University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER LIX.

December 1st.—A mixed party of American officers and
English went to-day to the post at Great Falls, about sixteen
or seventeen miles up the Potomac, and were well repaid by
the charming scenery, and by a visit to an American military
station in a state of nature. The captain in command told us
over a drink that he was under arrest because he had refused
to do duty as lieutenant of the guard, he being a captain.
"But I have written to McClellan about it," said he, "and
I'm d—d if I stay under arrest more than three days longer."
He was not aware that the General's brother, who is a captain
on his staff, was sitting beside him at the time. This worthy
centurion further informed us he had shot a man dead a short
time before for disobeying his orders. "That he did," said
his sympathizing and enthusiastic orderly, "and there's the
weapon that done it." The captain was a boot and shoe
maker by trade, and had travelled across the isthmus before
the railway was made to get orders for his boots. A hard,
determined, fierce "sutor," as near a savage as might be.

"And what will you do, captain," asked I, "if they keep
you in arrest?"

"Fight for it, sir. I'll go straight away into Pennsylvania
with my company, and we'll whip any two companies they can
send to stop us."

Mr. Sumner paid me a visit on my return from our excursion,

and seems to think everything is in the best possible
state.

December 2d.—Congress opened to-day. The Senate did
nothing. In the House of Representatives some Buncombe
resolutions were passed about Captain Wilkes, who has become
a hero—"a great interpreter of international law," and also
recommending that Messrs. Mason and Slidell be confined in
felons' cells, in retaliation for Colonel Corcoran's treatment by
the Confederates. M. Blondel, the Belgian minister, who was
at the court of Greece during the Russian war, told me that
when the French and English fleets lay in the Piræus, a
United States vessel, commanded, he thinks, by Captain
Stringham, publicly received M. Persani, the Russian ambassador,
on board, hoisted and saluted the Russian flag in the
harbor, whereupon the French Admiral, Barbier de Tinan,
proposed to the English Admiral to go on board the United
States vessel and seize the Ambassador, which the British
officer refused to do.

December 3d.—Drove down to the Capitol, and was introduced
to the floor of the Senate by Senator Wilson, and arrived
just as Mr. Forney commenced reading the President's
message, which was listened to with considerable interest.
At dinner, Colonel D'Utassy, of the Garibaldi legion, who
gives a curious account of his career. A Hungarian by birth,
he went over from the Austrian service, and served under
Bem; was wounded and taken prisoner at Temesvar, and
escaped from Spielberg, through the kindness of Count Bennigsen,
making his way to Semlin, in the disguise of a servant,
where Mr. Fonblanque, the British consul, protected him.
Thence he went to Kossuth at Shumla, finally proceeded to
Constantinople where he was engaged to instruct the Turkish
cavalry; turned up in the Ionian Islands, where he was engaged
by the late Sir H. Ward, as a sort of secretary and
interpreter, in which capacity he also served Sir G. LeMarchant.
In the United States he was earning his livelihood as
a fencing, dancing, and language master; and when the war
broke out he exerted himself to raise a regiment, and succeded
in completing his number in seventeen days, being all the time
obliged to support himself by his lessons. I tell his tale as he
told it to me.

One of our friends, of a sporting turn, dropped in to-night,
followed by a gentleman dressed in immaculate black, and of
staid deportment, whose name I did not exactly catch, but

fancied it was that of a senator of some reputation. As the
stranger sat next me, and was rubbing his knees nervously, I
thought I would commence conversation.

"It appears, sir, that affairs in the south-west are not so
promising. May I ask you what is your opinion of the present
prospects of the Federals in Missouri?"

I was somewhat disconcerted by his reply, for rubbing his
knees harder than ever, and imprecating his organs of vision
in a very sanguinary manner, he said—

"Well, d—if I know what to think of them. They're
a d—rum lot, and they're going on in a d—rum way.
That's what I think."

The supposed legislator, in fact, was distinguished in another
arena, and was no other than a celebrated pugilist,
who served his apprenticeship in the English ring, and has since
graduated in honors in America.

I dined with Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, where I met
Mr. Forney, Secretary of the Senate, Mr. House, Mr. Wilkeson,
and others, and was exceedingly interested by the shrewd
conversation and candid manner of our host. He told me he
once worked as a printer in the city of Washington, at ten
dollars a week, and twenty cents an hour for extra work at
the cases on Sunday. Since that time he has worked onwards
and upwards, and amassed a large fortune by contracts for
railways and similar great undertakings. He says the press
rules America, and that no one can face it and live; which is
about the worst account of the chances of an honest longevity I
can well conceive. His memory is exact, and his anecdotes,
albeit he has never seen any but Americans, or stirred out of
the States, very agreeable. Once there lived at Washington
a publican's daughter, named Mary O'Neil, beautiful, bold, and
witty. She captivated a member of congress, who failed to
make her less than his wife; and by degrees Mrs. Eaton—
who may now be seen in the streets of Washington, an old
woman, still bright-eyed and, alas! bright-cheeked, retaining
traces of her great beauty—became a leading personage in
the State, and ruled the imperious, rugged old Andrew
Jackson so completely, that he broke up his Cabinet and dismissed
his ministers on her account. In the days of her
power she had done some trifling service to Mr. Cameron,
and he has just repaired it by conferring some military appointment
on her grandchild.

The dinner which was preceded by deputations, was finished

by one which came from the Far West, and was introduced
by Mr. Hannibal Hamlin, the Vice-President; Mr. Owen
Lovejoy, Mr. Bingham, and other ultra-Abolitionist members
of Congress; and then speeches were made, and healths were
drunk, and toasts were pledged, till it was time for me to drive
to a ball given by the officers of the 5th United States
Cavalry, which was exceedingly pretty, and admirably arranged
in wooden huts, specially erected and decorated for
the occasion. A huge bonfire in the centre of the camp, surrounded
by soldiers, by the carriage drivers, and by negro
servants, afforded the most striking play of color and variety
of light and shade I ever beheld.

December 4th.—To Arlington, where Senator Ira Harris
presented flags—that is, standards—to a cavalry regiment
called after his name; the President, Mrs. Lincoln, ministers,
generals, and a large gathering present. Mr. Harris made a
very long and a very fierce speech; it could not be said Ira
furor brevis est; and Colonel Davis, in taking the standard,
was earnest and lengthy in reply. Then a barrister presented
color No. 2 in a speech full of poetical quotations,
to which Major Kilpatrick made an excellent answer. Though
it was strange enough to hear a political disquisition on the
causes of the rebellion from a soldier in full uniform, the proceedings
were highly theatrical and very effective. "Take,
then, this flag," &c.—"Defend it with your," &c—"Yes, sir,
we will guard this sacred emblem with—," &c. The regiment
then went through some evolutions, which were brought
to an untimely end by a feu du joie from the infantry in the
rear, which instantly broke up the squadrons, and sent them
kicking, plunging, and falling over the field, to the great
amusement of the crowd.

Dined with Lord Lyons, where was Mr. Galt, Financial
Minister of Canada; Mr. Stewart, who has arrived to replace
Mr. Irvine, and others. In our rooms, a grand financial discussion
took place in honor of Mr. Galt, between Mr. Butler
Duncan and others, the former maintaining that a general issue
of national paper was inevitable. A very clever American
maintained that the North will be split into two great parties
by the result of the victory which they are certain to gain over
the South—that the Democrats will offer the South concessions
more liberal than they could ever dream of, and that
both will unite against the Abolitionists and Black Republicans.

December 6th.—Mr. Riggs says the paper currency scheme
will produce money, and make every man richer. He is a
banker, and ought to know; but to my ignorant eye it seems
likely to prove most destructive, and I confess, that whatever
be the result of this war, I have uo desire for the ruin of so
many happy communities as have sprung up in the United
States. Had it been possible for human beings to employ
popular institutions without intrigue and miserable self-seeking,
and to be superior to faction and party passion, the condition
of parts of the United States must cause regret that an exemption
from the usual laws which regulate human nature was not
made in America; but the strength of the United States—
directed by violent passions, by party interest, and by selfish
intrigues—was becoming dangerous to the peace of other
nations, and therefore there is an utter want of sympathy with
them in their time of trouble.

I dined with Mr. Galt, at Willard's where we had a very
pleasant party, in spite of financial dangers.

December 7th.—A visit to the Garibaldi Guard with some
of the Englishry, and an excellent dinner at the mess, which
presented a curious scene, and was graced by sketches from a
wonderful polyglot chaplain. What a company!—the officers
present were composed as follows:—Five Spaniards,
six Poles and Hungarians, two Frenchmen—the most soldierly-looking
men at table—one American, four Italians,
and nine Teutons of various States in Germany.

December 8th.—A certain excellent Colonel who commands
a French regiment visited us to-day. When he came
to Washington, one of the Foreign Ministers who had been
well acquainted with him said, "My dear Colonel, what a pity
we can be no longer friends." "Why so, Baron?" "Ah,
we can never dine together again." "Why not? Do you forbid
me your table?" "No, Colonel, but how can I invite a
man who can command the services of at least 200 cooks in
his own regiment?" "Well then, Baron, you can come and
dine with me." What! how do you think I could show myself
in your camp—how could I get my hair dressed to sit at
the table of a man who commands 300 coiffeurs? I rode out
to overtake a party who had started in carriages for Mount
Vernon to visit Washington's tomb but missed them in the
wonderfully wooded country which borders the Potomac,
and returned alone.

December 9th. Spent the day over Mr. Chase's report, a

copy of which he was good enough to send me with a kind
note, and went out in the evening with my head in a state of
wild financial confusion, and a general impression that the
financial system of England is very unsound.

December 10th.—Paid a visit to Colonel Seaton, of the
"National Intelligencer," a man deservedly respected and esteemed
for his private character, which has given its impress
to the journal he has so long conducted. The New
York papers ridicule the Washington organ, because it does
not spread false reports daily in the form of telegraphic "sensation"
news, and indeed one may be pretty sure that a fact
is a fact when it is found in the "Intelligencer;" but the man,
nevertheless, who is content with the information he gets from
it, will have no reason to regret, in the accuracy of his knowledge
or the soundness of his views, that he has not gone to
its noisy and mendacious rivals. In the minds of all the
very old men in the States, there is a feeling of great sadness
and despondency respecting the present troubles, and though
they cling to the idea of a restoration of the glorious Union
of their youth, it is hoping against hope. "Our game is played
out. It was the most wonderful and magnificent career of
success the world ever saw, but rogues and gamblers took up
the cards at last; they quarrelled, and are found out."

In the evening, supped at Mr. Forney's, where there was
a very large gathering of gentlemen connected with the press;
Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War; Colonel Mulligan, a tall
young man, with dark hair falling on his shoulders, round a
Celtic impulsive face, and a hazy enthusiastic-looking eye;
and other celebrities. Terrapin soup and canvas-backs,
speeches, orations, music, and song, carried the company onwards
among the small hours.

December 11th.—The unanimity of the people in the South
is forced on the conviction of the statesmen and people of the
North, by the very success of their expeditions in Secession.
They find the planters at Beaufort and elsewhere burning
their cotton and crops, villages and towns deserted at their
approach, hatred la every eye, and curses on women's tongues.
They meet this by a corresponding change in their own programme.
The war which was made to develop and maintain
Union sentiment in the South, and to enable the people to
rise against a desperate faction which had enthralled them, is
now to be made a crusade against slaveholders, and a war of
subjugation—if need be, of extermination—against the whole

of the Southern States. The Democrats will, of course, resist
this barbarous and hopeless policy. There is a deputation of
Irish Democrats here now to effect a general exchange of
prisoners, which is an operation calculated to give a legitimate
character to the war, and is pro tanto a recognition of
the Confederacy as a belligerent power.

December 12th.—The navy are writhing under the disgrace
of the Potomac blockade, and deny it exists. the
price of articles in Washington which used to come by the
river affords disagreeable proof to the contrary. And yet
there is not a true Yankee in Pennsylvania Avenue who does
not believe, what he reads every day, that his glorious navy
could sweep the fleets of France and England off the seas tomorrow,
though the Potomac be closed, and the Confederate
batteries throw their shot and shell into the Federal camps on
the other side. I dined with General Butterfield, whose camp
is pitched in Virginia, on a knoll and ridge fiom which a
splendid view can be had over the wooded vales and hills extending
from Alexandria towards Manassas, whitened with
Federal tents and huts. General Fitz-John Porter and
General McDowell were among the officers present.

December 12th.—A big-bearded, spectacled, mustached,
spurred, and booted officer threw himself on my bed this
morning ere I was awake. "Russell, my dear friend, here
you are at last; what ages have passed since we met!" I
sat up and gazed at my friend. "Bohlen! don't you remember
Bohlen, and our rides in Turkey, our visit to Shumla and
Pravady, and all the rest of it?" Of course I did. I remembered
an enthusiastic soldier, with a fine guttural voice,
and a splendid war-saddle and saddle-cloth, and brass stirrups
and holsters, worked with eagles all over, and a uniform coat
and cap with more eagles flying amidst laurel leaves and
U. S.'s in gold, who came out to see the fighting in the East,
and made up his mind that there would be none, when he
arrived at Varna, and so started off incontinent up the Danube,
and returned to the Crimea when it was too late; and a
very good, kindly, warm-hearted fellow was the Dutch-American,
who—once more in his war paint, this time acting Brigadier-General[1]
—renewed the memories of some pleasant
days far away; and our talk was of canvasses and khans, and

tchibouques, and pashas, till his time was up to return to his
fighting Germans of Blenker's division.

He was not the good-natured officer who said the other day,
"The next day you come down, sir, if my regiment happens
to be on picket duty, we'll have a little skirmish with the
enemy, just to show you how our fellows are improved."
"Perhaps you might bring on a general action, Colonel."
"Well, sir, we're not afraid of that, either! Let 'em come
on." It did so happen that some young friends of mine, of
H. M.'s 30th, who had come down from Canada to see the
army here, went out a day or two ago with an officer on General
Smith's staff, formerly in our army, who yet suffers from
a wound received at the Alma, to have a look at the enemy
with a detachment of men. The enemy came to have a look
at them, whereby it happened that shots were exchanged, and
the bold Britons had to ride back as hard as they could, for
their men skedaddled, and the Secession cavalry slipping after
them, had a very pretty chase for some miles; so the 30th
men saw more than they bargained for.

Dined at Baron Gerolt's, where I had the pleasure of meeting
Judge Daly, who is perfectly satisfied the English lawyers
have not a leg to stand upon in the Trent case. On the faith
of old and very doubtful, and some purely supposititious, cases,
the American lawyers have made up their minds that the seizure
of the "rebel" ambassadors was perfectly legitimate and
normal. The Judge expressed his belief that if there was a
rebellion in Ireland, and that Messrs. Smith O'Brien and
O'Gorman ran the blockade to France, and were going on
their passage from Havre to New York in a United States
steamer, they would be seized by the first British vessel that
knew the fact. "Granted; and what would the United
States do?" "I am afraid we should be obliged to demand
that they be given up; and if you were strong enough at the
time, I dare say you would fight sooner than do so." Mr.
Sumner, with whom I had some conversation this afternoon,
affects to consider the question eminently suitable for reference
and arbitration.

In spite of drills and parades, McClellan has not got an
army yet. A good officer, who served as brigade-major in
our service, told me the men were little short of mutinous,
with all their fine talk, though they could fight well. Sometimes
they refuse to mount guard, or to go on duty not to their
tastes; officers refuse to serve under others to whom they have

a dislike; men offer similar personal objections to officers.
McClellan is enforcing discipline, and really intends to execute
a most villanous deserter this time.

December 15th.—The first echo of the San Jacinto's guns
in England reverberated to the United States, and produced
a profound sensation. The people had made up their minds
John Bull would acquiesce in the seizure, and not say a word
about it; or they affected to think so; and the cry of anger
which has resounded through the land, and the unmistakable
tone of the British press, at once surprise and irritate and
disappoint them. The American journals, nevertheless pretend
to think it is a mere vulgar excitement, and that the press
is "only indulging in its habitual bluster."

December 16th.—I met Mr. Seward at a ball and cotillon
party, given by M. de Lisboa; and as he was ia very good
humor, and was inclined to talk, he pointed out to the Prince
of Joinville, and all who were inclined to listen, and myself,
how terrible the effects of a war would be if Great Britain
forced it on the United States. "We will wrap the whole
world in flames!" he exclaimed. "No power so remote that
she will not feel the fire of our battle and be burned by our
conflagation." It is inferred that Mr. Seward means to show
fight. One of the guests, however, said to me, "That's all
bugaboo talk. When Seward talks that way he means to
break down. He is most dangerous and obstinate when he
pretends to agree a good deal with you." The young French
Princes, and the young and pretty Brazilian and American
ladies, danced and were happy, notwithstanding the storms
without.

Next day I dined at Mr. Seward's, as the Minister had
given carte blanche to a very lively and agreeable lady, who
has to lament over an absent husband in this terrible war, to
ask two gentlemen to dine with him, and she had been pleased
to select myself and M. de Geoffroy, Secretary of the French
Legation, as her thick and her thin umbrœ; and the company
went off in the evening to the White House, where there was a
reception, whereat I imagined I might be de trop, and so home.

Mr. Seward was in the best spirits, and told one or two
rather long, but very pleasant, stories. Now it is evident he
must by this time know Great Britain has resolved on the
course to be pursued, and his good humor, contrasted with the
irritation he displayed in May and June, is not intelligible.

The Russian Minister, at whose house I dined next day, is

better able than any man to appreciate the use made of the
Czar's professions of regret for the evils which distract the
States by the Americans; but it is the fashion to approve of
everything that France does, and to assume a violent affection
for Russia. The Americans are irritated by war preparations
on the part of England, in case the Government of Washington
do not accede to their demands; and, at the same time, much
annoyed that all European nations join in an outcry against
the famous project of destroying the Southern harbors by the
means of the stone fleet.

December 20th.—I went down to the Senate, as it was expected
at the Legation and elsewhere the President would
send a special message to the Senate on the Trent affair; but
instead, there was merely a long speech from a senator, to
show the South did not like democratic institutions. Lord
Lyons called on Mr. Seward yesterday to read Lord Russell's
despatch to him, and to give time for a reply; but Mr. Seward
was out, and Mr. Sumner told me the Minister was down with
the Committee of Foreign Relations, where there is a serious
business in reference to the State of Mexico and certain European
Powers under discussion, when the British Minister went
to the State Department.

Next day Lord Lyons had two interviews with Mr. Seward,
read the despatch, which simply asks for surrender of Mason
and Slidell and reparation, without any specific act named, but
he received no indication from Mr. Seward of the course he
would pursue. Mr. Lincoln has "put down his foot" on no
surrender. "Sir!" exclaimed the President, to an old Treasury
official the other day, "I would sooner die than give them
up." "Mr. President," was the reply, "your death would be a
great loss, but the destruction of the United States would be a
still more deplorable event."

Mr. Seward will, however, control the situation, as the Cabinet
will very probably support his views; and Americans will
comfort themselves, in case the captives are surrendered, with
a promise of future revenge, and with the reflection that they
have avoided a very disagreeable intervention between their
march of conquest and the Southern Confederacy. The general
belief of the diplomatists is, that the prisoners will not be
given up, and in that case Lord Lyons and the Legation will
retire from Washington for the time, probably to Halifax,
leaving Mr. Monson to wind up affairs and clear out the archives.
But it is understood that there is no ultimatum,

and that Lord Lyons is not to indicate any coarse of action,
should Mr. Seward inform him the United States Government
refuses to comply with the demands of Great Britain.

Any humiliation which may be attached to concession will
be caused by the language of the Americans themselves, who
have given in their press, in public meetings, in the Lower
House, in the Cabinet, and in the conduct of the President, a
complete ratification of the act of Captain Wilkes, not to
speak of the opinions of the Lawyers, and the speeches of
their orators, who declare "they will face any alternative, but
that they will never surrender." The friendly relations which
existed between ourselves and many excellent Americans are
now rendered somewhat constrained by the prospect of a great
national difference.

December (Sunday) 22d.—Lord Lyons saw Mr. Seward
again, but it does not appear that any answer can be expected
before Wednesday. All kinds of rumors circulate through
the city, and are repeated in an authoritative manner in the
New York papers.

December 23d.—There was a tremendous storm, which
drove over the city and shook the houses to the foundation.
Constant interviews took place between the President and
members of the Cabinet, and so certain are the people that
war is inevitable, that an officer connected with the executive
of the Navy Department came in to tell me General Scott
was coming over from Europe to conduct the Canadian campaign,
as he had thoroughly studied the geography of the
country, and that in a very short time he would be in possession
of every strategetic position on the frontier, and chaw up
our reinforcements. Late in the evening, Mr. Olmsted called
to say he had been credibly informed Lord Lyons had quarrelled
violently with Mr. Seward, had flown into a great passion
with him, and so departed. The idea of Lord Lyons being
quarrelsome, passionate, or violent, was preposterous enough to
those who knew him; but the American papers, by repeated
statements of the sort, have succeeded in persuading their
public that the British Minister is a plethoric, red-faced, large-stomached
man in top-boots, knee-breeches, yellow waistcoat,
blue cut-away, brass buttons, and broad-brimmed hat, who is
continually walking to the State Department in company with
a large bulldog, hurling defiance at Mr. Seward at one moment,
and the next rushing home to receive despatches from
Mr. Jefferson Davis, or to give secret instructions to the British

Consuls to run cargoes of quinine and gunpowder through
the Federal blockade. I was enabled to assure Mr. Olmsted
that there was not the smallest foundation for the story; but
he seemed impressed with a sense of some great calamity,
and told me there was a general belief that England only
wanted a pretext for a quarrel with the United States; nor
could I comfort him by the assurance that there were good
reasons for thinking General Scott would very soon annex
Canada, in case of war.