University of Virginia Library


64

I. Lun-Hêng.
Selected Essays of the Philosopher Wang Ch`ung.

CHAPTER I.

Autobiography. (Tse-chi).

Wang Ch`ung is a native of Shang-yü-hsien[1] in K`uei-chi[2] . His
style is Chung Jên. His family hails from Yuan-ch`êng[3] in the Wei[4]
circuit. One of his clan, Sun-yi, served his whole life as a soldier,
and distinguished himself so much, that he was appointed warden
of the southern part of K uei-chi, but, when one year a disturbance
broke out, which disorganised the State, he continued to reside
there, and became a farmer and cultivator of mulberry-trees.

His great grand-father was very bold and violent, and, when
in a passion, cared for nobody. In a year of dearth he behaved
like a ruffian, and wounded and killed people. Those whom he
had wronged, and who were waiting for an opportunity to wreak
their vengeance, were very numerous. As in K`uei-chi revolts were
of constant occurrence, and there was danger that his enemies would
seize upon him, the grand-father Fan removed his family and his
household from K`uei-chi, and settled in Ch`ien-t`ang-hsien,[5] where
he lived as a merchant. He had two sons, the elder was called
Mêng, the younger Sung. Sung is the father of Wang Ch`ung.

The grand-father had a violent temper, which in his sons,
Mêng and Sung, became so intense, that many people in Ch`ien-t`ang
had to suffer from their vehemence. At last they became involved
again in a feud with Ting Po and other influential families, in consequence
of which they emigrated with their families to Shang-yü.

In the third year of Chien-wu,[6] Wang Ch`ung was born. When
playing with his companions, he disliked all frivolous games. His
comrades would entrap birds, catch cicadas, play for money, and
gambol on stilts. Wang Ch`ung alone declined to take part in their
games to the great amazement of his father.


65

At the age of six, he received his first instruction, and learned
to behave with politeness, honesty, benevolence, obedience, propriety,
and reverence. He was grave, earnest, and very quiet, and
had the will of a great man. His father never flogged him, his
mother never gave him a harsh word, and the neighbours never
scolded him. When he was eight years old, he went to school.
There were over one hundred small boys in this school. As a
punishment for faults committed they used to be stripped, or were
whipped for bad writing. Wang Ch`ung made daily progress, and
never committed any offence.

When he could write sentences, his teacher explained to him
the Analects and the Shuking, of which he daily read a thousand
characters. When he knew the Classics, and his virtue had thus
been developed, he left his teacher, and devoted his private studies
to writing and composing so, that every one was astonished, and
the extent of his reading widened day by day. But he did not
make bad use of his talents, and though he possessed great dialectical
skill, he was not fond of disputations. Unless he found
the proper audience, he did not speak the whole day. His speech
was quaint and not like that of others, but those who listened to
him to the end, agreed with him. Such were also the productions
of his pen, and so were his conduct, and his behaviour towards
his superiors.

In a district he rose to the rank of a secretary, and held the
same office in the department of a military governor. In a prefecture
he was one of the five chief secretaries,[7] and in a department
he was appointed assistant-magistrate. He did not strive for
fame, and did not regulate his conduct in accordance with his personal
profits. He always spoke of people's merits and seldom of
their faults. Those who had not yet got on in their career, were
specially recommended by him, and he exposed only the faults of
those who had secured a position. When he thought anything wrong,
he did not praise it, and when a fault was not done away with,
he did not again condemn the man. He could pardon the great
faults of a man, and also pitied his minor mistakes. His desire
was to be unimpeachable himself, but he did not wish to shine.
He endeavoured to base his claims on recognition upon his actions,
and was ashamed to presume upon his talents.


66

In public meetings he did not speak, unless he was asked,
and in the presence of princes and generals he only replied, when
he was addressed. In the country he attempted to follow the example
of Chü Po Yü,[8] and in the court he wished to imitate Shih Tse Yü.[9]

When insulted, he did not white-wash himself, and, when in
his career he was not promoted, he did not feel grieved. Although
he was poor and had not an acre to dwell upon, his mind was
freer than that of kings and dukes, and though he had no emoluments
counted by pecks and piculs, he felt, as if he had ten
thousand chung[10] to live upon. Obtaining an appointment, he was
not overjoyed, and losing it, he did not feel distressed. He enjoyed
a tranquil happiness, but his desires did not run riot, and
though he was living in a state of poverty, his energy was not
broken. The study of ancient literature was his debauchery, and
strange stories his relish. In the current books and common sayings
he found much, in which he could not aquiesce. A recluse in his
solitary retirement, he tried to find truth and falsehood.

Wang Ch`ung had a pure and sterling character. He made
friends wherever he went, but did not contract these friendships
carelessly. The position of his friends might be ever so low, and
in years they might be ever so young, provided only that they
rose above common-place mediocrity, he would seek their friendship.
He had a great admiration for superior men, and liked to
associate with distinguished people, but would not lightly become
intimate with men of common gifts. In case these latter slandered
him for a slight fault or any insignificant mistake, he would not
clear himself of these accusations, nor did he bear any grudge
against them.


67

Some one might ask, why a man of remarkable gifts and
extraordinary literary talent should not defend himself against false
incriminations. Yang Shêng and others were foul-mouthed and glibtongued;
but Tsou Yang vindicated himself and came out of jail
again.[11] When a man's conduct is perfect, people should not attempt
to find flaws in it, and when somebody exerts himself to
come to the front, they should not keep him down.

I reply that none but the pure remark dust, and none but
the exalted perceive dangers. Only those living in abundance, feel
restraints, and those in opulence know what is want. The scholars
at present talk too much of themselves, therefore they are slandered
by others, which is their due. Desirous to get on, they show
themselves, and resenting neglect, they assert themselves. Being free
of these desires and resentments, I keep quiet.

The slanders of Yang Shêng were probably prompted by somebody,
and when Tsou Yang was delivered, some one saved him.
Confucius spoke of destiny and Mencius of heaven. Luck and mishap,
quietude and danger do not depend on man. The ancients knew
this, therefore they ascribed these things to destiny and attributed
them to time. Placid, tranquil, and equanimous, they did not complain
of injustice. When happiness came, they did not imagine
that they themselves had brought it about, and when misfortune
befell them, they did not consider it their own doing. When they
were successful, their joy was not immoderate, and when they
suffered reverses, their courage did not fail them. They did not
hate need, and therefore crave for plenty, nor did they brave dangers
to win peace. Their wisdom they did not sell for wages, and they
did not decline honours to become famous. Not being bent on
success, they did not try to show off, and not resenting reverses, they
did not complain of others. Tranquillity and excitement were the same
to them, life and death equal, luck and mishap identical, and victory
and defeat one. Meeting even ten Yang Shêngs, they would have said
that it mattered not; they left everything to heaven, and therefore did
not wish to shine.

Wang Ch`ung was of a cheerful and easy-going disposition,
and did not strive for wealth and honour. When his superiors
took notice of him, and promoted him above the heads of others,


68

he did not cling to his high post, and, when they ignored, denounced,
and degraded him, he did not pine at his low rank. When in the
district magistrate's office, he had no ambition and no repugnance.

Some one might object that to act like this is easy enough, but
that the difficulty lies with the heart. Meeting with congenial
friends, scholars do not care for the place, but whose example can
they follow, when they have dirty and distasteful business to do?

There is no better paragon than Confucius, I should say. Confucius
as an official had no aversions. In charge of the public fields
and as keeper of the granaries he was not low-spirited, and when
he was superintendent of works and minister, his face was not
beaming with joy. Shun tilled the land on the Li-shan,[12] as though
he should continue to do so for ever, and when he had received
the empire from Yao, he behaved, as if he had obtained it later
on as a matter of course. We must be sorry that our virtue is
not quite perfect, but not regret our humble rank, and we may
be abashed, if our name is not without blemish, but should not
feel chagrined, because we do not advance in our career. Marble
may be kept in the same box with tiles, and moon-stones in the
same bag with pebbles. Being both of precious stuff, they are
not injured by being mixed with other things in the world. For
him who knows what is good, good things shine even in base
places, whereas to those who cannot make these distinctions, they
look common even in a prominent place. As long as the deeds of
people in low and high spheres can be measured, and as the virtues
of men in humble positions, and of noble rank can be compared,
it is all right.

The world courts those who have been successful, and disdains
those who have failed. It hails the victor, and spurns the
defeated. As long as Wang Ch`ung was rising, and holding rank
and office, all the people swarmed around him like ants, but, when
he had lost his position and was living in poverty, his former
friends abandoned him. He pondered over the heartlessness of the
world and in his leisure he wrote twelve chapters "Censures on
Common Morals",[13] hoping that the reading of these books would
rouse the public conscience. For this purpose he expressly wrote


69

it in an easy, popular style. Should anybody condemn it as shallow,
I would reply that if the style of the Sacred Institutions[14]
be employed for the Lesser Odes,[15] or if an elegant speech be addressed
to rustics, they would not understand anything, and therefore
not agree. Thus Su Ch`in[16] spoke very elegantly in Chao, but
Li Tui was not enchanted at all. Shang Yang[17] spoke in Ch`in, as
if he had addressed an emperor, but Duke Hsiao[18] did not follow
his advice. If no attention be paid to the individuality and inclinations
of the hearers, one may exhaust the eloquence of Yao
and Shun, it would be like giving an ox wine to drink and feeding
a horse on preserved meat. A refined, rhetorical, and scientific style
is fit for the upper classes of society, but out of place for small-minded
people. It happens very seldom, that those who must
hear something nolens volens, take it to heart.

When Confucius had lost a horse in the country, the country-people
locked it up, and did not return it. Tse Kung spoke to them
in well turned sentences, but only made them angry, but when
the groom addressed them in a familar, jocular tone, they relented.[19]

To use high-flown expressions at all costs instead of the plain
and simple language of the people is like mixing an elixir, as the
spirits use, to cure a cold or a cough, and to put on a fur-coat of
sable or fox to fetch firewood or vegetables. As regards propriety,
a thing is often out of place, and many an action is often better
left undone. To give a decision, and understand a grievance, one
must not be a Kao Yao,[20] and to cook sunflower-seed and onions,
no Yi Ti[21] or Yi Ya[22] is required. In a side-alley one does not
play the music of Shun and Wu, and to the Village Mother[23]
one does not sacrifice a whole ox. What is unnecessary, is also
inadequate.


70

To carve a fowl with a butcher's knife, to reap sun-flowers with
a Shu[24] spear, to cut chop-sticks with an iron halberd, and to pour
a glassful into a basin or a tureen would be incongruous, and few
would recommend it. What is the principle of debating? To illustrate
deep thoughts by simple ones. And how do we prove that
we possess knowledge? By illustrating difficult points by easy ones.
Sages and worthies use to weigh, what suits the different talents.
Hence the difference of style, which may be difficult or easy.

Since Wang Ch`ung deplored the popular feeling, he wrote his
Censures on Public Morals, and also lamenting the vain efforts of
the emperor's government, which was endeavouring to govern the
people, but could not find the right way, nor understand what was
required, and mournful and disheartened did not see its course, he
wrote the book on government.[25] Furthermore disgusted with the
many deceitful books and popular literature devoid of veracity and
truthfulness, he composed the Disquisitions (Lun-hêng).

The worthies and sages are dead, and their great doctrine has
split up. Many new roads have been struck out, on which many
people have stumbled. Every one must have his own school. Intelligent
men have seen this, but were unable to find the right
way. Old traditions have been transmitted, either written down,
or spread by hearsay. Since they were dating from over a hundred
years backwards and growing older from day to day, people have
regarded them as antique lore and therefore near the truth, and
this belief became so rooted in their minds, that they themselves
were incapable of eradicating it again.

For this reason the Disquisitions have been written to show
the truth. They are in a lively style and full of controversy. Every
specious and futile argument has been tested, semblance and falsehood
have been rejected, and only what is real and solid has been
preserved. Loose manners have been suppressed, and the customs
of Fu Hsi's time[26] revived.

Wang Ch`ung's writings are lucid and easy to understand. There
are those who pretend that the words of a good debater must be
profound, and the compositions of an able writer obscure. The


71

style of the classic literature and the sayings of worthies and sages
are grand and majestic, beautiful and refined, and difficult to grasp
at first. Those who study their whole life, learn to understand them
with the necessary explanations. The genius of the first thinkers
being so wonderful, their expressions cannot be the same as those of
ordinary people. Gems, they say, are concealed in stones, and pearls
in fish-maws. Only jewel-lapidaries and pearl-experts can find them.
These precious things cannot be seen, because they are hidden, and
thus truisms must be profound and deep, and hard to grasp.

The "Censures on Morals" are intended to rouse people, therefore
the meaning is perspicuous and the style quite plain. But
why must the Lung-hêng be like this too? Is the talent of the
author so shallow, that it was absolutely impossible to hide anything?
Why is the style so perspicuous, and quite a different
principle followed than in the classical literature?

My reply is as follows. A gem is concealed in a stone and
a pearl in a fish-maw, and therefore they are covered and in the
dark. But, when the colour of the gem beams from the heart of
the stone, and the lustre of the pearl breaks through the fish-maw,
are they still hidden? They are like my thoughts, before they
have been fixed in books. Enshrined in my bosom, they are like
gems or pearls in their concealment, shining forth, brilliant as the
splendour of the heavenly bodies, and clear as the distinct lines of
the surface of the earth.

Lest things should remain doubtful and obscure to us, we
can describe them all by names, and, provided that the names are
clear, all the things become defined. The Lun-hêng discusses these
questions impartially.

In speaking, it is essential to use clear words, and in writing,
to employ plain signs. The style of eminent scholars is refined,
but their words can always be understood, and their meaning always
be caught. Their readers are suddenly enlightened like blind
men who recover their sight, or stirred up like deaf men who
suddenly learn to hear. When a child who has been blind for
three years, unexpectedly sees his parents, he would not, at once,
know them on perceiving them, why then should he give utterance
to his joy?

Let a huge tree stand by the road-side, and a long ditch run
along a bank, then the locality is well defined, and everybody
knows it. Now, should the tree not be huge any more and disappear,
and the ditch not be long and be hidden, and the place
be shown to people, even Yao and Shun would be perplexed.


72

The human features are divided into more than seventy different
classes. The flesh of the cheeks being pure and white, the
five colours can be clearly discerned, and the slightest sorrow,
pleasure, and other emotions, all find expression in the features.
A physiognomist will not once be mistaken in ten cases. But if
the face be blackened and begrimed, or covered with a layer of
dirt so, that the features are hidden, then physiognomists will give
wrong answers nine times out of ten.

The style is formed of words. It may be shallow, perspicuous,
and distinct, or deep, abstruse, elegant, and polished. Who shall
distinguish it?

We speak to express our thoughts, and from fear, that our
words might be lost, we commit them to writing. Writing having
the same purpose as speaking, wherefore should it conceal the
meaning?

A judge must hate wrong. Now, would a magistrate, who
while deciding a doubtful case gives a confuse and unintelligent
verdict, be a better official than another, who clearly distinguishes
every point, and can easily be understood?

In oral discussions, one makes clear distinctions out of regards
for the audience, and in written disputations one elucidates one's
meaning to be understood. In historical works, a clear and intelligible
style is most appreciated, and of profound productions, full
of beautiful thoughts, but hard to read, there are only pieces of
irregular verse and dithyrambs. As for the classical and semiclassical
works and the words of the worthies and sages, the ancient
and modern languages are different, and speech varies in the
different parts of the empire. At the time, when these men spoke,
they did not wish that their words should be difficult to understand,
or that their meaning should be hidden. If later ages did
not understand them, this is owing to the remoteness of time.
Therefore one may speak of the difference of language, but not of
genius or shallowness of style. If the reading offers great difficulties,
the works may be considered as not very cleverly written,
but this should not be reputed a great wisdom.

Ch`in Shih Huang Ti reading Han Fei Tse's work exclaimed
with a sigh! "Alas! that I am alone, and have not got this man!"[27]
They were contemporaries, he could understand his words and


73

reflect upon what he said. If the book had been so profound and
exquisite, that he wanted a teacher to comprehend it, he would
have flung it to the ground, and it was no use sighing.[28]

An author wishes his work to be intelligible, but difficult to
write, and he does not care, if it be hard to grasp, but easy to
write. In lectures one aims at perspicuity, that the hearers can
follow, and does not affect obscurity and ambiguity to baffle the
readers. Mencius knew an intelligent man by the sparkling of his
eyes.[29] One learns to know what a text is worth by its lucidity.

The book of Wang Ch`ung is of another type than the usual
writings. The following objection might be raised against it:—

In literature it is of importance to conform to the public
feeling, and not to be in opposition to received ideas. Then not
one out of a hundred readers will find anything to blame, and
not one out of a thousand hearers will take exception. Therefore
Kuan Tse[30] said that, where somebody is speaking in a house, the
audience must fill the whole house, and, when he speaks in a hall,
the entire hall should be full. Now Wang Ch`ung's arguments are
not in accordance with public opinion. Consequently his words
controvert all common ideas, and do not tally with the general
views.

I reply that in arguing, the essential thing is truth, not
elegance, that the facts should at all events be correct, and that
consensus is not the highest aim. Investigating a question, one discusses
the pros and cons, how would it be possible not to deviate
from old ideas and perhaps offend the ears of the common hearer?
When the general feeling is wrong, it cannot be followed. One
denounces and discards that which is false, and keeps and establishes
that which is true. If we were to go by majority, and conform to
the public feeling, we could only follow the good old rules and precedents,
and recite them over and over again, but how could there
be any discussion?


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When Confucius was attending the court and sitting next to
Duke Ai of Lu, the duke favoured him with a peach and millet.
Confucius first ate the millet and then the peach. This, we must
admit, was the right order of eating the two courses. The courtiers,
however, all covered their mouth and laughed. They had,
for a long time, been used to another custom. Now I, in fact,
resemble Confucius eating the two dishes in the order described
above. Ordinary people take exception like the courtiers laughing
in their sleeves.

Beautiful festive songs were considered as too melancholic, in
Chêng[31] and pantomimes, at great celebrations, found no favour in Chao.

The five Leading Princes[32] declined to cast a look upon the
Canons of Yao and Shun, and Chi and Mêng[33] would not read the
works of Confucius and Mê Ti. Plans for securing the peace in times
of danger are scoffed at in side-alleys, and schemes of reform ridiculed
by common people. If there were an exquisite dish, vulgar
people would not taste it, though Yi Ti and Yi Ya[34] might eat it
with the greatest relish, and if there were a precious jade-stone,
ordinary people would throw it away, whereas Pien Ho[35] would
hoard it up as a treasure. Who would be right, who wrong, and
who could be trusted? Propriety and common usage are always
in opposition, when has it not been so? When Duke Wên of Lu
infringed the rule of sacrifices,[36] five men resisted him.

Great scholars will never give up researches of the above
mentioned kind, and common people will always dislike them. And
so will the savants enjoy and appreciate books, which bewilder the
masses, and which the narrow-minded will flee.

Wang Ch`ung's book cannot be free from imperfection. Some
say that in speaking he does not choose the words, nor in writing,
the phrases. Compositions must be tastefully written, and discussions


75

ingeniously conducted. When such words strike the ear, they cause
a pleasant feeling in the heart, and when the eye falls on writing,
the hand does not lay the book aside again. Such disputations are
always listened to, and excellent compositions always appreciated.
Now, since this new book chiefly consists of comparisons and
strictures on the depravity of the age, and does not praise what
is good, it does not please the reader. The tunes played by the
music-master K`uang[37] were always full of feeling, and the delicacies
prepared by Yi Ti and Yi Ya were never tasteless. When a clever
man writes a book, it is without a flaw. Lü Shih[38] and Huai Nan
made an advertisement on the market gates, and the readers did
not find fault with one word in their books.[39] Now the Lun-hêng
does not possess the beauties of these two books. It is long enough,
but open to objections in many respects.

In reply I beg to state that he who cherishes veracity does
not trouble much about beauty, and that regulating the conduct,
he does not polish his words. Luxuriant grass has often abundance
of blossoms, and mighty forests have many dry branches.
The purport of words is to clearly show the nature of things,
how can they be polished and above all censure? Saving a man
from fire or out of water, we do not care, whether we do it in a
beautiful style or not, and, when we debate on a question, our
words must not necessarily be ingenious. Plunging into a lake
to seize turtles, we have no time to think, whether we place our
feet right, and catching dragons in deep water, we have no time
to care for the position of our hands.

In spite of bad style and faulty terms the meaning may be
excellent and far reaching sometimes, and sweet words and beautiful
expressions give often a very poor sense. When a thousand chung
of grain are cleansed, more than half are husks, and examining a
hundred thousand cash, one finds that the broken coins exceed ten
thousand. Fine soups are often insipid, and the best jewels have
their flaws. A slip-shod production may possess great beauties,
and a great artist do very second-rate work. Every discussion
has its weak points, and in the ablest production some deficiencies
can be detected.


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Golden words come from noble houses, and foul productions
from poor families, they think.—Huai Nan Tse and Lü Shih[40] did
not encounter any difficulties, because they were descendants of rich
houses and of high rank. Since they were noble, they could well
advertise on the market place, and being so wealthy, they could
easily make the alternate promise of a thousand chin. Their readers
were intimidated and in awe, and would never have ventured to
criticise one character, even if it had been quite out of place.

When Wang Ch`ung's book was completed, it was compared
by some with the works of the ancients, and found to be quite
different from the writings of previous authors. Some hold that the
book may be said to be written partly in a slovenly style. Sometimes
it is terse, at others diffuse, sometimes concise, sometimes
prolix. When a problem is being discussed or a question investigated,
the author is too summary or too loquacious, half sweet,
half sour. The Classics he does not resemble, with the semi-classics
he does not agree, nor does he harmonize with either Yang Ch`êng
Tse Chang
or Yang Tse Yün.[41] Since he is unlike the ancient authors,
how can he be considered a good writer, or his book be reputed
an able production?

I answer that, if anybody puts on an alien appearance forcibly
to be like somebody else, his own shape is lost, and if he changes
his style to resemble others, he loses his peculiar character. The
sons of a hundred persons have not the same parents. Being all
born in different families, they cannot be similar. Each one distinguishes
himself by his peculiar gifts. If writings could only then
be considered good, when they are conform to a certain standard,
this would be like substituting one workman for another and declaring
his work to be a master-piece, provided that in hewing he
did not cut his own hand.

All literary men have their own specialties. The one polishes
his phrases to produce an elegant composition, the other combats
all errors to establish the truth. Their ultimate aims are the
same, and the words follow of themselves. Thus the deeds of
the Five Emperors were not different, and there was no conflict
between the actions of the Three Rulers. Beautiful looks are not


77

the same, but their aspect is always pleasing to the eye: sentimental
airs are not identical, but their music is always gratifying
to the ear. Wines have different flavours, but they all inebriate,
the tastes of various cereals vary, but they all appease our hunger.
If conformity to old standard be required of a literary production,
then we would be entitled to expect that Shun also should have
eye-brows with eight colours[42] and eyes with double pupils.[43]

Wang Ch`ung's book is very voluminous. Some say that in
writing the chief thing is to be brief and clear, and that in speaking
one must be short and plain. The words of a good debater are
succinct, but to the point, the style of a good writer is concise,
but perspicuous. Now Wang Ch`ung's new work contains more than
ten thousand sentences. For a reader it is impossible to work
through such an enormous mass, and there are so many chapters,
that they cannot all be transmitted. The author of so much bad
stuff may well be called a fool. Short sentences are easy to enunciate,
whereas a bulky work presents great difficulties. Gems are
few, stones many; that which occurs in great number, is not precious.
Dragons are rare, fish numerous; that which is of rare
occurence, is justly deemed divine.

I admit that there is such a saying. Concise language is not
long, but beautiful language must not be concise. If they are
useful to the world, a hundred chapters do no harm, while one paragraph,
if useless, may be superfluous. If there are several things,
all useful, the longer rank before the shorter. Who is richer, he who
has piled up a thousand chin, or he who possesses a hundred?

Longer works are preferable to shorter ones, and a small
amount of wealth is better than poverty. Most people have not
a single book, I possess a hundred chapters: others have not one
character, I have more than ten thousand sentences. Who is the
cleverer?

Now they do not say that my words are wrong, but that
they are too many; they do not say that the world does not like
good things, but that it cannot take them all in. The reason why
my book cannot be so concise is that for building many houses a
small ground would not be sufficient, and that for the registration
of a large populace few registers would be inadequate. At present,
the errors are so many, that the words necessary to point out the
truth, show what is right, and controvert what is false, cannot
well be brief and succinct.


78

Han Fei Tse's work is like the branch of a tree. The chapters
are joined together by tens, and the sentences count by ten
thousands. For a large body the dress cannot be narrow, and if
there be many subjects, the text must not be too summary. A great
variety of subjects requires abundance of words. In a large extent
of water, there are many fish, in an emperor's capital, there is plenty
of grain, and on the market of a metropolis, there is a throng of
people.

My book may be voluminous, but the subjects treated are
manifold. T`ai Kung Wang[44] in ancient times and recently Tung Chung
Shu
[45] produced books containing more than a hundred chapters.
My book also contains more than a hundred chapters. Those
who contend that they are too many, only mean to say that
the author is of low origin, and that the readers cannot but take
exception to it.

When we compare a river, whose waters overflow the banks,
with others, which is the biggest? And, when the cocoons of
a certain species of worms are especially heavy and big, which
worms yield most silk?

Wang Ch ung was not lucky in his official career, and only
wrote books and this autobiography. Some one might find fault
with him, arguing thus:

"The important thing is always that a man of great talent
should make a good career. When he finds employment, and his
words are listened to, he can distinguish himself by his work, and
thus rise to high honour. Now, you are living in misery, and
your career has been spoiled. You had no opportunity of trying
your talents in practice, or using your strength in the fulfilment of
official duties. Therefore you only committed your speculations to
writing and made your notes. What use are your beautiful words
to yourself, and what aim are you pursuing with your extensive
writings?"

Nobody was ever more talented than Confucius, and yet his
talents were not appreciated. He was expelled, and a tree felled
over him. He had to hasten the washing of his rice[46] and was


79

surrounded. His traces were obliterated, he was tormented by
hunger between Ch`ên and T`sai, and his disciples looked starved.[47]
Now, my talents do not come near those of Confucius, but my
hardships do not equal his. Am I to be despised therefore?

Besides the successful are not always clever, or the distressed,
simpletons. The lucky win, and the unlucky lose. With a liberal
fate and good fortune, even a vulgar person becomes noble and
genteel, with a niggardly fate and bad fortune, the most remarkable
man remains wretched and miserable. If talents and virtue were to
be measured by success, then the great lords invested with the
domain of a town, and living on the soil, would all be wise men.

Confucius and Mê Ti were noble of themselves, but their rank
was low. If, therefore, people are living in pure spheres, but do
black deeds, or if they have a yearly income of a thousand chung
to live upon, but not a single accomplishment, we can only smile.
Provided that our virtue be high and our name untarnished, then
our office may be low and our income meagre, it is not the fault
of our talents, and we should not feel oppressed by it.

Scholars would like to share the hut with Hsien,[48] but not to
be put on a level with T`se,[49] they would gladly wander about
with Po Yi, but decline to associate with robber Chê. Great scholars
have other ambitions than their people. Therefore their fame is
not that of the world. Their bodies decay like grass and trees,
but their glory shines as long as the sun and the moon send their
rays. Their condition may be as poor as that of Confucius, provided
only that their writings rank with those of Yang Hsiung. That is
my ideal. Outward success, but a limited knowledge, a high post,
but little virtue that is the ambition of others, I would consider
it a bondage.

If somebody has the luck to be heard with his advice, and
lives in honour and well being, all this is gone after a hundred
years like other things. His name does not come down to the
next generation, and not a word from his hand is left in any
document. He has had stores full of emoluments perhaps, in the


80

realms of literature and virtue he leaves no riches. That is not
what I prize. Vast virtue of the highest excellence, abundance of
extensive knowledge, a pencil dripping with characters like rain, and
an overflowing spring of words, rich talents, a wonderful erudition,
generous deeds, and a noble mind, with such qualities a man's body
may belong to one generation, his name will be transmitted for a
thousand years. That seems extraordinary and desirable to me.

Wang Ch`ung is from a simple family, in which he stands
quite alone. A caviller might say:—

"Your ancestors have not left you a treasure of pure virtue,
nor a collection of literary works. You may yourself write the
most brilliant essays, you have no basis to stand upon, and therefore
no claim to our admiration."

"When a force bursts upon us quite suddenly, not by degrees,
we call it a phenomenon. When a creature is born from quite
dissimilar parents, we call it a wonder. When something quite
unusual appears all at once, it is regarded as a supernatural appearance,
and when something different from anything else quite abruptly
comes forth, it is termed a miracle."

"Who are your ancestors? Their names have not been recorded
in former times. You did not spring from a learned family, whose
members have already walked the path of literature, and you write
disquisitions of several thousand or ten thousand sentences. This
must be considered a supernatural phenomenon. How could we
appreciate such writings, or think them able productions?"[50]

I beg to reply that a bird without a pedigree is a phœnix,
an animal without a family, a unicorn, a man without an ancestry,
a sage, and a thing without a peer, a jewel. And so it is with
men of great talents, who are browbeaten and viewed with disfavour
by their age. Scholars of worth appear single, and precious
things grow solitary. How could literature be inherited? If a
man could learn to become a sage, then the water of the Fêng
river
[51] would have a source, and auspicious grain an old stem.


81

When a remarkable scholar appears and puts forward his
noble doctrines, he does not fall under the general rule, and his
capacity cannot be measured by the bushel. Therefore events which
seldom happen are recorded on tablets and books, and rare things
engraved on bronze vases. The Five Emperors did not rise in one
generation, and Yi Yin[52] and T`ai Kung Wang[53] did not issue from
one family. There was a distance of thousand Li between them,
and one lived several hundred years after the other. When scholars
of note quietly develop their marvellous faculties, they do not become
famous as descendants of noble lines.

The calf of a black cow may be brown, this does not affect
the nature of the animal. The ancestors of a scholar may be
coarse, provided that he himself is pure, it has no influence upon
his character. K`un[54] was wicked, and a sage, Sou[55] was perverse,
and Shun divine. Po Niu[56] was visited with a horrible disease,
and Chung Kung[57] was clean and strong. Yen Lu[58] was vulgar
and mean, and Yen Hui outvied all his companions. Confucius and
Mê Ti had stupid ancestors, and they themselves were sages. The
Yang family had not been successful, when Yang Tse Yün rose like
a star, and the house of Huan had been tolerably well off, until
Huan Chün Shan[59] took his brilliant flight. A man must have been
imbued with more than the ordinary dose of the original fluid to
become an able writer.

In the third year of Yuan-ho,[60] Wang Ch ung emigrated to Tan-yang,[61]
Chiu-chiang,[62] and Lu-chiang[63] in the province of Yang-chou,[64] and
was appointed sub-prefect. His abilities were small, and his office


82

was important. His chief duties were in connection with official
correspondence. All plans of writing anything he had given up
for many years. In the second year of Chang-ho,[65] his business in
the province ceased. He lived at home, and gradually advanced
in age, till he reached about seventy years. Then he gave up his
official carriage, and his official career was definitely closed. He
could not help it. He had many annoyances, and his body felt
the infirmities of age. His hair grew white, his teeth fell out, he
became older from day to day, and his comrades dispersed. He
had nothing to rely upon, was too poor to nurse himself, and had
no joy left. But time went slowly on, the kêng and hsing years[66]
came to an end, but though he was afraid that his death was
near at hand, he was still full of silly ideas. Then he wrote a
book on Macrobiotics[67] in sixteen chapters.

To keep himself alive, he cherished the vital fluid. As a
stimulant for the appetite he used wine. Closing eyes and ears
against external influences, he spared his energy as a means of self-protection.
Using medicines he kept up his forces, and by following
this method he hoped to prolong his days. For a while he did
not age, but when it. was too late, there was no return.

This book was left as a guide to posterity. But the duration
of human life is limited. Men like animals live for a while and
die. We can only remember the years gone by, who can order
them to stand still? We must go down to the yellow sources, and
become earth and ashes. From Huang Ti and T`ang down to the
Ch`in and Han many have been guided by the holy doctrine and
have found the truth by their genius, just like a scales and bright
like a mirror, yet young and old they have lived and died, of old
and now all have been included. Life cannot be prolonged, alas!

 
[1]

In Shao-hsing-fu (Chekiang).

[2]

Under the Han dynasty K`uei-chi comprises Chekiang, the South of Anhui,
and the North of Fukien.

[3]

In Ta-ming-fu (Chili).

[4]

A circuit comprising parts of Chili and Honan.

[5]

In the Hang-chou prefecture of Chekiang.

[6]

27 a.d.

[7]

A prefecture or a circuit—of which there were 36 during the Han epoch—
was devided into 5 regions:—the centre and four quarters. Each region was superintended
by a chief secretary of the prefect, who had the jurisdiction over his region.

[8]

A disciple of Confucius, whom the master esteemed very much.

[9]

Shih Tse Yü = Shih Yü, a high officer in Wei. When Duke Ling of Wei
(533-492) did not employ Chü Po Yü, Shih Tse Yü remonstrated with the duke,
but in vain. Soon afterwards he fell sick. Feeling his end coming, he told his son
to place his corpse under the window, without performing the usual funeral rites,
because he did not deserve them, not having been able to convince the duke of
what was right. When the duke paid his condolence, the son informed him of
what his father had said. The duke repented, and then appointed Chü Po Yü.
When Confucius heard of this, he exclaimed:—"How upright was Shih Tse Yü,
who still as a corpse admonished his sovereign." Chü Po Yü was of a different
turn of mind. Confucius said of him that, when bad government prevailed, he could
roll his principles up, and keep them in his breast. (Analects XV, 6.)

[10]

One chung = 4 pecks.

[11]

Tsou Yang lived under the reign of Ching Ti (156-141 b.c.). At the court
of King Hsiao of Liang he was denounced by Yang Shêng and others, and thrown
into prison, but by a memorial, which from his confinement he sent to the king, he
obtained his release, and was re-instated into all his honours.

[12]

It is not certain where this Mount Li was situated. Various places are
assigned to it.

[13]

Chi su chieh yi.

[14]

Parts of the Shu-king.

[15]

The minor odes of the Shi-king.

[16]

A politician of the 4th cent. b.c. (Cf. Chap. XXXVII.)

[17]

Vid. p. 171, Note 2.

[18]

Duke Hsiao of Ch`in, 361-337 b.c.

[19]

This adventure is related by Huai Nan Tse (quoted in the Pei-wên-yün-fu)
likewise, who adds that the horse of Confucius was retained by the peasants, because
it had eaten their corn.

[20]

A minister of Shun.

[21]

Yi Ti, the inventor of wine, who presented the first cup to Great Yü.

[22]

Yi Ya, the famous cook of Duke Huan of Ch`i, 7th cent. b.c. (Cf. Mencius,
Bk. VI, Pt. I, chap. 7, Legge Vol. II, p. 281.)

[23]

The matron-saint of a village.

[24]

An old State in Anhui.

[25]

Chêng-wu.

[26]

The Golden Age.

[27]

According to the Shi-chi chap. 63 p. 11v (Biography of Han Fei Tse) the
emperor said:—"Alas! If I could see this man, I would be willing to live and
die with him!"

[28]

Han Fei Tse was sent as envoy from his native State (Han) to Ch`in Shih
Huang Ti,
who first appreciated him very much and wished to appoint him to some
high post. By the intrigues of Li Sse, however, he was induced to imprison him,
and to condemn him to death. The emperor afterwards repented, and cancelled the
death warrant, but is was too late, for meanwhile Han Fei Tse had taken poison.
(Cf. p. 170.)

[29]

Cf. Chap. XXXII.

[30]

The philosopher Kuan Chung.

[31]

In Chêng licentious music, but not the serious songs of the Book of Odes
were appreciated.

[32]

The five leaders of the empire, the most powerful princes during the
7th cent. b.c. to wit:—Duke Huan of Ch`i, Duke Wên of Chin, Duke Hsiang of Sung,
Duke Chuang of Ch`u, and Duke Mu of Ch`in. They were more bent on conquest than
interested in the moral laws expounded in the Canons of Yao and Shun in the Shu-king.

[33]

The chiefs of two noble families in Lu, contemporaries of Confucius.

[34]

Vid. p. 69.

[35]

Cf. p. 89.

[36]

Duke Wên placed the tablet of his deceased father above that of his uncle
in the ancestral temple. The latter, Duke Min, was a younger brother of Duke
Hsi, but he preceded in reign. For more details vid. Tso-chuan, Duke Wên 2nd year.

[37]

The music-master of the Duke of Chin (cf. Chap. XVII).

[38]

Lü Pu Wei, the author of the Lü Shih ch`un-ch`iu.

[39]

It is related of Lü Pu Wei that he placed a copy of his work in the market
place and offered a reward of a thousand chin to any one who could alter one
character in it. The same is not known of Huai Nan Tse.

[40]

Both were princes.

[41]

Vid. p. 88.

[42]

Like Yao (cf. Chap. XXIV).

[43]

As Shun had (loc. cit.).

[44]

T`ai Kung Wang is the full appellative of Wên Wang's minister, usually
called T`ai Kung, on whom cf. Chap. XXXIX.

[45]

Cf. p. 39 and Chap. XXXVII.

[46]

When forced to leave Ch`i. (Vid. Mencius Bk. V, Pt. II, chap. I, 4, Legge
Vol. II, p. 247.)

[47]

Cf. Chap. XL.

[48]

Hsien = Yuan Sse, a disciple of Confucius, noted for his contempt of wordly
advantages. Made governor of a town, he declined his official allowance (Analects VI, 3)
Chuang Tse makes him live in a mud hut. He contrasts him with T`se, another
follower of Confucius, who came driving up to his door in a fine chariot and in a
white robe lined with purple.

[49]

T`se = Tuan Mu Ts`e or Tse Kung, a disciple of Confucius, who became a
high official, and very wealthy (vid. Chap. XXXI and XXXIII). He was a swell,
just the reverse of Hsien.

[50]

The Chinese are in awe of, but do not like wonders, miracles, monsters,
in short all that is against the regular course of nature. So they are prejudiced
against Wang Ch`ung, because he is a homo novus. Not being a descendant from
a literary or a noble family, he should not attempt to rise above the average of
his fellow-citizens.

[51]

The source of the Fêng, an affluent of the Wei in Shensi is well known.
I presume that for "Fêng river" [OMITTED] we ought to read "Wine Spring" [OMITTED].
The phonetic element for Fêng and Li "Wine" is very similar, and the Wine Springs
are often mentioned as auspicious omens in connection with phœnixes, unicorns, and
auspicious grain.

[52]

Minister of T`ang, the founder of the Shang dynasty.

[53]

Cf. p. 78.

[54]

Yü's father.

[55]

Ku Sou, Shun's father.

[56]

A disciple of Confucius, who suffered from leprosy (cf. Chap. XXXIII).

[57]

Another disciple of Confucius, a relation of Po Niu, both belonging to
the Jan clan.

[58]

Yen Hui's father.

[59]

Cf. p. 39 and Chap. XXXVII.

[60]

86 a.d.

[61]

Under the Han a circuit comprising parts of Kiangsu and Anhui.

[62]

A circuit in Anhui.

[63]

Another circuit in Anhui.

[64]

A very large province under the Han dynasty, comprising nearly the whole
territory of the modern provinces of Kiangsu, Anhui, Kiangsi, Fukien, and Chekiang.

[65]

88 a.d.

[66]

The cyclical years kêng-yin: 90 a.d. and hsing-mao: 91 a.d.

[67]

Yang hsing shu.