun throne, and the Huns
at last became vassals of the Chinese.

The Chinese subjugation of the Huns by diplomacy and gifts, after
military conquest had failed to subjugate them, is quite typical of the
best Chinese foreign policy. Against settled towns, such as those in
the Tarim basin, military attacks could be permanently successful; but
against a nomadic people, who could move out of reach when an expedition
threatened them and could return to their steppes to attack the
settled Chinese at the opportune moment, massed military attacks could
have little permanent effect. Hence diplomacy and material assistance
offered the best method of dealing with the Huns.

The nature of Chinese external vassalage

Ancient Chinese vassalage did not mean the same as it did in European
medieval practise. The Chinese emperor asserted he was the Son of
Heaven, and consequently the rightful overlord of all earthly rulers. His
territory ideally comprised the whole earth, "all within the four seas."
There grew up, however, a distinction between China proper and foreign
lands. The boundary between these two regions was marked, at the
north, by the Chinese fortifications built to keep out barbarian raids,
which had been called, by the Ch'in dynasty, the Great Wall (ch'ang-ch'eng),
and in Han times, the Barrier (sai). Within China proper there
was sometimes also made a distinction between the central states (chung-kuo
[OMITTED]) and the border commanderies—at times the central states were
asked to provide the court with literary men and administrators, while
the border commanderies provided fighting men and generals. Outside
Chinese territory, the demands made upon vassal states depended upon
their distance from China as well as their size and importance. This
distinction was recognized in Chinese theory by the conception of the
various domains (fu). The imperial domain (tien-fu) was theoretically
surrounded successively by the feudal domain (hou-fu), the tranquillizing
domain (sui-fu), the domain of restraint (yao-fu), and the wild domain

(huang-fu). This arrangement is to be found in the "Tribute of Yü"
(Book of History, III, i, ii, iv; Legge, pp. 142-151), where different
services are required of the vassal states in different domains. In Han
times, little more than a purely literary use was made, however, of these
"domains."

In practise, the Chinese court secured from surrounding countries
whatever homage it could conveniently get. Vassalage always meant
that:

(1) The vassal ruler must accept and use as a badge of office a seal
furnished him by the Chinese emperor.

(2) The vassal must appear at the Chinese court at the great yearly
reception on New Year's day, either in person or through an envoy,
and bring tribute, in return for which he received gifts from the Chinese
emperor (distant states were allowed to appear less often, but must come
at least once each reign). For the entertainment of these missions, there
was built at the imperial capital a Lodge for Barbarian Princes, just as
there were Lodges for the various feudal kingdoms and commanderies.

(3) Vassal rulers each sent a son to be reared at the Chinese court at
the expense of the Chinese emperor. Such a son was held by the Chinese
as a hostage and was indoctrinated with the might and civilization of
the Chinese.

(4) Vassal rulers were required to keep the peace, in return for which,
such a ruler might actually be given a regular subvention from the
Chinese. The latter was the case with Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh; the chief
purpose of the unusual treatment given him was to induce him to prevent
the continual border forays that had been made into Chinese territory by
the Huns. At the court of 51 B.C., besides other things, Shan-yü Hu-hanhsieh
was given 15 horses, 20 catties of actual gold, 200,000 cash, 77 suits
of clothes, 8000 bolts of cloth, and 6000 catties of silk floss. After his
return, he was at various times also sent 34,000 hu of grain. Since he
actually stopped the border forays, the payments made him were less
than the losses previously suffered by the Chinese in the Hun raids.

(5) In the rare cases when a military expedition was necessary, each
vassal ruler was required, upon demand, to contribute auxiliary troops,
together with food and forage for the expedition. A set of credentials
(cf. HFHD I, 245, n. 2) were each divided in two lengthwise, and the ruler
was given the left half. The right half was retained in the imperial
capital and was, when necessary, given to an imperial envoy, who
accordingly had the right to command the vassal ruler. The genuineness
of an envoy was tested by matching the two halves of the credential.
Hence an "envoy with credentials" not only bore messages, but also

wielded the imperial authority for his special mission. Regular officials,
such as the Protector General of the Western Frontier Regions, had to
secure the imperial consent before calling out troops. Ch'en T'ang's
expedition was composed mostly of auxiliaries from the states in the
Western Frontier Regions, with a core of Chinese trained troops.

(6) With regard to their internal affairs, the foreign vassal states were
usually left alone. Distances were so great and travel so slow that it was
not usually worth while to interfere in the internal affairs of vassal
states. As long as they did not bother the Chinese, they were allowed
to go their own way. At the installation of a new king, an imperial envoy
usually played an important part, although the succession to the vassal
throne was not often interfered with by the Chinese. Imperial envoys
were constantly sent out to vassal states, to keep the Chinese court
informed of happenings in distant countries, to gage the loyalty of vassal
states, to maintain the semblance of Chinese overlordship, and to carry
on trade. Envoys were also sometimes sent to states outside of the
Chinese orbit, bearing gold, silks, etc., in order to induce those states to
declare themselves Chinese vassals. Since the annual tribute from these
states was repaid by imperial gifts worth more to these people than what
they sent, it was really to their own interests to submit. A Chinese
military officer with his men might sometimes be quartered at the capital of
a troublesome state, for the purpose of assuring the free passage of
caravans and the maintenance of peace and Chinese dominance in the
internal affairs of that state. Occasionally, a troublesome ruler might
be dethroned and executed, whereupon a son more favorable to the
Chinese was enthroned in his place (cf. Glossary, sub Fu Chieh-tzu).

There were thus various degrees of subservience among foreign vassal
states. Tribute missions easily became actual trading expeditions.
Since vassal rulers were benefited by paying tribute, it became a deeper
mark of homage for such a ruler to attend the Chinese court in person—
the various Hun Shan-yü had been sending envoys, tribute, and sons
as hostages before Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh came to court in person.
The Hun people evidently considered the former actions quite in harmony
with actual independence, so that it was necessary for a Shan-yü
to bow before the Chinese emperor in person before the Huns seemed to
to have recognized that their independence had been given up. Thus
vassalage in China was different in spirit and in letter from that in
Europe.

As a special favor, Chinese imperial ladies were in rare cases granted
to rulers of foreign states to be their wives. At first girls of the imperial
clan (sometimes the daughter of a dismissed king) were thus sent; later,

when ladies of the imperial clan refused to leave China, ladies of the
imperial harem who had not seen the emperor, such as the famous Wang
Ch'iang, were sent. Thus foreign princes were attached to the Chinese
by marriage. The granting of an imperial lady for the harem of a
foreign ruler must, however, be considered a matter of diplomacy rather
than one of vassalage, for this practice began before foreign states admitted
any vassalage. Thus Emperor Kao sent a girl of the imperial
clan (at first he had planned to send his own daughter) to the Hun
Shan-yü Mao-tun's harem. The granting of an imperial lady was
considered to be so signal an act of imperial favor, that it was extended
only in rare cases, chiefly to the Huns and the Wu-sun (the latter were
traditional Chinese allies against the Huns). When such alliance by
marriage had been made, there naturally ensued intrigues to have the
sons by such Chinese women elevated to the foreign thrones, in order
to extend Chinese influence. Among the Huns, these attempts were
usually unsuccessful; the Wu-sun kings, however, became in this manner
partly Chinese. Thus there was opened the possibility for some barbarian
invaders of China during the early middle ages to assert that
their ruler was the legitimate heir to the Chinese imperial throne, since
he was descended from a Chinese imperial house whom the Chinese had
dethroned.

The victory of Confucianism

The reign of Emperor Hsüan was the time when the actual victory of
Confucianism over its rivals occurred, although that victory was not
completed until the reign of Emperor Yüan. Emperor Kao had merely
been favorably inclined to Confucianism; Emperor Wen had been
influenced greatly, but was also interested in other schools, especially
the Legalist attempt to rectify penal terminology. He had hence kept
both Confucian and non-Confucian Erudits at his court. Emperor Wu
had done away with non-Confucian Erudits, and had established the
Imperial University, whereby the civil service came to be filled with
Confucians and the children of good families were taught by Confucians.
Emperor Wu had, however, been greatly influenced by Legalism, Taoism,
and other non-Confucian philosophies.

Emperor Hsüan's own sincere, but not quite whole-hearted, Confucianism
was undoubtedly occasioned by the circumstance that as a
child he had been cared for by some of the lower officials in the government
service who thought affectionately of his grandfather, and who
consequently gave him a good Confucian education, including a careful
study of the Analects, the Classic of Filial Piety, and the Book of Odes.

The first two of these books then probably constituted the minimum
curriculum for a well-educated Confucian. Emperor Chao had also
studied these books, together with the Book of History (7: 4b). Emperor
Hsüan's first edict in the first full year of his reign mentions the Book of
Odes. Thereafter he continued to choose Confucians as his officials and
advisors. He revived the study of the Ku-liang Commentary on the
Spring and Autumn. When calamities occurred, as at the earthquakes
of 70 and 67 B.C., he sent for Confucians to advise him what could be
done.

The study of the Ku-liang Commentary, which had been the favorite
of Emperor Hsüan's grandfather, brought attention to the differences
between it and the then authoritative Kung-yang Commentary
(the Tso-chuan was not yet popular or studied by important scholars),
and then to the differences between the various other classics. Emperor
Hsüan summoned to the capital the outstanding authorities on all the
Confucian classics to discuss these matters in the imperial presence. At
the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion in the imperial palace, these discussions were
carried on for two years (cf. App. II), under the presidency of Hsiao
Wang-chih, with Emperor Hsüan acting as final arbiter to decide matters
on which agreement could not otherwise be reached. The results of
these discussions were then memorialized to the throne and published,
thus fixing the official interpretation of the classics. Other interpretations
were not proscribed; they are also listed among the books in the
imperial library, but the official interpretation was doubtless taught in
the Imperial University and learned by candidates for all official positions,
for use in replies to the imperial examinations. The candidates'
replies were graded by good Confucians, with the result that this official
interpretation monopolized men's minds in the same manner that Chu
Hsi's interpretation of the classics became dominant in recent centuries.
At the same time, the number of the Erudits and their Disciples, who
were the teachers in the Imperial University, was doubled.

In spite of Emperor Hsüan's personal reliance upon Confucianism, he
never accepted it exclusively or blindly in all respects, as did his successors.
He was a practical man who had lived among the common
people before he came to the throne, and knew the danger of idealistic
impracticality inherent in the interpretations made by Confucian
scholars. Hence he took as his standard not only Confucian interpretations
of the classics but also the conduct of practical statesmen in Spring
and Autumn times. In dealing with the Huns, he was quite ready to
adopt "benevolence and righteousness" as the method for treating the
Shan-yü, but he was far from relying upon moral suasion in all cases, as

Confucian idealists urged. In addition to Confucianism, he was interested
in penological terminology as developed by the school of names
and circumstances. He said that the Han practices accorded only in
part with the Confucian models; these practises were also taken from
the practises of the Lords Protector in Chou times (considered to be
anti-Confucian), who had adapted themselves to circumstances, rather
than following rigidly Confucian principles (9: 1b). Although all his
Lieutenant Chancellors were highly educated Confucians, they were at
the same time primarily experienced officials, and were chosen by him
with reference to their success as officials. Emperor Hsüan intended at
one time to make the great Confucian authority, Hsiao Wang-chih,
his Lieutenant Chancellor, but the conduct of the latter as Grandee
Secretary showed that he was not capable of holding the highest office,
so he was dismissed. Thus Emperor Hsüan was a sincere and convinced
Confucian, but he was too wise and too practical to accept everything
the Confucian pedants said. While Emperor Wu paved the way for the
victory of Confucianism by putting it in control of the curriculum
through which officials entered the civil service, that victory did not
become complete until the time of Emperor Hsüan's successor, Emperor
Yüan (49-33 B.C.).

THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]

[Chapter] VIII
THE EIGHTH [IMPERIAL ANNALS]

The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao]-Hsüan

Emperor Hsiao-hsüan was the great-grandson of
Emperor Wu and the grandson of Heir-apparent
Li, [Liu Chü]. The Heir-apparent married[1] the
Sweet Little Lady [née] Shih, who bore [Liu Chin],
the Imperial Grandson [whose mother was née]
Shih. The Imperial Grandson married the Lady
[née] Wang, who bore Emperor Hsüan. He was
[at that time] called the Imperial Great-grandson.
Several months after his birth, there happened the
witchcraft and black magic case, and the Heir-apparent,
his Sweet Little Lady, the Imperial
Grandson, and the Lady [née] Wang all met with
[the extreme] misfortune. A discussion is in the
"Memoir of the Heir-apparent".

Although the [Imperial] Great-grandson was

[a babe] carried on the back wrapped up,[4] he was
nevertheless sentenced and was arrested and held
in the Prison at the Lodge for the Commanderies.[6]
But Ping Chi, who was a Superintendent to the
Commandant of Justice and had charge of the witchcraft
and black magic [cases] at the Lodge for the
Commanderies, pitied the [Imperial] Great-grandson
because he was innocent, and directed [some] female
convicts who had been exempted and were serving
[their sentences,[7] including] Chao Cheng-ch'ing
of Huai-yang [Commandery] and Hu Tsu of
Wei-ch'eng, in turn to suckle and care for him.
[Ping Chi] privately provided his clothing and food,
looked after him, and treated him with extreme
kindness.

The witchcraft and black magic case was not
definitely [ended] for many consecutive years. In
the second year of [the period] Hou-yüan, Emperor

Wu was ill and went back and forth between Ch'ang-yang
[Palace] and Wu-tso Palace.[12] A person who
watched for emanations said that in the prisons at
Ch'ang-an there was the emanation of a Son of
Heaven, so the Emperor sent messengers separately
to [each of] the prisons at the offices in the imperial
capital to kill all those who were held [in prison,
whether their crimes were] light or serious. The
Chief of the Internuncios in the Inner [Courts], Kuo
Jang, came by night to the Prison at the Lodge for
Commanderies. [Ping] Chi resisted [him and] closed
[the gates of the prison, so that] the messenger
could not enter. [Thus], through the assistance of
[Ping] Chi, the [Imperial] Great-grandson was saved
alive. Thereupon there occurred a general amnesty.[13]
[Ping] Chi hence sent the [Imperial] Great-grandson
in a carriage to the home of his [deceased] grandmother,
the Sweet Little Lady [née] Shih. A discussion
is in the "Memoirs of [Ping] Chi" and "of
the [Imperial] Relatives by Marriage."

Later there was an imperial order that [the
Imperial Great-grandson] should be reared and
cared for in the Lateral Courts [of the Imperial
Palace] and should be entered upon the register of
members [of the imperial house by] the Superintendent

of the Imperial House. At that time the
Chief of the Lateral Courts, Chang Ho, who had
formerly served Heir-apparent Li, [Liu Chü],
thought and reflected upon the kindness formerly
[shown him by the Heir-apparent, and so] had compassion
upon the [Imperial] Great-grandson and
served and reared him very attentively. Out of
his own money he furnished and provided for
teaching him the writings.[17] When he was grown,
[Chang Ho provided for] marrying him to a daughter
of the Bailiff in the Drying House, Hsü Kuang-han.
The [Imperial] Great-grandson was therefore attached
to and relied upon [Hsü] Kuang-han and
his brothers, together with his grandmother's
family, the Shih clan.

He studied the Book of Odes with Fu Chung-weng
of Tung-hai [Commandery]. He showed great
ability and loved studying. He also delighted in
roving braves, in cock-fighting, and in horse-racing.
He was acquainted with all the undesirable elements
of the hamlets and villages and with the
accomplishments and defects in the government
of the minor officials. He several times [participated
in] the ascending and descending of
the various imperial tombs,[19] going all about the
three capital commanderies. He was once in
trouble at the salt beds of Lien-shao. He especially
enjoyed himself in the region of Tu4a and Hu3, and
he was very commonly at Hsia-tu. At the times
when the spring and autumn courts were held, he
dwelt in Shang-kuan Ward of Ch'ang-an.[20]

On his [whole] body and [even] on the bottoms of
his feet there was hair.[24] Where he slept and
dwelt there were frequently lights and shinings.
Whenever he bought cakes, each time the shop
from which he bought made great sales. Because
of these things, even he marvelled at himself.[25]

In the first year of [the period] Yüan-p'ing, in

the fourth month, Emperor Chao died without an
heir. The General-in-chief, Ho Kuang, begged
the Empress [née Shang-kuan] to summon the King
of Ch'ang-yi, [Liu Ho4b]. In the sixth month, on
[the day] ping-yin, the King, [Liu Ho4b], received
the Emperor's imperial seals and seal cords. He
honored the Empress [née Shang-kuan] with the
title, Empress Dowager. On [the day] kuei-szu,
[Ho] Kuang memorialized that the King, [Liu] Ho4b,
had committed fornication and disorderly conduct,
and begged that he be dismissed.[34] A discussion
is in the "Memoir of [Liu] Ho4b" together with
that "of [Ho] Kuang."

In the autumn, the seventh month, [Ho] Kuang
memorialized [the results of the officials'] deliberations,
saying, "According to the Rites, the Way of
mankind is to love [especially] one's relatives.[38]
Hence people honor the founder of the house.
Because they honor the founder of the house, they
respect his successors. When the chief successor
has no heirs, they select to be the heir a capable
person from among the sons and grandsons of
collateral branches [of the house].

"[Concerning] the great-grandson of Emperor
Hsiao-wu, [Liu] Ping-yi, there was an imperial
edict [ordering] that he be reared and cared for in
the Lateral Courts. At present, he is in his eighteenth
year. His teachers have taught him the Book
of Odes, the Analects, and the Classic of Filial Piety.
He has held to moderation and economy in his
conduct; he is kind and benevolent and loves
others, [so that] he is capable of serving as an heir
to Emperor Hsiao-chao, of worshipping and serving
the founder of the house and his successors, and of
treating [the people of] the ten thousand families as
his children." The memorial was approved [by
the Empress Dowager née Shang-kuan].

The Superintendent of the Imperial House, [Liu]
Tê5b, was sent to the residence of the [Imperial]

Great-grandson in Shang-kuan Ward to bathe his
body and wash his hair and grant him the [proper]
garments from the imperial Wardrobe. The Grand
Coachman [was sent] with a hunting chariot[41] to
fetch the [Imperial] Great-grandson respectfully.
[The latter] went to and purified himself in the
yamen belonging to the Superintendent of the
Imperial House. On [the day] keng-shen, he entered
the Wei-yang Palace and visited the Empress
Dowager [née Shang-kuan, who] enfeoffed him as
Marquis of Yang-wu.[44] After [these ceremonies]
had been completed, the various courtiers memorialized
that she should deliver up to him the imperial
seals and seal-cords and he ascended the imperial
throne and paid his respects in the Temple of [Emperor]
Kao.

In the eighth month, on [the day] chi-szu, the

Lieutenant Chancellor, [Yang] Ch'ang, died. In
the ninth month, a general amnesty [was granted]
to the empire. In the eleventh month, on [the
day] jen-tzu, the Empress née Hsü was established
[as Empress] and gold and cash were granted to the
vassal kings and to those [ranking] below them, down
to the [minor] officials and common people, and to
widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, to each
proportionately. The Empress Dowager [née Shang-
kuan] returned to Ch'ang-lo Palace[50] and for the
first time there was established a garrison guard
in Ch'ang-lo Palace.[51]

In [the period] Pen-shih, the first year, in the
spring, the first month, officials and common people
whose property was one million [cash] and over
were solicited to move to P'ing-ling.[55] [The
Emperor] sent messengers bearing credentials [to
carry] an imperial edict to the [officials] in the commanderies
and kingdoms [ranking at] two thousand
piculs, [ordering them] diligently to shepherd and
nurture the common people and cause them to
develop in virtue through the "Odes of the States."[59]

The General-in-chief, [Ho] Kuang, bent his head
to the ground and returned the rule, [offering his
resignation, but] the Emperor respectfully refused
to accept it and delegated to him [again] the charge
[of the government]. The merits [of those who]
made the plan[60] [for enthroning Emperor Hsüan]
were discussed, [and so] seventeen thousand families
were added to the enfeoffment of the Generalin-chief,
[Ho] Kuang, and ten thousand families to
[that of] the General of Chariots and Cavalry and
Superintendent of the Imperial Household, the
Marquis of Fu-p'ing, [Chang] An-shih. The imperial
edict said, "The former Lieutenant Chancellor,
the Marquis of An-p'ing, [Yang] Ch'ang, and others,
while performing their duties in their [respective]
positions, together with the General-in-chief, [Ho]
Kuang, and the General of Chariots and Cavalry,
[Chang] An-shih, initiated the proposal and fixed
upon the plan [for the succession to the throne]
in order to bring tranquillity to the [imperial]
ancestral temples. Before a reward could be made
for the merits [of the former person], he died. Let
there be added to the enfeoffment of [Yang] Chung,
the son and heir of [Yang] Ch'ang; to [the enfeoffments
of] the Lieutenant Chancellor, the Marquis
of Yang-p'ing, [Ts'ai] Yi; of the General Who
Crosses the Liao [River], the Marquis of P'ing-ling,
[Fan] Ming-yu; of the General of the Van, the
Marquis of Lung-lo, [Han] Tseng; of the Grand
Coachman, the Marquis of Chien-p'ing, [Tu] Yen-niena;
of the Grand Master of Ceremonies, the

Marquis of P'u, [Su] Ch'ang; of the Grandee-
remonstrant, the Marquis of Yi-ch'una, [Wang]
T'an2a; of the Marquis of Tang-t'u, [Wei] P'ing;
of the Marquis of Tu4b, [Fu-lu] T'u-ch'i;[64] and of the
Privy Treasurer of the Ch'ang-hsin [Palace], the
Kuan-nei Marquis, [Hsia-hou] Sheng;" to the
estates and households of each proportionately.
[The Emperor] enfeoffed the Grandee Secretary,
[T'ien] Kuang-ming, as Marquis of Ch'ang-shui;
the General of the Rear, [Chao] Ch'ung-kuo, as
Marquis of Ying-p'ing; the Grand Minister of
Agriculture, [Tien] Yen-nien, as Marquis of Yang-ch'eng;
the Privy Treasurer, [Shih] Lo-ch'eng, as
Marquis of Yüan-shih; and the Imperial Household
Grandee, [Wang] Ch'ien1, as Marquis of P'ing-ch'iu.
He granted to the Western Sustainer, [Chou] Tê;
to the Director of Dependent States, [Su] Wu; to
the Commandant of Justice, [Li] Kuang1; to the
Superintendent of the Imperial House, [Liu] Tê5b;
to the Grand Herald, [Wei] Hsien; to the Supervisor
of the Household, [Sung] Chi; to Imperial Household
Grandee [Ping] Chi; and to the Chief Commandant
to the Governor of the Capital, [Chao] Kuang-han,
the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis. [Chou] Tê
and [Su] Wu were given the income of estates.

In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]

keng-wu, there was an earthquake. An imperial
edict [ordered] the inner commanderies and kingdoms[66]
each to recommend one Literary Scholar
and one Person of High Standing.

In the fifth month, male and female phoenixes
perched in [the commanderies of] Chiao-tung and
Ch'ien-ch'eng; an amnesty was granted to the
empire and noble ranks, from [the rank of] Junior
[Chieftain of] Conscripts to that of Fifth [Rank]
Grandee,[71] were granted to the officials [ranking at]
two thousand piculs, to the chancellors of the
nobles, and to those [ranking] lower, down to the
officials and eunuchs in the offices at the imperial
capital [ranking at] six hundred piculs, to each proportionately.
The common people[72] of the empire
were each granted one step in noble rank, the
Filially Pious [were granted] two steps, the women
of a hundred households [were granted] an ox and
wine, and the land tax and tax on produce were
not to be collected.

In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "The

former Heir-apparent, [Liu Chü, who is buried]
at Hu, has not yet any title nor posthumous name
[for use at his] yearly and seasonal sacrifices. Let
it be discussed [what would be a proper] posthumous
name, and let there be established a park and
[funerary] town [for him]." A discussion is in the
"Memoir of the Heir-apparent."

In the autumn, the seventh month, an imperial

edict set up [Liu] Chien4d, the Heir-apparent of King
La of Yen, [Liu Tan4a], to be King of Kuang-yang,
and [Liu] Hung2, a younger son of the King of
Kuang-ling, [Liu] Hsü, to be King of Kao-mi.[76]

In the second year, in the spring, the cash [in

possession of the Chief Commandant of] Waters and
Parks [was ordered to be used] for the P'ing Tomb;
common people were moved [there] and residences
were built.

The Grand Minister of Agriculture, the Marquis
of Yang-ch'engb, T'ien Yen-nien, who had committed
crimes, killed himself.[83]

In the summer, the fifth month, an imperial edict
said, "We, with [Our] insignificant person, have
respectfully succeeded to [the throne of Our] ancestors.
Early and late [We] have been thinking and
reflecting that Emperor Hsiao-wu personally practised
benevolence and righteousness and selected
brilliant generals to punish those who did not
submit, [so that] the Huns fled afar. [Those generals]
pacified the Ti-ch'iang, [so that] the [states of]
K'un-ming, Nan-yüeh, and the many southern
barbarians turned towards his influence, knocked
at the barriers, and brought tribute. He established
the [Imperial] University, renewed the suburban and
other sacrifices, fixed the beginning of the year,
harmonized the [musical] notes and musical tubes,
performed the [sacrifice] feng upon Mount T'ai, and
made the Hsüan-fang [dyke]. Auspicious portents
and presages [came in] response, the precious three-legged
cauldron appeared, and the white unicorn
was captured.[85] His merits and virtue are glorious
and abundant, so that they cannot be completely
related. Yet the music in his temple is not adequate
[to glorify him properly]. Let [this matter]
be discussed [and the results of the discussion]
memorialized."

The [high] officials memorialized, begging that it
would be proper to give to him a more honorable
title. [Consequently,] in the sixth month, on [the

day] keng-wu,[87] the Temple of [Emperor] Hsiao-wu
was honored and was made the Temple of the Epochal
Exemplar. [It was ordered that] there should be
performed [in it] the dances of Abundant Virtue,
of the Peaceful Beginning, and of the Five Elements;[90]
that the Son of Heaven should from
generation to generation make offerings [there];
that the commanderies and kingdoms which
Emperor Wu favored [by a visit] in making a tour of
inspection should all erect temples [to him]; and
that there should be granted to the common people
one step in rank and to the women of a hundred
households an ox and wine.[91]

The Huns had several times invaded the [Chinese]
borders and also were making expeditions westwards
against the Wu-sun. The K'un-mi[92] of the
Wu-sun, together with the [Chinese] Princess, [his
wife], took the opportunity [offered by a Chinese]
envoy to that state, [who was returning], to send
the Emperor a letter saying that the K'un-mi was
willing to mobilize the choice troops of his state to
attack the Huns, if only the Son of Heaven would

have compassion and pity and send out his troops
to rescue the Princess. In the autumn, there was a
great mobilization, raising, and appointment of light
chariots and valiant soldiers from east of the
[Han-ku] Pass. Selections were made from the
officials [ranking at] three hundred piculs in the
commanderies and kingdoms, and the stout, strong,
and experienced horsemen and archers were all
[sent] to go with the army. The Grandee Secretary,
T'ien Kuang-ming, was made the General of
the Ch'i-lien [Mountains]; the General of the Rear,
Chao Ch'ung-kuo, was made the General of the
P'u-lei [Lake]; and the Grand Administrator of
Yün-chung [Commandery], T'ien Shun, was made
the Tiger's Teeth General. Together with the
General Who Crosses the Liao [River], Fan Ming-yu,
and the General of the Van, Han Tseng, [there
were] altogether five generals with an army of one
hundred fifty thousand horsemen. Colonel Ch'ang
Hui, bearing credentials, [was sent] to aid the army
of the Wu-sun. All [were to] attack the Huns.

In the third year, in the spring, the first month,
on [the day] kuei-hai, the Empress née Hsü died.

On [the day] mou-ch'en, the five generals and
their armies started from Ch'ang-an. In the summer,
the fifth month, the armies were disbanded.
The General of the Ch'i-lien [Mountains, T'ien]
Kuang-ming, and the Tiger's Teeth General, [T'ien]
Shun, had committed crimes and were given into
the charge of the [high] officials. Both killed
themselves.[102] Colonel Ch'ang Hui, leading the
army of the Wu-sun, penetrated into the western
[part of] the Hun territory and made great conquests
and captures, so he was enfeoffed as a marquis.

There was a great drought.[103] In those commanderies
and kingdoms that suffered greatly from
the drought, the people [were permitted] not to pay
the land tax or capitation taxes, and those among
the common people of the three capital commanderies

who had reached the lowest [conditions] were
temporarily not to have [taxes] collected [from
them] nor to be made to serve. [This remission]
was to be ended in the fourth year [of Pen-shih].

In the sixth month, on [the day] chi-ch'ou, the
Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ts'ai] Yi, died.

In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,

an imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard
that agriculture is the fundamental thing in making
virtue flourish. [But] this year there has not been
a good harvest. [We] have already sent messengers
to aid and make loans to those who are distressed
and indigent. Let it be ordered that the Grand
Provisioner shall diminish the food [for the imperial
table] and reduce the [number of] butchers.[111] The
Bureau of Music shall lessen [the number of] musicians,
and send them home, so that they may turn
to the profession of agriculture. The Lieutenant
Chancellor and lower [officials], down to the Chiefs
and Assistants in the offices at the capital, shall
inform Us [concerning the amount of] grain they
will contribute and pay into the Ch'ang-an granaries
to assist and loan to the poor people.[112] Common
people who transport grain by cart or by boat
through the [customs] barriers shall be permitted
not to use passports."[113]

In the third month, on [the day] yi-mao, the

Empress née Ho was established [as Empress],
and there were granted to the Lieutenant Chancellor,
[Wei Hsien], and to those [ranking] below him,
down to the Gentlemen and [minor] officials and
their attendants, gold, cash, and silk, to each proportionately.
An amnesty [was granted] to the
empire.

In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]

jen-yin, in forty-nine commanderies and kingdoms,
there was an earthquake, [in which] mountains
collapsed and water came forth.[118] The imperial
edict said, "Verily, [calamitous] visitations and
prodigies are warnings from Heaven and Earth.
We have inherited [Our] vast patrimony, are upholding
[the sacrifices in the imperial] ancestral
temples, and have been entrusted [with a position]
above that of gentlemen and common people, [but
We] have not yet been able to harmonize the many
living beings. Recently an earthquake in Po-hai
and Lang-yeh [Commanderies] has ruined the Temples
of the [Eminent] Founder, [Emperor Kao], and of the
[Epochal] Exemplar, [Emperor Hsiao-wu]. We are
greatly dismayed.

"Let the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei Hsien], and
the [Grandee] Secretary, [Wei Hsiang], together
with the marquises and [officials ranking at] fully
two thousand piculs, widely question those gentlemen
who are learned in the Classics [to see whether

there is anything] to do in response to this calamity[120]
and [thereby] assist Our inadequacies. Let nothing
be hidden [from Us. We] order that the Three
Adjuncts, the Grand Master of Ceremonies, and the
inner commanderies and kingdoms should each
recommend one Capable and Good person who is
Sincere and Upright. If in the Code or ordinances
there is anything that should be abolished and done
away with, in order to give peace to the people,
[let those] articles [of the law] be memorialized [to
Us. At those places] which have been the most
ruined or demolished by the earthquake, let the
land-tax and the capitation-taxes not be collected.
[Let] a general amnesty [be granted] to the empire."
Because the ancestral temples had been destroyed,
the Emperor wore mourning garments and shunned
the Main Hall [of the Palace] for five days. In the
fifth month, male and female phoenixes perched
at An-ch'iu and Shun-yü in Po-hai [Commandery].

In the autumn, the King of Kuang-ch'uan, [Liu]

Chi5,[125] who had committed crimes, was dismissed,
and exiled to Shang-yung. He killed himself.

In [the period] Ti-chieh,[126] the first year, in the

spring, the first month, a comet appeared in the
western quarter.[129] In the third month, fields
[for cultivation] were loaned to poor people from
the commanderies and kingdoms.[132]

In the summer, the sixth month, an imperial

edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard that Yao loved
his nine [classes of] relatives in order that he might
thereby harmonize the myriad states [of his
empire].[134] We have received and inherited the
virtue [of Our ancestors] and have been put in
charge of maintaining the sacred imperial patrimony.
[We] have been thinking and reflecting
that in the imperial house [there are some whose]
registration has not yet lapsed [because their relationship
is not yet too distant], but who have been
cut off because of their crimes; if they have any
fine talents, correct their conduct, and make great
efforts toward goodness, let them again be enregistered
[as members of the imperial house, in order to]
cause them to have an opportunity to renew themselves."
In the winter, the eleventh month, the
King of Ch'u, [Liu] Yen-shou, who had plotted
rebellion, [was made to] commit suicide. In the
twelfth month, on [the day] kuei-hai, the last day
of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.[141]

In the second year, in the spring, the third month,
on [the day] keng-wu, the Commander-in-chief and
General-in-chief, [Ho] Kuang, died. The imperial
edict said, "The Commander-in-chief and Generalin-chief,
the Marquis of Po-lu,[144] was constantly
on guard for Emperor Hsiao-wu for more than thirty
years and acted as assistant to Emperor Hsiao-chao
for more than ten years. He met with the greatest
difficulties, [but] he himself held firmly to his fealty.
He led the three highest ministers, the nobles, the
nine high ministers, and the grandees in determining
upon the plan [for enthroning Us, the Emperor,
which is to determine the imperial succession for]
ten thousand generations, and thereby gave peace
to the [imperial] ancestral temples. The multitude
of common people in the empire have all as a result
[enjoyed] tranquillity and peace.

"His merits and virtues were abundant and great,
[so that] We have esteemed him most highly. [We]

exempt his posterity [from taxes and service] and
grant to them [in perpetuity] the same estate for
their noble rank [as that possessed by the founder
of the house].[147] From generation to generation
they [shall] not [be required] to pay [anything to the
Emperor]. His merits [shall be ranked] the same as
[those of] the Chancellor of State, Hsiao [Ho]."[148]

In the summer, the fourth month, phoenixes

perched in [the kingdom[150] of] Lu and a crowd of
birds followed them.[151] [Consequently], a general
amnesty [was granted] to the empire.

In the fifth month, the Imperial Household
Grandee, the Marquis of P'ing-ch'iu, Wang Ch'ien1,
who had committed crimes, was sent to prison and
died.[156]

The Emperor for the first time [attended] in
person to governmental affairs. He moreover meditated
on rewarding the merit and virtues of the
General-in-chief, [Ho Kuang], so he furthermore
employed the Marquis of Lo-p'ing, [Ho] Shan, as
the Intendant of the Affairs of the Masters of
Writing; but he ordered that the various courtiers
were to be permitted to memorialize state affairs
in [single] sealed [envelopes],[157] in order that [the
Emperor] might know the sentiments of his subjects.
[Every] five days he held one audience for state
affairs. From the Lieutenant Chancellor[158] on
down, each [official], in performing his duties,
memorialized matters [concerning his office], in
order to "express [their ideas] in words" [so that the
Emperor] might examine and "test them by their
deeds"[159] and abilities. The Palace Attendants and

Masters of Writing, who had distinguished them-
selves by their labor and who deserved to be promoted,
together with those [officials] who showed
unusual excellences, were given rich rewards and
grants, and [rewards were even bestowed] upon their
sons and grandsons, [but their positions] were not
at any time changed or altered.[162] The pivot-pins
and [crossbow] trigger mechanism [levers] everywhere
fitted each other; the instrument and its
form was complete and entire.[163] Superiors and
inferiors were at peace with each other, and there
was no thought of treating [any matter] lightly.[164]

In the third year, in the spring, the third month,

an imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard
that if anyone has merits and is not rewarded, or
if anyone has committed crimes and is not punished,
although [the ruler were] T'ang [Yao] or Yü [Shun],
he would on that account not be able to improve the
country. Now the Chancellor in [the kingdom of]
Chiao-tung, [Wang] Ch'eng, has treated [his people]
kindly and has cared for them without reposing.[168]
More than eighty thousand wandering people
voluntarily reported themselves [for registration].[172]
His government is of an extraordinarily [high] grade.
Let [Wang] Ch'eng be ranked at fully two thousand
piculs and be granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei
Marquis."

[The edict] also said, "The poor or distressed
common people who are widowers, widows, orphans,
childless, or in advanced years are those
whom We [especially] pity. Previously [We] issued
an edict [ordering that the officials should] lend
them public fields for cultivation and lend them
seed and food. Let there be added grants of silk to
widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and those in
advanced years. [Let the officials ranking at] two
thousand piculs severely instruct their officials carefully
to care for and visit [these persons] and not
permit them to lose their status [as occupants of
government land. We] order the inner commanderies
and kingdoms to recommend capable and good
persons who are sincere and upright and are able
`to cherish the common people'."[173]

In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]

mou-shen, the Imperial Heir-apparent, [Liu Shih],
was established [as heir-apparent]. A general am-
nesty was granted to the empire and there were
granted: to the Grandee Secretary, [Wei Hsiang],
the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis; to [officials
ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, the noble
rank of Senior Chief of the Multitude; and to those
in the empire who would become the successors of
their fathers, one step in noble rank.[178] There were
granted: to the King of Kuang-ling, [Liu Hsüa],
a thousand catties of actual gold; to each of the
fifteen [other] vassal kings, a hundred catties of
actual gold; and to each of the eighty-seven full
marquises who were at their states, twenty catties
of actual gold.

In the winter, the tenth month, an imperial edict

said, "Recently, when there was an earthquake in
the ninth month on [the day] jen-shen, We were
very much dismayed. If there are any [persons]
who can remonstrate with Us for [Our] faults or
errors or [any] capable and good, sincere and upright
gentlemen, [who are able] to speak frankly
and admonish unflinchingly, in order to correct
Our inadequacies, let them not keep silent because
of respect for the high officials, [but speak out].

"Since We are not virtuous, We have not been
able to transmit [Our influence] to distant [regions].
For this reason, at the borders, the frontier garrisons
and frontier guards have not yet been dismissed.
If now [We] again make the troops labor
and increase the frontier garrisons, [We] will lengthen
out the toil of the people, which is not what would

give rest to the empire. Let the garrison troops
of the General of Chariots and Cavalry, [Chang An-shih],
and of the General of the Right, [Ho Yü], be
abolished."[183]

There was also an edict [ordering] that the reservoirs
[for rearing fish] and the preserves[184] which had
not yet been favored by the Emperor [with a visit]
should be loaned to poor people, that the palaces
and lodges in the commanderies should not again
be repaired, and that when wandering people return
[to their former homes], they should be loaned
public fields, should be loaned seed and food, and
temporarily should not [be made to pay] poll-taxes
or [to do public] service.

In the eleventh month, an imperial edict said,
"Since We are inadequate and are not wise in leading
the people, [We] turn over from side to side
[in bed] and rise at dawn, thinking and reflecting
about the myriad parts [of the empire] and not forgetting
the great multitude [of common people],
especially fearing that [We] shall bring disgrace
to the sage virtue of [Our] imperial predecessors.
Hence for many years down to the present, [We]
have had [the different parts of the empire] at the
same time recommend [to Us] persons who are capable
and good, sincere and upright, in order that
they might `cherish'[188] the myriad clans [of the
empire]. Yet the customs and culture [of the empire]
are [still] inadequately [developed]. The
Memoir says, `Are not filial devotion and brotherly
respect the very foundation of an unselfish life?'[191]
Let each commandery or kingdom recommend one
person of filial devotion and brotherly respectfulness
whose actions and principles are renowned in his
village or hamlet."

In the twelfth month, [the Emperor] first established

the four Commandant of Justice's Referees,
who were ranked at six hundred piculs.[193] The
commandery of Wen-shan was abolished and [its
territory and administration] were united with
[that of] Shu [Commandery].

In the fourth year, in the spring, the second month,

[the Emperor] enfeoffed his maternal grandmother,
[Wang Wang-jen], as the Baronetess of Po-p'ing.
[Hsiao] Chien-shih, a [great-]great-grandson of the
former Marquis of Tso, Hsiao Ho, was made a
Marquis.

An imperial edict said, "If the people are led in
accordance with [the principle of] filial devotion, the
whole world will be submissive. [But] it now
happens that sometimes when the people are suffering
the misfortunes and calamities [which cause
them to wear] mourning badges and girdles, the
[minor] officials nevertheless require their service,
so that they are not able to bury [their parents, thus]
saddening the hearts of filial sons. We pity them
very greatly. From the present [time on], let
whoever is in mourning for his grandfather, grandmother,
father, or mother not [be] required to do
[forced] service, so that he can care for [the deceased],
dress the corpse, and accompany it to the grave,

[thus] carrying out to the full the duties of a son."[197]

In the summer, the fifth month,[200] an imperial
edict said, "The love between parents and children
and the relationship between husband and wife are
Heaven-[endowed qualities of human] nature. Even
though [one of these persons] should suffer calamitous
trouble, [the other] would nevertheless expose himself
to death, in order to preserve [his father or husband].
Indeed love knotted about the heart is the
extreme of benevolence and generosity. How can
[anyone] go contrary to it?

"From now [on], if a son takes the lead in hiding
his father or mother, or a wife in hiding her husband,
or a grandson in hiding his grandfather or grandmother,
let them all not be condemned [for crime].
If a father or mother should hide their son, or a
husband hide his wife, or a grandfather or grandmother
hide their grandson, and if their punishment
should be death, let all [such cases] be referred to
the Commandant of Justice in order that they may
be reported [to Us]."[202]

[Liu] Wena, the grandson of King Hui of Kuang-
ch'uan, [Liu Yüeh], was set up as the King of
Kuang-ch'uan.

In the autumn, the seventh month, since the

Commander-in-chief, Ho Yü, had plotted to rebel,
an imperial edict said, "Recently Chang Shê, a Clerk
to the Prefect of the Eastern Weaving Chamber,
sent the bravo[206] Li Ching, [a man from] Wei Commandery,
to inform the Marquis of Kuan-yang,
Ho Yün, [how his cabal should] plot to commit
treason. Because of the [former] General-in-chief,
[Ho Kuang], We repressed [the matter] and did not
take action, hoping that [Ho Yü and his friends]
would reform themselves. [But] now the Commander-in-chief,
the Marquis of Po-lu, [Ho] Yü,
and his mother, [Ho] Hsien, the Lady of Marquis
Hsüan-ch'eng, [Ho Kuang]; together with his older
and younger [second][208] cousins, the Marquis of
Kuan-yang, [Ho] Yün, and the Marquis of Lo-
p'ing, [Ho] Shan; also the husbands of his elder and
younger sisters, the General Who Crosses the Liao
[River], Fan Ming-yu; the Privy Treasurer of the
Chang-hsin [Palace], Teng Kuang-han; the General
of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Jen Sheng; the
Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Chao P'ing; and a
man[211] of Ch'ang-an, Feng Yin, have [actually]
plotted to commit treason. [Ho] Hsien moreover
previously had the female attendant physician,
Shun-yü Yen, give poison to and murder Empress
Kung-ai [née Hsü], and plotted to poison [Our]
Heir-apparent, [Liu Shih, thereby] intending to
endanger the [imperial] ancestral temples. [This
conduct was] treasonable, rebellious, and inhuman,[212]
and they have all suffered for their crimes.
[Let] all those who have been deceived and led into
error by the Ho clan, [whose crimes] have not yet
become known [so as to come] into [the hands of]
the officials, be all pardoned and freed." In the
eighth month, on [the day] chi-yu, the Empress
née Ho was dismissed.

In the ninth month, an imperial edict said, "We
have been reflecting that those people who have
lost their occupations have not enough [to live on,
and so We] have sent messengers to travel about
among the commanderies and kingdoms to ask the
common people about what they are pained by or
suffer from. The officials sometimes seek for private
profit, [thus making] trouble and difficulties
for [Our subjects], not considering their calamities.
We pity [these suffering people] greatly.

"This year the commanderies and kingdoms have
suffered considerably from inundations. [We] have
already given assistance and loans [to them]. Salt
is the food of the common people, yet its price is
everywhere [too] high, [so that] the multitude of
common people are heavily distressed. Let the
price of salt be reduced all over the empire."[218]

It also said, "It is the first ordinance[219] [of Heaven]
that the dead cannot become alive [again] and that
a mutilating punishment cannot be undone. This
is what the preceding emperors have been greatly
concerned about, yet the officials have not conformed
to [the imperial intentions. But] now, those who
are held sometimes die in prison because they have
been flogged for their crimes or because of hunger,
cold, or illness.[220] Why should the intentions [of

prison officials be so] contrary to human nature?
We are very much saddened by it.

"Let it be ordered that the commanderies and
kingdoms shall yearly report the offence, name,
prefecture, noble rank, and hamlet of those who have
been held as prisoners and have died because of
beatings or illness; when the Lieutenant Chancellor
and [Grandee] Secretary examine the relative merits
[of the officials], they shall thereupon report [such

cases to Us]."[224]

In the twelfth month, the King of Ch'ing-ho,
[Liu] Nien, who had committed crimes, was dismissed
and exiled to Fang-ling.[227]

In [the period] Yüan-k'ang,[229] the first year, in the
spring, on the plain east of Tu4a, the Emperor's
tomb was made,[231] and the name of Tu4a Prefecture
was changed to Tu-ling [Prefecture. The residences
of] the Lieutenant Chancellor, generals, marquises,
and officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs whose
property [amounted to] a million [cash] were moved
to Tu-ling.

In the third month, an imperial edict said, "Recently
phoenixes have perched in T'ai-shan and
Ch'en-liu [Commanderies] and sweet dew[233] has
descended in Wei-yang Palace. We have not yet
been able to manifest the excellent and glorious
[deeds of Our] imperial predecessors, in harmonizing
and giving rest to the people, in serving Heaven and
obeying Earth, and in tempering and ordering the
four seasons. [Yet We] have obtained and received
these favorable presages and have been granted this
[supernatural] favor and happiness. Morning and
evening, [We] have been circumspect without any
pride [in Our achievements. We] examine Ourself
[to take care that We] be not lax, and continually
reflect without end. Does not the Book of History
say, `The male and female phoenixes come and dance
in pairs and all the chiefs are truly harmonious?'[236]

"Let an amnesty be granted to the convicts of the
empire; [let] noble ranks [be] granted to officials who
are diligent in their business, [to those ranking]
from fully two thousand piculs down to six hundred
piculs, from the [noble rank of] Ordinary Chieftain
of Conscripts[237] to [that of] Fifth [Rank] Grandee;
to the Accessory Officials and those [ranking] above,

two steps [in aristocratic rank]; to the common people,
one step; and to the women of a hundred households,
an ox and wine. We add grants of silk to
widowers, widows, orphans, childless, the Thrice
Venerable, the Filially Pious, the Brotherly Respectful,
and the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields.
Let what has been given as assistance and loans
be not collected [again]."

In the summer, the fifth month, there was established

the Temple of the Deceased Imperial Father,
[Liu Chin; the number of] the households [whose
taxes supported] Feng-ming [Funerary] Park, [where
he was buried], was increased; and [the place] was
made Feng-ming Prefecture.

The families of the descendants of 136 persons who
were meritorious subjects of Emperor Kao, [such
as] the Marquis of Chiang, Chou P'o, were exempted
[from taxes and forced service] and were ordered
to uphold the sacrifices [to their ancestors, the meritorious
subjects of Emperor Kao], from generation
to generation without end. If [these meritorious
subjects] had no descendants, their next [of kin]
were exempted.[242]

In the autumn, the eighth month, an imperial
edict said, "We are not versed in the six classics and
are ignorant regarding the great Way [of the universe].
For this reason the yin and yang, the winds
and the rain have not yet been timely. Let [the
Lieutenant Chancellor, the Grandee Secretary and
the Commander-in-chief][244] each recommend generally,
[from among] the officials and common people,
two persons who have cultivated and corrected their
persons, who are learned Literary Scholars, and who
are [not only] intelligent concerning the political
methods of the ancient Kings, [but can also] thoroughly
manifest the intentions [of those rulers.
Let the officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs
[also] each [recommend] one [such] person."

In the winter, there was established [the office of]

Commandant of the [Palace] Guard at Chien-chang
[Palace].

In the second year, in the spring, the first month,

an imperial edict said, "The Book of History says,
`[You must deal speedily with them according to]
the penal laws made by King Wen, punishing them
[severely] and not pardoning them.'[252] [But] now
the officials, in cultivating their persons and in
upholding the laws, have not yet conformed to Our
conceptions. We are very much troubled [by it].
Let an amnesty [be granted] to the empire, [so as
to] give [these] gentlemen and grandees [an opportunity]
to do their utmost and start anew."

In the second month, on [the day] yi-ch'ou, the

Empress née Wang was appointed [as Empress],
and cash and silk were given to the Lieutenant
Chancellor, [Wei Hsiang], and to [officials] inferior
[to him, down] to the Gentlemen and the [imperial]
retmue, to each proportionately.

In the third month, because phoenixes had perched

and sweet dew had descended[255] [the Emperor]
granted: to the officials of the empire, two steps
[in noble rank]; to the common people, one step;
to the women of a hundred households, an ox and
wine; and to widowers, widows, orphans, childless,
and aged, silk.

In the summer, the fifth month, an imperial edict

said, "Criminal trials are that [on which] the fate
of the myriad common people [hangs]. They are
the means of arresting violence and of stopping evil,
of rearing and developing all living beings. If
anyone can make the living be without cause of
resentment [against him] and the dead [whom he has
sentenced] be without hatred [for him], he may indeed
be called an accomplished official.

"But the present [officials] are not such [persons].
In applying the law, some of them cherish deceptive
intentions, juggling the law in either direction [that
suits them, making their] unjust [decisions too]
heavy or [too] light, adding statements to cover up
[their own] wrong-doing, using [such statements]
to encompass the guilt [of the accused]. When
they memorialize what is not according to the facts,
the Emperor has moreover no means of knowing
[the truth].[260]

"This [fact is due to] Our lack of intelligence and
to the inappropriateness of the officials. Upon
whom [then] would the common people in the four
quarters [of the empire be able] to rely? [Let the
officials ranking at] two thousand piculs each investigate
their official subordinates and not employ
this [sort of] person, and [let the minor] officials
bend their efforts to make the law impartial.

"Some [officials] arbitrarily levy forced laborers
to decorate their kitchens and post [relay stations],
in order to please [their superiors'] messengers and
guests who pass by, going beyond their duties and
transgressing the laws in order to gain fame and
renown. [Such conduct] is like walking on thin
ice[261] while waiting for the bright sun. How could
it not be dangerous?

"The empire has now suffered considerably from

visitations of sickness and epidemics, and We are
much troubled by them. Let it be ordered that
[those] commanderies and kingdoms which have
suffered greatly from [these] visitations be not
[required] to pay this year's land-tax or capitation
taxes."

It also said, "[We] have heard that anciently the
personal name of the Son of Heaven was difficult to
know and easy to avoid. [But] now many people,
when they send in memorials, violate the tabus and
thereby commit crimes. We pity them very much.
Let there be a change [in Our personal name and let

the word] Hsün2 be tabued.[265] [Let] all those who
have violated the tabu previous to this ordinance
be amnestied."

In the winter, the Governor of the Capital, Chao

Kuang-han, who had committed crimes, was executed
by being cut in two at the waist.[267]

In the third year, in the spring, because super-
natural birds[272] had several times perched in T'ai-shan
[Commandery, the Emperor] granted gold to
the vassal kings, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei
Hsiang], the generals, the full marquises, and [officials
ranking at] two thousand piculs; and silk to the
Gentlemen and the [imperial] retinue, to each proportionately.
[He also] granted two steps in noble
rank to the officials of the empire, one step to the
common people, an ox and wine to the women of a
hundred households, and silk to widowers, widows,
orphans, childless, and aged.

In the third month, an imperial edict said, "Verily,
[We] have heard the [although] Hsiang committed
the crime [of trying to kill Shun, yet] Shun enfeoffed
him [as a prince]. People related by flesh and blood
may be dispersed,[278] but [the relationship] cannot
be destroyed. Let the former King of Ch'ang-yi, [Liu] Ho4b, be enfeoffed as the Marquis of Hai-hun."

It also said, "When We were an unimportant and
insignificant [person], the Grandee Secretary, Ping
Chi, the Generals of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace,
Shih Ts'eng and Shih Hsüan, the Commandant of
the Palace Guard at the Ch'ang-lo [Palace], Hsü
Shun, and the Palace Attendant and Imperial Household
Grandee, Hsü Yen-shou, all previously showed
us kindness. In addition, the former Chief of the
Lateral Courts, Chang Ho, assisted and guided
Our person, [and arranged for Us] to study literature
and the Classics, [so that] his grace and kindness were
surpassing and outstanding, and his merit was very
great. Does not the Book of Odes say, `Every good
deed should have its recompense'?"[280]

The son of [Chang] Ho's younger brother, the
Palace Attendant and General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace,

[Chang] P'eng-tsu, whom [Chang Ho had
adopted as] his son, was enfeoffed as Marquis of
Yang-tu and [Chang] Ho was posthumously granted
the title, Marquis Ai of Yang-tu. [Ping] Chi,
[Shih] Ts'eng, [Shih] Hsüan, [Hsü] Shun, and [Hsü]
Yen-shou [were all enfeoffed] as marquises. The
[wo]men who had formerly been sent to the Prison
at the Lodge for the Commanderies, who had been
exempted and had served [their sentences][283] and
had formerly acquired merit by nursing and protecting
[the Emperor], all received government salaries,
fields, residences, and precious things; each was
rewarded according to the depth of her kindness.

In the summer, the sixth month, an imperial edict
said, "In the preceding year, in the summer, supernatural
birds[286] perched in Yung, and this spring
vari-colored birds, by the ten-thousands in number,
flew past the surrounding prefectures, flying, soaring,
and leaping [for joy]. They wished to perch, [but]
did not come down. Let it be ordered that in the
three capital commanderies [people] shall not be
allowed in the spring and summer to remove nests,
to try to find eggs, or to shoot pellets or arrows
at flying birds.[289] Let this be a statutory ordinance."[290]

The Imperial Son [Liu] Ch'in was established as
King of Huai-yang.

In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,

an imperial edict said, "We have been reflecting that
when aged peoples' hair and teeth have dropped
away and fallen out, and when their blood and breath
have become enfeebled and delicate, they moreover
have no heart for violence and cruelty. Some are
now suffering [because] the letter of the law [has
been applied to them] and they have been arrested
and are held in prison, so that they will not end
[their days according to] the fate [granted them by]
Heaven. We pity them very greatly. From the
present time onward, whoever is in his eightieth
year or over, except for falsely accusing, killing, or
injuring others, shall not be sentenced for any other
crime."

[The Emperor] sent the Grand Palace Grandee,
[Li] Ch'iang, and others, twelve persons [in all],
to travel about and inspect the empire, to visit
and bring presents to widowers and widows, to
examine and observe customs, to investigate the
success and failure of the officials' administration,

and to recommend gentlemen who [were] Ac-
complished Talents of Unusual Degree.[296]

In the second month, Ho Cheng-shih of Ho-tung
[Commandery] and others, who had plotted to rebel,
were executed.[299]

In the third month, an imperial edict said, "Recently
the supernatural birds have been vari-colored,
and have perched by the ten-thousands in Ch'ang-lo
[Palace], Wei-yang [Palace], the Northern Palace,
the Funerary Chamber of [Emperor] Kao, the Hall
at the Altar to the Supreme [One] in Kan-ch'üan
Palace, and also [at various places] in Shang-lin
Park. Our [actions] do not come up to [Our words,[301]
and We] are lacking in virtue and generosity, [yet
We] have often obtained favorable omens, of which
We are not worthy. Let there be granted to the
empire: to the officials, two steps in noble rank; to
the common people, one step; and to the women of
a hundred households, an ox and wine. [Let there
be] added grants of silk to the Thrice Venerable, the
Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and the
[Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields, two bolts to
[each] person; and to widowers, widows, orphans,
and childless, one bolt to each."

In the autumn, the eighth month, a hundred
catties of actual gold were granted to the son of the
former Western Sustainer, Yin Weng-kuei, for upholding
the sacrifices to his [father]. Twenty
catties of actual gold were also granted to each of the
heirs of descendants of [Emperor Kao's] meritorious
subjects.[303]

On [the day] ping-yin, the Commander-in-chief
and General of the Guard, [Chang] Ain-shih, died.

For successive years there had been abundant
[harvests, so that] grain [reached the price of] five

cash per picul.[306]

In [the period] Shen-chüeh,[308] the first year, in

the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled
and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where
he] made the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the
Supreme [One]. In the third month, he traveled
and favored Ho-tung [Commandery with a visit,
where he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth.

His imperial edict said, "We have inherited [the
care of the imperial] ancestral temples; tremblingly
and circumspectly [We] have reflected upon the
ordering of the myriad affairs [of the government,
but We] have not yet understood perfectly its principles.
Recently in the fourth year of [the period]
Yüan-k'ang, auspicious cereal and black millet
descended in the commanderies and kingdoms,[314]
supernatural birds repeatedly perched, a golden
fungus of immortality with nine stalks grew in a
copper basin of Han-tê Hall,[315] Chiu-chen [Commandery]

presented a strange animal,[317] and in Nan
Commandery there were captured a white tiger[319]
and a majestic male phoenix[320] [to be kept] as
treasures. Not being intelligent, We were frightened
by [such] precious objects, so [We] mastered
Ourself, purified [Our] spirit, and prayed for the
people. When, going eastwards, [We] forded the
great [Yellow] River, the weather was clear and calm,
and supernatural fish played in the River. When
[We] favored Wan-sui Palace [with a visit], supernatural
birds flew about and perched. Not being
[perfectly] virtuous, [We] fear lest [We] be incompetent
in [Our] duties.

"Let [this] fifth year [of Yüan-k'ang] be the first
year of [the period] Shen-chüeh, and let there be
made grants in the empire: two steps in noble rank
to the diligent officials; one step to the common

people; an ox and wine to the women of a hundred
households; and silk to widowers, widows, orphans,
childless, and aged. [Let] those things which have
been [given] as assistance or loans not be collected
[again],[324] and let [the places] through which [We]
have passed in traveling not [be required] to pay the
land-tax on the fields."

The Western Ch'iang rebelled. The convicts
[who were serving in the prisons of] the Three Adjuncts
and of the imperial capital offices were mobilized
and were exempted from punishment [on
condition that they served in the army];[325] there
were also [mobilized] those who responded to the
call [for enlistment] from among the bowmen of the
Sharpshooters, the Winged Forest Orphans, the
Hu and the Picked Cavalry; skilled soldiers from the
three Ho Commanderies, Ying-ch'üan [Commandery,
P'ei Commandery, Huai-yang [Commandery],
and Ju-nan [Commandery]; and cavalrymen from
Chin-ch'eng [Commandery], Lung-hsi [Commandery]
T'ien-shui [Commandery], An-ting [Commandery],
Po-ti [Commandery], and Shang Commandery.
The Ch'iang horsemen came to Chin-ch'eng [Commandery].
In the summer, the fourth month,

[the Emperor] sent the General of the Rear, Chao
Ch'ung-kuo, and the General of Strong Crossbowmen,
Hsü Yen-shou, to attack the Western Ch'iang.
In the sixth month a comet appeared in the eastern
quarter.[328] [A messenger] went [to Chiu-ch'üan
Commandery] and installed the Grand Administrator
of Chiu-ch'üan [Commandery], Hsin Wu-hsien,
as the General Who Routs the Ch'iang. Together
with the [other] two generals, they advanced together.

An imperial edict said, "In the army, [people] are
exposed to the sun and the air; the transportation [of
supplies for the army] is troublesome and toilsome.
Let it be ordered that the vassal kings and the full
marquises, [together with] the kings, marquises,
baronets, and chiefs of the barbarians, who ought
to pay their court-[respects] in the second year
[of the period Shen-chüeh], should all not [be required]
to come to court."

In the autumn,[333] [the Emperor] granted to the
son of the former Grand Minister of Agriculture,
Chu Yi, a hundred catties of actual gold, in order to
support his [ancestral] sacrifices.

The General of the Rear, [Chao] Ch'ung-kuo,
spoke about his plan for [border] garrison farms.

A discussion is in the "Memoir of [Chao] Ch'ung-kuo."[336]

In the second year, in the spring, the second
month, an imperial edict said, "Recently, in the first
month, on [the day] yi-ch'ou, phoenixes perched and
sweet dew descended[340] in the imperial capital,
and flocks of birds by the ten-thousands in number
followed [the phoenixes]. We are not [perfectly]
virtuous, [yet] have repeatedly[341] obtained the
blessing of Heaven. [We have merely] been `careful
in doing [Our] duty and have not been negligent'.[342]
Let an amnesty [be granted] to the empire."

In the summer, the fifth month, the Ch'iang
caitiffs surrendered and submitted; the heads of
their chief evil-doers, the great bravos, Yang Yü
and Yu Fei, were cut off.[346] [The Director of]
Dependent states for Chin-ch'eng [Commandery]
was established in order to settle the surrendered
Ch'iang.

In the autumn, the Hun Jih-chu King, Hsien-hsien

Ch'an, leading a multitude of more than ten
thousand people, came to surrender [to the Chinese.
The Emperor] sent the Protector-general at the
Western Frontier, the Chief Commandant of Cavalry,[349]
Cheng Chi, to receive the Jih-chu [King.
Cheng Chi] had routed [the forces of] Turfan
(Chü-shih); both [he and Hsien-hsien Ch'an] were
enfeoffed as full marquises.

In the ninth month, the Colonel Director of the

Retainers, Kai K'uan-jao, who had committed
crimes, was given in charge of the high officials, and
killed himself.[351]

The Hun Shan-yü sent an important king[352]
to present tribute, congratulate [the Emperor at]
the first month [court reception of the next year],
and begin [a period of] peace and friendship.

In the third year, in the spring, Lo-yu Park was

prepared.

In the third month, on [the day] ping-wu, the

Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei] Hsiang, died.

In the autumn, the eighth month, an imperial

edict said, "If the officials are not incorrupt and
just, then their way of administration becomes weak.
At present the minor officials are all industrious in
their work, yet their salaries are small, [so that
although We] wish that they should not encroach
upon or make demands upon the people, it is difficult
[for them not to do so]. Let five-tenths [of their
present salary be added to the salary of] officials
[ranking at] one hundred piculs and [those of] lesser
[ranks]."[361]

In the fourth year, in the spring, the second
month, an imperial edict said, "Recently male and
female phoenixes have perched and sweet dew has
descended[365] in the capital, so that auspicious
presages have appeared simultaneously. [We] have
renewed the worship of the Supreme One, of the
Five Lords [on High], and of Sovereign Earth, and
have prayed that the people may receive blessings
and happiness. Young phoenixes (luan) have risen
by the ten-thousands, have flown to observe and to
fly back and forth, and have perched and stopped
beside [the capital].[366] At sunset, during [Our]
retreat and fast, supernatural brilliances appeared
and shone; at the evening presentations of aromatic
liquor [to the manes], supernatural lights crisscrossed
each other. Sometimes they descended
from Heaven, sometimes they arose from the Earth,
and sometimes they came from the Four Quarters
and gathered at the altar. The Lords on High
have approved and received [Our offerings and all
the world] within the [four] seas receives their
blessings. Let an amnesty be granted to the empire,
[let] the common people be granted one step
in noble rank, [let] the women of a hundred households
[be granted] an ox and wine, and [let] widowers,
widows, orphans, childless, and aged [be granted]
silk."

In the fourth month, because the administration of

the Grand Administrator in Ying-ch'uan [Commandery],
Huang Pa, was especially excellent, he
was ranked at fully two thousand piculs[370] and was
granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis and
a hundred catties of actual gold. The officials and
common people of Ying-ch'uan [Commandery] who
had acted righteously were moreover [granted] two
steps in noble rank per person; the [Diligent] Cultivators
of the Fields, one step; and chaste wives and
obedient daughters, silk.[374]

[The Emperor] ordered that each of the inner commanderies
and kingdoms should recommend [to the
imperial court] one capable and good [person] who
was able "to cherish the common people."[375]

In the fifth month, the Hun Shan-yü [Wu-yench'ü-ti]
sent his younger brother, the King of Huliu-jo,
[Lüan-ti] Sheng-chih, to pay court [to the
Emperor].[377]

In the winter, the tenth month, eleven[379] male and
female phoenixes perched at Tu-ling.

In the eleventh month, the Grand Administrator
of Ho-nan [Commandery], Chuang Yen-nien, who
had committed crimes, was publicly executed.[384]

In the twelfth month, male and female phoenixes

perched in Shang-lin [Park].

In [the year-period] Wu-feng,[386] the first year,

in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled
and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit,
where he] performed the suburban sacrifice at the
altar to the Supreme [One].

The imperial Heir-apparent, [Liu Shih], was
capped,[389] and the Empress Dowager [née Shang-kuan]
made grants of silk to the Lieutenant Chancellor,
[Ping Chi], the generals, the full marquises, and
[officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, one
hundred bolts to each; and to the grandees, eighty
bolts to each.[390] She also granted to the heirs of
full marquises the noble rank of Fifth [Rank]
Grandee and to boys who would be the heirs of their
fathers, one step in noble rank.

In the summer, an amnesty [was granted] to the

convicts who had built the Tu Tomb.

In the winter, the twelfth month, on [the day]

yi-yu, the first day of the month, there was an eclipse
of the sun; the Eastern Supporter, Han Yen-shou,
who had committed crimes, was publicly executed.[395]

In the second year, in the spring, the first
month,[400] [the Emperor] traveled and favored Yung
[with a visit, where he] sacrificed at the altars to the
Five [Lords].

In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]

chi-ch'ou, the Commander-in-chief and General of
Chariots and Cavalry, [Han] Tseng, died.

In the autumn, the eighth month, an imperial edict
said, "Verily, the rites of marriage are the [most]
important feature of human relationships; gatherings
for drinking and feasting are the means whereby
the rules of proper conduct and music are performed.
[But] now in the commanderies and kingdoms,
some of [the officials ranking at] two thousand
piculs arbitrarily make vexatious prohibitions, imposing
prohibitions upon the common people when
they give or take in marriage, so that they are not
permitted to prepare feasts, to offer felicitations, or
to summon each other [together]. In this way they
have abolished the rites of proper conduct for the
districts and villages and have caused the common
people to be without any means of enjoyment. This
is not the way in which to guide the common people.
Does not the Book of Odes say, Do not rule [in such a] vexatious [fashion]."[406]

In the winter, the eleventh month, the Hun

Shan-yu Hu-su-lei,[408] leading his troop, came [to
China] and surrendered. He was enfeoffed as a full
marquis.

In the twelfth month, the [former] Marquis of

P'ing-t'ung, Yang Yün, was sentenced for having
previously committed a crime, when he was Superintendent
of the Imperial Household. He was
dismissed and made a commoner. He did not
repent for his fault and cherished a grudge, which
was treason and inhuman conduct, so he was [later]
executed by being cut in two at the waist.[412]

In the third year, in the spring, the first month,
on [the day] kuei-mao, the Lieutenant Chancellor,
[Ping] Chi, died.

In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and
favored Ho-tung [Commandery by a visit, where he]
sacrificed to Sovereign Earth.

An imperial edict said, "In the past, the Huns
many times made border raids and the people were
injured by them. Since We have succeeded to this
most exalted [position, We] have not yet been able
to [achieve] repose and tranquility [for the world].[418]
The Hun Shan-yü Hsü-lü-ch'üan-ch'ü begged and
asked for peace and friendship, [but] became ill and
died. The Worthy King of the West, [Lüan-ti]
T'u-ch'i-t'ang, was enthroned in his place, [but]
the great ministers of the [Hun imperial] blood set
up a son of Shan-yü Hsü-lü-ch'üan-ch'ü as Shan-yü
Hu-han-hsieh, and attacked and killed [Lüan-ti]

T'u-ch'i-t'ang. Various [Hun] kings simultaneously
set themselves up and divided [the Hun realm
between] five Shan-yü. In turn they attacked and
fought with each other. The dead [number] in the
ten-thousands, the [Hun] flocks and herds have been
largely destroyed, [even to the extent of] eight or
nine-tenths, and their people are hungry and starving,
so that they roast and broil each other in seeking
for food. Because of these great wrongs and disturbances,
the Yen-chih of a Shan-yü, with her
children, grandchildren, older and younger brothers,
together with Shan-yü Hu-su-lei, and important
kings, the Western Yi-chih-tzu, [also] Chü-chü,
Tang-hu, and [Hun officials] subordinate [to them],
leading a troop of more than fifty thousand people,
have come and surrendered [to Us], returning to their
[proper] fealty.[422] Shan-yü [Hu-han-hsieh] called
himself [Our] subject and sent his younger brother
to present [to Us] precious objects and to pay court
and congratulate [Us at the great court in] the first
month. The northern borders are at repose and
have no military concerns.

"We have restrained Ourself, purified [Ourself],
and fasted; when [We] performed the suburban
sacrifice to the Lords on High and sacrificed to
Sovereign Earth, supernatural lights were simultaneously
seen and some rose in the valley. They
shone and scintillated in the palace for purification
for more than ten divisions [of the clepsydra].[423]
Sweet dew has descended and supernatural birds
have perched. [We] have already issued an imperial
edict that the high officials should give information

[of the above] in the sacrifices to the Lords on High
and in the [imperial] ancestral temples. In the
third month, on [the day] hsin-ch'ou, young phoenixes
again perched upon the trees within the Eastern
Portal of Ch'ang-lo Palace, flew down, and stopped
on the ground.[427] They were beautifully ornamented
in [all] five colors, and stayed for more than
ten divisions [on the clepsydra, so that] officials and
common people saw them simultaneously.

"We are not intelligent and fear that [We] are
incapable for [Our] post, [yet] have frequently received
auspicious presages and obtained such celestial
favors and happinesses. Does not the Book
of History say, `Although [you receive] happy omens,
do not [consider them as] happy omens. Be careful
in doing your duty, and be not negligent'?[428] Let
the high ministers and the grandees exert themselves
[to do their best. Let] the poll-money in the
[whole] empire be reduced and [let] an amnesty [be
granted to those who have committed crimes]
[deserving] capital punishment or lesser [crimes.[429]
Let] the common people be granted one step

in noble rank, [let] the women of a hundred
households [be granted] an ox and wine, and [let
there be permission for] drinking during five days.
[We] add grants of silk to the widowers, widows,
orphans, childless, and aged people."

There were established [Chief Commandants of]
Dependent States for Hsi-ho and Po-ti [Commanderies],
in order to settle those Huns who had
surrendered.

In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,

the King of Kuang-ling, [Liu] Hsüa, who had committed
crimes, killed himself.[434]

The Hun Shan-yü [Hu-han-hsieh] called himself a

subject [of the Chinese Emperor] and sent his
younger brother, the Lu-li King, to enter [the Chinese
court] and wait upon [the Emperor],[437] so that
the barriers at the border were without raids and the
troops guarding the frontiers were reduced two-tenths.

The Palace Assistant Grand Minister of Agriculture,
Keng Shou-ch'ang, memorialized that Constantly
Equalizing Granaries should be established,
in order to provision the northern borders and reduce
[the amount] of transport [for grain]. He was
granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis.

In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]
hsin-ch'ou, the first day[438] of the month, there was

an eclipse of the sun. The imperial edict said,
"August Heaven makes a prodigy appear in order
to warn Our person. This [event has happened
because] We are inadequate and the officials are not
suitable [to their positions]. Previously, [We] sent
messengers to ask the common people what they
suffered from or were troubled by; again [We] sent
twenty-four Division Heads [from the offices of]
the Lieutenant Chancellor and [Grandee] Secretary
to inspect and travel about the empire, to recommend
concerning injustices in trials at law and to
search for those who arbitrarily make tyrannous
prohibitions, are extremely exacting, and have not
reformed themselves."

In [the period] Kan-lu,[443] the first year, in the
spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled and
favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he]
performed the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the
Supreme [One].

The Hun Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh sent his son, the
Worthy King of the West, [Lüan-ti] Shu-lü-ch'üt'ang,
to enter [the Chinese court] and wait upon
[the Emperor].

In the second month, on [the day] ting-szu, the
Commander-in-chief and General of Chariots and
Cavalry, [Hsü] Yen-shou, died.

In the summer, the fourth month, a yellow dragon
appeared at Hsin-feng. On [the day] ping-shen,
the Temple of the Grand Emperor burnt and on
[the day] chia-ch'en the Temple of [Emperor] Hsiao-wen
burnt.[452] The Emperor wore plain clothes
to the fifth day.

In the winter, the Hun Shan-yu [Chih-chih] sent

his younger brother, the Worthy King of the East,
to come to pay court and offer congratulations [to
the Emperor at the grand court in the first month of
the next year].[454]

In the second year, in the spring, the first

month,[456] [the Emperor] established his Imperial
Son [Liu] Ao as the King of Ting-t'ao.

An imperial edict said, "Recently male and female
phoenixes have perched and sweet dew has descended,[459]
a yellow dragon has ascended and risen,
wine springs[460] have flowed abundantly, dried and

withered [trees] have flowered and flourished, super-
natural lights have simultaneously appeared, and
all [people] have received happy auspices. Let an
amnesty [be granted] to the empire and let the poll-tax
(suan) of the common people be reduced by
thirty [cash. Let] gold and cash be granted to the
vassal kings, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Huang
Pa], the generals, the full marquises, and [officials
ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, to each
proportionately. [Let] there be granted: to the
common people, one step in rank; to the women of a
hundred households, an ox and wine; and to widowers,
widows, orphans, childless, and aged, silk."

In the summer, the fourth month, [the Emperor]
sent the Chief Commandant of the Protecting Army,
[Chang] Lu, with troops, to attack [the rebels in]
Chu-yai [Commandery].

In the autumn, the ninth month, [the Emperor]
set up his Imperial Son [Liu] Yü3 as King of Tung-p'ing.[466]

In the winter, the twelfth month, [the Emperor]
traveled and favored Yo-tsu Lodge of Pei-yang
Palace [with a visit].

The Hun Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh asked for permission
to enter the Barrier of Wu-yüan [Commandery],
wishing to present treasures from his state and

come to pay court in the first month of the third
year [in the period Kan-lu]. An imperial edict
[ordered] the [high] officials to discuss [the matter].
Together they replied:

"[According to] the institutes of the Sage-kings, in
granting favors and in treating [people in accordance
with] the rules of proper conduct, [the Emperor]
should [put] the capital region ahead and put [the
rest of] the Chinese [states] behind; [he should then]
put the Chinese [states] ahead and put the barbarians
behind. The Book of Odes says,

"Your Majesty's sage virtue has completely filled
Heaven and Earth and `your brilliance has extended
to the four extremities of the empire',[473] so that the
Hun Shan-yü has turned towards your good example,
longs to [perform his duties of] fealty, and his
whole country is agreed that he should present
treasures and pay [your Majesty] court [to present
his] congratulations—[such a thing] has not happened
from ancient times [to the present]. A
Shan-yü is not [a ruler to whom] the first day of the
first month [in the Chinese calendar] is applicable
or who can be [treated as] a guest by a [true universal]
king.[474] [According to] the rites and ceremonies,

it is proper that he should acknowledge
himself a subject like the vassal kings, [employ the
standard phrase used by subjects in their memorials,
viz.:] `risking death and making repeated obeisances,'
and be ranked next below the vassal kings."

The imperial edict, [however], said, "Verily,
[We] have heard that the Five Lords and the three
[dynasties of] Kings did not touch in their administration
those who had not been influenced
by the rules of proper conduct [i.e., the outer barbarians].[477]
Now the Hun Shan-yü has styled
himself [Our] feudatory at the northern frontier
and [is coming to] pay court in the first month. We
are inadequate and [Our] virtue is unable to cover
[the earth] widely. Let [the Shan-yü] be treated
according to the rites for a guest and [let] his rank
be above that of the vassal kings."[478]

In the third year, in the spring, the first month,
[the Emperor] traveled and favored Kan-ch'üan
[Palace with a visit, where he] performed the suburban
sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One].

When the Hun Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh, [Lüan-ti]

Chi-hou-shan, came to pay court, he was introduced
and announced as a subject from the border, but his
personal name was not used, and he was granted an
imperial seal and seal-ribbon, hats, girdles, garments,
a comfortable carriage, a quadriga of horses, actual
gold, silk, flowered silk, embroidery, and silk floss.

[The Emperor] had high officials lead the Shan-yü.
First he went to his prince's lodge in Chang-an
and spent the night at Ch'ang-p'ing [Lodge]. The
Emperor, [coming] from Kan-ch'üan [Palace], spent
the night at Ch'ih-yang Palace. When the Emperor
mounted the Ch'ang-p'ing Slope, he instructed the
Shan-yü by an edict not to pay his respects [then],
and so the multitude of his Eastern and Western
Tang-hu all spread themselves out to observe [the
imperial cortege]. The barbarian baronets, chiefs,
kings, and marquises and those who met [the
cortege, numbering] several ten-thousands of people,
crowded the road and arranged themselves in order.
When the Emperor mounted the Wei [River] Bridge,
with one accord they cried out, "Long life." The
Shan-yü went to his prince's lodge. [The Emperor]
held a feast in Chien-chang Palace and granted the
Shan-yü a great banquet, [at which the Shan-yü]
was shown [the imperial] treasures.

In the second month, the Shan-yü was dismissed

and went back home. [The Emperor] sent[485] the
Commandant of the Ch'ang-lo [Palace] Guard, the
Marquis of Kao-ch'ang, [Tung] Chung1a; the Chief
Commandant of Chariots and Cavalry, [Han]
Ch'ang; and the Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Hu;
leading sixteen thousand cavalry, to escort the
Shan-yü [out of Chinese territory]. The Shan-yü
[thereafter] dwelt south of the [Gobi] Desert and
took refuge in the Kuang-lu-ch'eng. An imperial
edict [ordered] the northern borders to assist him
with grain and food. [Later] the [rival] Shan-yü
Chih-chih fled far away and the Huns were there-
upon pacified.

An imperial edict said, "Recently, male and female
phoenixes perched at Hsin-ts'ai, and flocks of birds,
which were numbered by the ten-thousands, arranged
themselves in rows on all sides, all standing
facing the phoenixes. Let there be granted to the
Grand Administrator of Ju-nan [Commandery] a
hundred bolts of silk and in Hsin-ts'ai [let grants of
silk be made] to the Chief Officials, the Thrice
Venerable, the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful,
and the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields,
and to widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, to
each proportionately. [Let] two steps in noble
rank be granted to the common people and let them
not pay this year's tax on the fields."[491]

In the third month, on [the day] chi-ch'ou, the
Lieutenant Chancellor, [Huang] Pa, died.

An imperial edict [ordered] that the Confucian
scholars should discuss the discrepancies in the Five
Classics. The Grand Tutor of the Heir-apparent,
Hsiao Wang-chih, and others evaluated and memorialized
their discussions. The Emperor himself
pronounced [these accounts] imperial decrees, attended
[upon the discussions] and decided [their

disputes].[494] Thereupon there were established Erudits
for Liang-ch'iu [Ho's interpretation of] the
Book of Changes, for [the interpretation of] the
Book of History by the senior and junior Hsia-hou
[i.e., Hsia-hou Sheng and Hsia-hou Chien], and for
the Ku-liang [Commentary on] the Spring and
Autumn.

In the winter, the [Chinese] Princess of the Wu-sun,

[Liu Chieh-yu], arrived, returning [to China].

In the fourth year, in the summer, the King of

Kuang-ch'uan, [Liu] Hai-yang, who had committed
crimes, was dismissed and exiled to Fang-ling.[501]

In the winter, the tenth month, on [the day]

ting-mao,[503] there was a fire at the small doors of
the Hsüan Room in Wei-yang Palace.

In [the year-period] Huang-lung,[505] the first year,

in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled
and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where
he] offered the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the
Supreme [One].

The Hun Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh came to pay

court. The ceremonies and grants [made to him]
were [the same as] previously. In the second month,
the Shan-yü returned to his state.

An imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard
that in most ancient times, in the government, the
prince and his subjects were of the same mind, and
promotions of the upright and dismissals of the unjust[512]
were each according to their deserts. For
this reason the superior and his inferiors were at
harmony and in accord, [all] within the [four] seas
were tranquil and at peace, and the virtue of those
[rulers] cannot be attained.

"Since We are unintelligent, [We] have several
times made known in [Our] edicts to the ministers
and grandees that they ought to practise clemency
and generosity and suit [their actions] to the sufferings
and bitternesses of the common people, [because
We] wished to equal the high attainment of
the Three Kings and to manifest the virtue [of Our]
imperial predecessors.

"[But] now some officials have thought that not
prohibiting wickedness and evil constitutes clemency
and generosity and that setting free or dismissing
criminals constitutes the absence of tyranny, [whereas]
some consider that tyranny and evil-doing constitute
capability. All [of these persons] have failed
to attain the [true] mean. When they receive [Our]
edicts and promulgate [Our] instruction in such
[ways], how can they be without errors?

"Just now the empire has very little trouble,
forced labor and military service have been dispensed
with or lessened, and the armies are not in motion,
yet there is much poverty among the common people
and robberies and thefts have not stopped. Wherein
lies the cause [for this situation? It lies] in sending
[from the various parts of the empire to the central
government, yearly] registers of accounts which are

merely padding and strive to deceive and lie [to Us],
in order to avoid a trial for [blamable conduct]. If
the three highest ministers do not pay attention [to
such matters], whom can We depend upon?

"[Let the practise] be altogether stopped [of
officials] asking for an imperial edict to dispense
with their soldiers and followers in order to provide
for their own [needs by making exactions from the
people].[515] The [Grandee] Secretary [shall] investigate

the registers of accounts; if he suspects that they
are not [in accordance with] reality, he should have
them [examined and] judged, so that truth and falsehood
may not be confused with each other."

In the third month, a comet [appeared in the

constellations] Wang Liang and Ko-tao, and entered
[the constellation] Tzu-kung.[518]

In the summer, the fourth month, an imperial
edict said, "In [ordering] the recommendation of incorrupt
officials, [We] sincerely desire to attain precisely
[what is due] them. When officials [ranking
at] 600 piculs or those who have the post of a Grandee
have committed crimes, before [they are punished,
the officials must now] ask [for the throne's consent].
Their rank and salary [are such that] they [can] communicate
with the Emperor, [which is] sufficient so
that they can make their ability and talents known.
From this time and henceforth, let them not be
permitted to be recommended [as incorrupt officials]."[522]

In the winter, the twelfth month, on [the day]
chia-hsü, the Emperor died in Wei-yang Palace.[525]

In eulogy we say: [The fundamental principle in]
the government of [Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan was [to
make] rewards dependable and punishments certain
and to examine and confront names with realities.
His gentlemen [who were concerned] with government
business, who were Literary Scholars, or [were
concerned with] law and principles were all excellent
in their capacities. Even his artists, craftsmen,
workmen, and artisans, his vessels and utensils[528]
could seldom be matched in the time of [Emperors]
Yüan and Ch'eng, [which fact] is indeed sufficient
to indicate that his officials were worthy of their
positions and that the common people were satisfied
in their occupations.

He happened [to live at a time when] the Huns
were acting contrary to reason and were in disturbance,
[hence he was able] to "overthrow those who
should perish, to strengthen those who should be
preserved,"[529] and to display his majesty to the
northern barbarians. The Shan-yü longed [to perform
his duties of] fealty, bowed his head to the
ground, and called himself a feudatory. [Emperor
Hsüan's] achievements glorified his ancestors and
his signal services are transmitted to his descendants.
[His reign] may be called the renaissance [of the
dynasty] and he may indeed [be said to have been]
equal in virtue with the [Eminent] Exemplar of the
Yin [dynasty], [Wu-ting], and with [King] Hsüan of
the Chou [dynasty].[530]

APPENDIX I

THE TABU ON IMPERIAL PERSONAL NAMES

The tabu on the personal names of emperors seems to have originated
in the Chou period. Tso-chuan, Dk. Huan, VI, (Legge, p. 50; Couvreur,
I, 93) says, "The people of Chou used [the custom of] tabuing [names]
in serving the spirits [of the dead]; after they were dead, their personal
names (ming [OMITTED]) were in the future tabued." K'ung Ying-ta (574-648)
accordingly concludes, "Before the Yin [dynasty] had ended, there
was no procedure of tabu. Tabu originated with the Chou [dynasty].
The Chou [rulers] used the procedure of tabu in reverencing and serving
their ancestral spirits."

Such a tabu did not mean, as is sometimes said, that an emperor's
personal name was not supposed to exist for his subjects. The use of
such a name seems to have been largely similar to the European lese
majesty, and was punished as severely. This danger of punishment
made every person who might prepare a memorial or even talk in the
presence of officials highly conscious of the tabued names, since such
persons had to be continually careful to avoid these names. Punishments
were severe: HS 46: 3b says, "When [Shih] Chien was Chief of
the Gentlemen-at-the Palace, he memorialized a matter and it was
referred back to him. When [Shih] Chien [re]-read it, he was frightened
and afraid, and said, `The writing for "horse" should have, together with
the tail, five [strokes at the bottom of the character, one for the tail
and four dots for the feet]. Now I have, however, [only written] four,
one less than enough. If [Emperor Wu] had happened to have been
irritated, [I should have been made to] die." Chou Shou-ch'ang, who
quotes this passage in a note to HS 8: 13a, concludes that if a mistake in
writing one character could have been punished thus severely, how much
more a violation of tabu!

He also quotes the T'ang dynastic code as follows: "Whoever presents
a memorial, memorializing matters with a mistake which violates the
names tabued [by the imperial] ancestral temples, shall be beaten 80
heavy strokes; whoever orally makes a mistake or in writings other
[than memorials] writes a mistake, violating [a tabu], shall be beaten
50 light strokes." It also says, "Whoever in his own personal name
violates and breaks [a tabu] shall serve three years of penal servitude;
[but] if by a homonymn or if by using separately one word of a double
[tabued] name, he violates [a tabu], he shall not be sentenced [for crime]."
(The latter provision is taken from the Book of Rites, I, i; Legge, I, 93;

Couvreur, I, p. 57, 58). Chou Shou-ch'ang adds, "By the aid of these
[facts], we can estimate [what were] the Han [dynastic] regulations."

Since it was so important for persons who composed memorials to
know exactly what to avoid, tablets with the tabued names were hung up
in public places for the guidance of the gentry. The History of the
Southern Ch'i Dynasty, 46: 5a ff, in the biography of Wang Tz'u (lived
451-491), recounts that after Wang Tz'u had become a high official, he
considered that the practise of placing "in the court and halls a tablet
with the tabus [written on it] [OMITTED] was not an ancient or old
custom." Emperor Wu thereupon order a discussion concerning the
discontinuance of this practise. The Gentleman Division Head of
Ritual, Jen Fang, said in the course of the discussion, "The institution
of publishing the tabus has, however, come down from Han times to the
Chin [period] for successive ages without error. The present tablets of
tabus have moreover a clear meaning, and imitate [the first Han tabu,
that instead of] the word pang, [meaning `country', the personal name of
Emperor Kao, there should be written the word] kuo [meaning `state'],
which is really a proof of [how] things [were done in] the past. The
importance of the tabu on personal names is that it is the extreme of
affection and respectfulness. Hence [such tablets] are hung in the various
courts and halls where the gentry gather, in order to bring it about that
when they rise and lie down, at morning and evening, [the tabus] may
not escape their eyes or ears. [This] way of prohibiting and avoiding
[tabus] is most evident and easy to follow." Wang Tz'u's proposal was
accordingly dropped. Chou Shou-ch'ang points out that in Han times
there must accordingly have been this practise of publishing tabus.

Hsün Yüeh (148-209) probably quotes the statements on these tabu-boards,
in his notes to the imperial titles at the beginning of each HS
"Annals." For example, for Emperor Hui he writes, "His tabued
personal name was Ying, and for this word write man [OMITTED]"
(HS 2: 1a); for the Empress of the Kao-tsu, "Her tabued personal name
was Chih, and for this word write yeh-chi [OMITTED]" (HS 3: 1a);
etc. (In reading these condensed phrases, Hsün Yüeh's comment on the
Kao-tsu [HS 1A: 1b] is illuminating, "His tabued personal name was
Pang and his style was Chi. For the word pang, write kuo [OMITTED]
[OMITTED].")

Thus it became possible to identify what particular words were being
tabued and, when the tabu was dropped, to restore the original word.
Because of the tabu on the personal name of Emperor Ming of the Later
Han Dynasty, (ruled 58-75 A.D. during and after which period Pan Ku

wrote his history), the surname Chuang [OMITTED] was changed to Yen [OMITTED] and
was thus originally written in the HS; it is hence immediately apparent
that for Former Han times the surname Yen should be translated Chuang,
while for times after Emperor Ming's accession, the same surname has
been Yen. In books republished after a tabu had been announced,
tabued words were changed; when a book was again republished after a
tabu had been lifted, as by a change in the dynasty, the previously tabued
words were restored. Sometimes in this procedure, words were mistakenly
restored (cf. 6: n. 28.1). The date of a book may sometimes be
determined from the tabus found in that edition. When, moreover, the
relationship of a previous emperor to the reigning ruler became distant,
due to a large number of generations intervening, tabus were relaxed.
Thus Pan Ku, writing in the Later Han dynasty, used the tabued names
of even the earlier Han rulers, who were ancestors of the Later Han
dynasty. This practise of relaxing tabus of distant ancestors may be
derived from the practise of increasingly doing away with the temples of
distant imperial ancestors and worshipping separately only the five
immediately preceding generations, together with the founder of the
house (cf. Glossary sub Wei Hsüan-ch'eng). The tabu on the personal
name of Emperor Kao, Pang, may however have sometimes been maintained
all through this period. In 99 A: 35b, a memorial to Wang
Mang tabus this word, which was probably written in the original
portent; but the present text of 99 B: 19a uses this word. Shuo-wen,
6 B: 5b, does not mention any tabu on this word, hence it was not always
tabued in Later Han times. The Mou-tzu (by Mou Tzu-po, fl. 190-3)
however tabus pang; cf. Pelliot in T'oung Pao, v. 19, p. 397, n. 321.
Han writers were often lax about tabus, while originally tabued words
may have been restored by later editors.

Imperial personal names were usually composed of only one character,
following the principle enunciated in the Kung-Yang Commentary, in
order to avoid troubling the people by many tabus (cf. 99 A: n. 8.7).
When an emperor's personal name contained a commonly used word, he
often changed it to an unusual word, in order that the people should not
fall into crime by violating the tabu. Thus Emperor Hsüan changed
his name from the very ordinary words, Ping-yi (meaning, "his illness is
over," a magical name for a sick child) to the unusual word Hsün [OMITTED]
(cf. 8: 13a, b). Because they were homonyms, the surname of the famous
Hsün [OMITTED]-tzu was written Sun [OMITTED], and remained so written until
Yang Liang corrected it in the ninth century. (The words hsün and sun
must therefore have been homonymns in Han times; they are today
pronounced exactly alike in some Chinese dialects, e.g., in Hunan,

although Karlgren, Grammata Serica, nos. 392o and 434a, gives distinct
archaic and T'ang pronunciations for them.) Some later emperors followed
Emperor Hsüan's example.

Since the emperor was considered the parent of his people, Confucian
sons have similarly tabued the given names of their fathers and close
ancestors. The Li-chi, I, i, v, 16 (Couvreur, I, 58) holds that the tabu
on ancestral names is primary and that upon the names of rulers is in
imitation of it. Confucius, however, taught that the practises of the
Chou rulers should be those of an educated gentleman; hence the tabu on
ancestral given names may well have first been a practise of the Chou
kingly clan and have been spread to the lower orders through Confucian
influence; most of this spread may indeed have occurred in the early part
of the Former Han period, when the practise of mourning to the third
year similarly spread.

As a consequence of its use upon the tabu-boards, the word for tabu
(hui [OMITTED]) came to have the meaning of "avoided personal name." Chou
Shou-ch'ang writes, "Accordingly, when [a person was alive, his personal
name] was called his ming; [after] he was dead, it was called his hui
(tabu)." But in his edict changing his personal name, Emperor Hsüan
speaks of his personal name as his hui while he was still alive. Chou
Shou-ch'ang says in explanation, "In Han [times], there was no difference
in calling [a personal name] a ming or a hui. Shuo-wen [ca. 100 A.D.;
7 A: 7b, sub] the radical, `Grain', [the word] hsiu [OMITTED], says, `The Emperor's
hui,' meaning [Emperor] Kuang-wu, [reigned A.D. 25-57, ibid., 1 A: 1b,
sub] the radical `Signs [OMITTED]', [the word] yu [OMITTED], it says, `The Emperor's
hui,' [which must] then [mean] Emperor An [reigned 107-125]. Hsü
Shen, [the author of the Shuo-wen] died in 121; his son, [Hsü] Ch'ung, in
that very year presented the Shuo-wen to the Emperor, while Emperor
An was still alive. This [fact proves that] while still alive, [an emperor's
personal name] was called his hui.

"[According to] the Record of the Southern Yen [Dynasty], when Mu-yung
Tê [reigned 398-404] ascended the imperial throne, he said, `[Emperor]
Hsüan of the Han [dynasty] pitied his officials and common people
[because] they violated his hui, hence he changed his personal name
(ming). We now add the one word Pei [OMITTED] to be [Our] second personal
name (ming), desiring to open the way whereby [Our] subjects may
avoid [Our] hui (tabued name).' This [quotation shows that] Mu-yung
[Tê], while alive, himself called [his personal name] his hui and also
referred to this act of [Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan."

It is difficult to determine when the motivation of this tabu on personal
names was magical and when it was merely a matter of respectfulness.

For some persons, it was undoubtedly magical—the use of a personal
name put the name, and by sympathy, that person himself, in rapport
with the circumstances mentioned in connection with the name, some of
which might easily be harmful: the emperor was so important for the
well-being of the empire that it would be merely prudent to avoid the
use of his name. If the emperor's personal name was used in an inauspicious
set of words, that inauspiciousness would be reflected upon
him, and through him, upon the empire. The age was, in many respects,
deeply superstitious. Divination, auspicious and inauspicious days,
and the like were features of the best Confucian teaching. Tung Chung-shu
made rain in time of drought by closing the south gates of the city
and opening the north gates, to allow the yin influence full entrance and
keep the yang influence out (cf. Glossary sub voce). Before the time of Wang
Mang, and after, the emperor, vassal kings, nobles, and officials, including
disciples of private schools, all wore "kang-mao amulets," in order
to protect themselves against diseases and epidemics (cf. 99: App. III).
After Wang Mang had done away with the Han dynasty, he felt compelled
to do away with his knife-coins, because the surname of that
dynasty, Liu [OMITTED], contains the word knife [OMITTED].

Yet Confucius had doubted the spirits and Hsün-tzu had denied the
existence of all spirits; he had explained superstitious beliefs in a purely
naturalistic manner (cf. Works of Hsuntze, Bk. XVII). Jen Fang adopted
Hsün-tzü's interpretation, and many other intelligent persons undoubtedly
did the same. For them this tabu was merely a matter of
respect. Thus its significance was an individual matter: to some it was
magic and to others merely a matter of respectfulness.

For further discussion, cf. Ch'en Yüan, "The Traditional Omission of
Sacred and Imperial Names in Chinese Writings" (in Chinese), Yenching
Journal of Chinese Studies, no. 4, Dec. 1928, pp. 537-651; E. Haenisch,
"Die Heiligung des Vater- und Fürstennames in China," Berichte über d.
Verhandlungen d. Sächischen Akademie d. Wissenschaften, Philolog.-hist.
Klasse, 84. Band, 1932, 4. Heft; M. A. Vissière, "Traité des charactères
chinoise que l'on évite par respect," Journal Asiatique, vol. IX, 18,
1901, 320-373.

APPENDIX II

THE DISCUSSION OF THE CLASSICS IN THE SHIH-CH'Ü
PAVILION

Emperor Hsüan greatly encouraged the study of the classics and elevated
Confucian scholars to the highest positions in his government.
He several times ordered that Confucian classical scholars should be
summoned to the court and encouraged to teach what they knew. In
June, 70 B.C., on the occasion of an earthquake, he had his ministers
question widely among the Confucian scholars concerning what should
be done (8: 6b). In all probability, many of these Confucians were
accordingly brought to the imperial court. In Sept./Oct 65., B.C., he
had his highest ministers and Commandery Administrators recommend
learned Literary Scholars to the throne (8: 12a).

The manner in which he became interested in the discrepancies between
the Classics is rather indirect. HS 88: 23b, 24a, in discussing the Ku-liang
and Kung-yang Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn, recounts
that because Hsia-ch'iu Chiang-kung, who was the authority on the
Ku-liang Commentary, was not as skillful in disputation as Tung Chung-shu,
and because Lieutenant Chancellor Kung-sun Hung had been a
student of the Kung-yang Commentary, Emperor Wu had honored the
latter Commentary and had his Heir-apparent Li study it, so that this
Commentary became popular and was studied. The Heir-apparent,
however, privately asked about the Ku-liang Commentary and liked it,
but he was killed and only two teachers of it remained. When Emperor
Hsüan came to the throne, he heard that his great-grandfather, Heir-apparent
Li, had loved the Ku-liang Commentary. He was told that
Ku-liang came from the state of Lu. Several of the Emperor's officials,
Wei Hsien, Hsia-hou Sheng, and Shih Kao, came from Lu, whereas the
Kung-yang scholarship came from the state of Ch'i. So Emperor Hsüan
revived the study of the Ku-liang Commentary, and selected ten of his
Gentlemen to study the book. "Beginning in the [year-period] Yüan-k'ang
[65-62 B.C.] to the first year of [the period] Kan-lu, [53 B.C., they
studied] consecutively for more than ten years, [until they] understood
and were familiar with it all. Then [Emperor Hsüan] summoned the
Confucian scholar famous in [all] the Five Classics, the Grand Tutor to
the Heir-apparent, Hsiao Wang-chih, and others, [to hold] a great discussion
in the [Palace] Hall, to criticize the discrepancies between the
Kung-yang and Ku-liang [Commentaries and to determine] the correctness
or erroneousness of each, according to the Classics."

Thus in 53 B.C. Emperor Hsüan had these two commentaries on the
Spring and Autumn discussed in the Palace Hall. Among his officials
there was already then an Erudit for the Kung-yang Commentary and a
Gentleman-consultant for the Ku-liang Commentary (88: 24a). The
discussions probably continued down to 51 B.C., during which time they
were transferred to the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion [OMITTED], which was north of
the Great Hall in Wei-yang Palace, according to the San-fu Chiu-shih
(prob. iii cent. and later; lost; quoted by Yen Shih-ku in a note to HS
36: 7a).

HHS, Mem. 38: 7a says, "[Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan had the six Classics
[perhaps the Books of Changes, of History, of Odes, of Rites, the Spring and
Autumn with the Kung-yang Commentary, and the Ku-liang Commentary,
but cf. the different list in 6: n. 39.3] discussed in the Shih-ch'ü [Pavilion]."
HS 36: 7a says, "It happened that for the first time the Ku-liang
[Commentary to] the Spring and Autumn was established [as authoritative],
and [Emperor Hsüan] summoned [Liu] Keng-sheng [i.e., Liu
Hsiang4a], to study the Ku-liang [Commentary] and [also] to expound and
discuss the Five Classics in the Shih-ch'ü [Pavilion]." HS 73: 8a also
says, "At this time . . . [Wei] Hsüan-ch'eng received an imperial edict to
discuss miscellaneously in the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion the discrepancies [in
the Classics] with the Grand Tutor to the Heir-apparent, Hsiao Wang-chih,
and the Confucian scholars of the Five Classics, and memorialize
their responses in detail." The "Annals" contains an even more impressive
summary (cf. 8: 23a), which indicates that the proceeding took
the form of summoning the outstanding scholars from all over the
empire and fixing authoritatively, with the imperial decision and by the
imperial authority, the correct interpretation of the various classics.
Thereupon an Erudit for the Ku-liang Commentary was established,
together with three other Erudits for special interpretations of certain
classics, to carry on this tradition.

Ch'ien Ta-chao has determined from references in the HS the names of
the important scholars who participated in this historic discussion, which
thus constitutes a roster of the important exponents of the Classics in
the reign of Emperor Hsüan, "At this time those who participated in the
discussion at the Shih-ch'ü [Pavilion] were [the following]: authorities
on the Book of Changes: the Erudit Shih Ch'ou [OMITTED] from P'ei [Commandery]
and the Gentleman at the Yellow Gate, Liang-ch'iu Lin [OMITTED]
from Tung-lai [Commandery]; authorities on the Book of History: the
Erudit Ou-yang Ti-yü [OMITTED] from Ch'ien-ch'eng [Commandery], the
Erudit Lin Tsun [OMITTED] from Chi-nan [Commandery], the Chief of the

Bureau of Interpreters, Chou K'an [OMITTED] from Ch'i [Commandery], the
Erudit Chang Shan-fu [OMITTED] from [Yu]-fu-feng [Commandery], and the
Internuncio Chia Ts'ang [OMITTED] from Ch'en-liu [Commandery]; authorities
on the Book of Odes: the Palace Military Commander of [the kingdom of]
Huai-yang, Wei Hsüan-ch'eng [OMITTED] from [the kingdom of] Lu, the
Erudit Chang Ch'ang-an [OMITTED] from Shan-yang [Commandery], and
Hsieh Kuang-tê [OMITTED] from P'ei [Commandery]; authorities on the Book
of Rites: Tai Sheng [OMITTED] from [the kingdom of] Liang and the Member of
the Heir-apparent's Suite, Wen-jen T'ung-han [OMITTED] from P'ei [Commandery];
authorities on the Kung-yang [Commentary]: the Erudit
Chuang P'eng-tsu [OMITTED] and the Gentlemen-in-attendance Shen Wan
[OMITTED], Yi T'ui [OMITTED], Sung Hsien [OMITTED], and Hsü Kuang [OMITTED]; authorities
on the Ku-liang [Commentary]: the Gentleman-consultant Yin Keng-shih
[OMITTED] from Ju-nan [Commandery], the Expectant Appointees Liu
Hsiang [OMITTED], and Chou Ch'ing [OMITTED] and Ting Hsing [OMITTED] from [the
kingdom of] Liang, and the Gentleman-of-the Household, Wang Hai
[OMITTED]. Those of whom there is evidence [that they participated] numbered
altogether twenty-three persons. [He heads his list with the Grand
Tutor to the Heir-apparent, Hsiao Wang-chih]." (Cf. his HS Pien-yi
2: 8b, 9a; quoted in the HS Pu-chu 8: 23a) The foregoing list shows
that at that time scholarship was confined chiefly to the present
Shantung, Honan, and Shensi.

The results of these discussions were embodied in the form of memorials
and published; the "Treatise on Arts and Literature" lists five of them:
the Memorialized Discussions on the Book of History in 42 chapters (30:
7a), the Memorialized Discussions on the Book of Rites in 38 chapters
(30: 12b), the Memorialized Discussions on the Spring and Autumn in 39
chapters (30: 17a), the Memorialized Discussions on the Analects in 18
chapters (30: 20a), and the Miscellaneous Discussion on the Five Classics
in 18 chapters (30: 21b). There were probably also Memorialized
Discussions on the other two classics, the Book of Changes and the Book
of Odes; Ch'ien Ta-chao says that Pan Ku merely failed to record them.

In the development of Confucianism, the discussion in the Shi-ch'ü
Pavilion fills a place corresponding to that occupied in the occident by
the first General Council of the Christian Church at Nicaea (325 A.D.).
In the time of Emperor Hsüan the Tso-chuan had not yet become canonical;
the Chou-li was later also added to the canon; these official additions
and other changes (made by Wang Mang) necessitated another revision
of the Confucian tradition. This discussion was summoned by Emperor
Chang on December 23, 79 A.D., and met in the White Tiger Lodge
(Po-hu Kuan). Its procedure was modelled upon that in the Shih-ch'ü

Pavilion; Emperor Chang similarly attended it and himself decided
disputed points. As a result there was composed the Universal Discussions
of Virtue at the White Tiger [Lodge] (Po-hu T'ung Tê-lun; cf. n. 9.3
to my translation of HHS, Mem. 30, in the "Introductory Volume" to
this series). It is highly probable that the permanently important
material in the Memorialized Discussions arising out of the decisions made
at the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion were taken up into the Po-hu T'ung, and that
the reason these Memorialized Discussions were allowed to perish is
merely that they had been superseded. We must thus look to the
Po-hu T'ung for the results of the Shih-ch'ü discussions.

APPENDIX III

ECLIPSES IN THE REIGN OF EMPEROR HSÜAN

i. HS 8: 7a, b, reads, "In the [period] Ti-chieh, I (the first year), . . . xii
(in the twelfth month), on [the day] kuei-hai, the last day of the month,
there was an eclipse of the sun." (Han-chi 17: 7a reads the same.)
HS 27 Cb: 14b repeats the foregoing and adds, "It was 15 degrees in [the
constellation] Ying-shih." This date was, according to P. Hoang, Feb.
13, 68 B.C.

Oppolzer calculates his eclipse no. 2712 on that date and charts the
path of annular totality as passing through Sumatra and Borneo and ending
at sunset near the island of Mindanao. Calculation shows that at
Ch'ang-an this eclipse reached a magnitude of only 0.10 at 4:20 p.m.,
local time. The eclipse began at 4:19 and ended at 5:03 p.m., which
was 42 minutes before sunset, according to the U. S. Nautical Almanac.
This eclipse must have been observed by watching the sun's reflection
in water or in a mirror, for there was no perceptible diminution of sunlight
at Ch'ang-an. To the east and south, the eclipse was more conspicuous.
If an eclipse that is so barely visible was recorded, why were the many
more conspicuous eclipses that preceded and followed this eclipse not
recorded?

The sun was in long. 322° = 324° R.A. According to Neugebauer,
Sterntafeln, the two stars of Ying-shih, α, β Pegasi, were then in 321°
and 322° R.A. respectively.

In the 12 years between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, three
eclipses were visible in China: on Jan. 3, 75 B.C. (at sunrise), on May 8,
73 B.C. and on Feb. 25, 69 B.C. The eclipse of Jan. 3, 75 B.C. was
invisible in the Yangtze valley and north, but at Canton, at sunrise, it
reached a magnitude of 0.18, according to calculation.

ii. HS 8: 18b, 19a says, "In Wu-feng I, xii, . . . on yi-yu, the first
day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun." Han-chi 20: 1a
reads the same. HS 27 Cb: 14b adds, "It was 10 degrees in [the constellation]
Wu-nü."

P. Hoang equates this date with Jan. 3, 56 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2742.

Calculation, according to the method in P. Neugebauer, Astronomische
Chronologie, shows that this eclipse was invisible in Ch'ang-an, so that
it must have been reported from outside the capital. At sunrise in the
present Peiping, it had reached a magnitude of 0.18. At the present

Shan-hai-kuan, at sunrise, it had reached a magnitude of 0.40. At lat.
40° N. it was invisible west of long. 113.5° E. (pres. Ta-t'ung, Shansi)
and at lat. 35° N. it was invisible west of long. 111.3° E. (pres. Shan-hsien,
western Honan), so that, although it was not visible in Ch'ang-an,
yet it was barely visible at sunrise in Lo-yang, whence reports might
easily have been brought to the capital.

The sun was in long. 281° = 280° R.A. The principal star of Wu-nü,
ε Aquarii, was then in 284° R.A.

In the twelve years between this and the preceding recorded eclipse,
four eclipses were visible in China: on Aug. 9, 68 B.C., Sept. 20, 61 B.C.,
July 20, 58 B.C., and July 9, 57 B.C.

iii. HS 8: 20b says, In Wu-feng IV, "iv, on hsin-ch'ou, the last day
of the month [27 Cb: 14b and Han-chi 20: 8b read correctly, "the first day
of the month," cf. n. 20.8], there was an eclipse of the sun." HS 27 Cb:
15a adds, "It was 19 degrees in [the constellation] Pi."

P. Hoang equates that date with May 9, 54 B.C., for which Oppolzer
calculates his solar eclipse no. 2747. He charts the path of the eclipse
as passing thru central China and calculates the sun in long. 45° = 42°
R.A. The first star of Pi, λ Tauri, was then in 33° R.A.

In the two years between this and the preceding recorded eclipse, no
solar eclipses were visible in China.