University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER LV.

August 31st.—month during which I have been exposed
to more calumny, falsehood, not to speak of danger, than I
ever passed through, has been brought to a close. I have all
the pains and penalties attached to the digito monstrari et
dicier hic est, in the most hostile sense. On going into Willard's
the other day, I said to the clerk behind the bar, "Why
I heard, Mr. So-and-so, you were gone?" "Well, sir, I'm
not. If I was, you would have lost the last man who is ready
to say a word for you in this house, I can tell you." Scowling
faces on every side—women turning up their pretty little
noses—people turning round in the streets, or stopping to
stare in front of me—the proprietors of the shops where I am
known pointing me out to others; the words uttered, in various
tones, "So, that's Bull-Run Russell!"—for, oddly enough,
the Americans seem to think that a disgrace to their arms becomes
diminished by fixing the name of the scene as a sobriquet
on one who described it—these, with caricatures, endless
falsehoods, rumors of duels, and the like, form some of the
little désagrémens of one who was so unfortunate as to assist
at the retreat, the first he had ever seen, of an army which it
would in all respects have suited him much better to have
seen victorious.

I dined with Lieutenant Wise, and met Captain Dahlgren,
Captain Davis, U. S. N., Captain Foote, U. S. N., and Colonel
Fletcher Webster,[1] son of the great American statesman, now
commanding a regiment of volunteers. The latter has a fine

head and face; a full, deep eye; is quaint and dry in his conversation,
and a poet, I should think, in heart and soul, if outward
and visible signs may be relied on. The naval captains
were excellent specimens of the accomplished and able men
who belong to the United States Navy. Foote, who is designated
to the command of the flotilla which is to clear the Mississippi
downwards, will, I am certain, do good service—a
calm, energetic, skilful officer. Dahlgren, who, like all men
with a system, very properly watches everything which bears
upon it, took occasion to call for Captain Foote's testimony to
the fact, that he battered down a six-foot granite wall in China
with Dahlgren shells. It will run hard against the Confederates
when they get such men at work on the rivers and coasts,
for they seem to understand their business thoroughly, and all
they are not quite sure of is the readiness of the land forces
to coöperate with their expeditionary movements. Incidentally
I learned from the conversation—and it is a curious
illustration of the power of the President—that it was he
who ordered the attack on Charleston harbor, or, to speak
with more accuracy, the movement of the armed squadron to
relieve Sumter by force, if necessary; and that he came to
the conclusion it was feasible principally from reading the account
of the attack on Kinburn by the allied fleets. There
was certainly an immense disproportion between the relative
means of attack and defence in the two cases; but, at all
events, the action of the Confederates prevented the attempt.

September 1st.—Took a ride early this morning over the
Long Bridge. As 1 was passing out of the earthwork called
a fort on the hill, a dirty German soldier called out from the
parapet, "Pull-Run Russell! you shall never write Pull's Runs
again," and at the same time cocked his piece and levelled it
at me, I immediately rode round, into the fort, the fellow still
presenting his firelock, and asked him what he meant, at the
same time calling for the sergeant of the guard, who came at
once, and, at my request, arrested the man, who recovered
arms, and said, "It was a choake—I vant to freeken Pull-Run
Russell." However, as his rifle was capped and loaded,
and on full cock, with his finger on the trigger, I did not quite
see the fun of it, and I accordingly had the man marched to
the tent of the officer, who promised to investigate the case,
and make a formal report of it to the brigadier, on my return
to lay the circumstances before him. On reflection I resolved
that it was best to let the matter drop; the joke might spread,

and it was quite unpleasant enough as it was to bear the insolent
looks and scowling faces of the guards at the posts, to
whom I was obliged to exhibit my pass whenever I went out
to ride.

On my return I heard of the complete success of the Hatteras
expedition, which shelled out and destroyed some sand
batteries guarding the entrance to the great inland sea and
navigation called Pamlico Sound, in North Carolina, furnishing
access to coasters for many miles into the Confederate
States, and most useful to them in forwarding supplies and
keeping up communications throughout. The force was commanded
by General Butler, who has come to Washington with
the news, and has already made his speech to the mob outside
Willard's. I called down to see him, but he had gone over to
call on the President. The people were jubilant, and one
might have supposed Hatteras was the key to Richmond or
Charleston, from the way they spoke of this unparalleled exploit.

There is a little French gentleman here against whom the
fates bear heavily. I have given him employment as an
amanuensis and secretary for some time back, and he tells me
many things concerning the talk in the city which I do not
hear myself, from which it would seem that there is an increase
of ill-feeling towards me every day, and that I am a
convenient channel for concentrating all the abuse and hatred
so long cherished against England. I was a little tickled by
an account he gave me of a distinguished lady, who sent for
him to give French lessons, in order that she might become
equal to her high position in mastering the difficulties of the
courtly tongue. I may mention the fact, as it was radiated by
the press through all the land, that Mrs. M. N., having once
on a time "been proficient in the language, has forgotten it in
the lapse of years, but has resolved to renew her studies, that
she may better discharge the duties of her elevated station."
The master went to the house and stated his terms to a lady
whom he saw there; but as she marchandéd a good deal
over small matters of cents, he never supposed he was dealing
with the great lady, and therefore made a small reduction
in his terms, which encouraged the enemy to renew the assault
till he stood firmly on three shillings a lesson, at which point
the lady left him, with the intimation that she would consider
the matter and let him know. And now, the licentiate tells
me, it has become known he is my private secretary, he is not

considered eligible to do avoir and etre for the satisfaction of
the good lady, who really is far better than her friends describe
her to be.

September 2d.—It would seem as if the North were perfectly
destitute of common sense. Here they are as rampant
because they have succeeded with an overwhelming fleet in
shelling out the defenders of some poor unfinished earthworks,
on a spit of sand on the coast of North Carolina, as if they
had already crushed the Southern rebellion. They affect to
consider this achievement a counterpoise to Bull Run.

Surely the press cannot represent the feelings of the staid
and thinking masses of the Northern States! The success is
unquestionably useful to the Federalists, but it no more adds
to their chances of crushing the Confederacy, than shooting
off the end of an elephant's tail contributes to the hunter's
capture of the animal.

An officious little person, who was buzzing about here as
correspondent of a London newspaper, made himself agreeable
by coming with a caricature of my humble self at the
battle of Bull Run, in a laborious and most unsuccessful imitation
of "Punch," in which I am represented with rather a
flattering face and figure, seated before a huge telescope, surrounded
by bottles of London stout, and looking at the fight.
This is supposed to be very humorous and amusing, and my
good-natured friend was rather astonished when I cut it out
and inserted it carefully in a scrap-book, opposite a sketch
from fancy of the New York Fire Zouaves charging a battery
and routing a regiment of cavalry, which appeared last week
in a much more imaginative and amusing periodical, which
aspires to describe with pen and pencil the actual current
events of the war.

Going out for my usual ride to-day, I saw General Scott,
between two aide-de-camps, slowly pacing homewards from
the War Office. He is still Commander-in-Chief of the army,
and affects to direct movements and to control the disposition
of the troops, but a power greater than his increases steadily
at General McClellan's head-quarters. For my own part I
confess that General McClellan does not appear to me a man
of action, or, at least, a man who intends to act as speedily as
the crisis demands. He should be out with his army across
the Potomac, living among his generals, studying the composition
of his army, investigating its defects, and, above all,
showing himself to the men as soon afterwards as possible, if

he cannot be with them at the time, in the small affairs which
constantly occur along the front, and never permitting them to
receive a blow without taking care that they give at least two
in return. General Scott jam fracta membra labore, would
do all the work of departments and superintendence admirably
well; but, as Montesquieu taught long ago, faction and
intrigue are the cancers which peculiarly eat into the body
politic of republics, and McClellan fears, no doubt, that his
absence from the capital, even though he went but across the
river, would animate his enemies to undermine and supplant
him.

I have heard several people say lately, "I wish old Scott
would go away," by which they mean that they would be
happy to strike him down when his back was turned, but
feared his personal influence with the President and his Cabinet.
Two months ago and his was the most honored name in
the States: one was sickened by the constant repetition of
elaborate plans, in which the General was represented playing
the part of an Indian juggler, and holding an enormous boa
constrictor of a Federal army in his hands, which he was
preparing to let go as soon as he had coiled it completely
round the frightened Secessionist rabbit; "now none so poor
to do him reverence." Hard is the fate of those who serve
republics. The officers who met the old man in the street
to-day passed him by without a salute or mark of recognition,
although he wore his uniform coat, with yellow lapels and
yellow sash; and one of a group which came out of a restaurant
close to the General's house, exclaimed, almost in his
hearing, "Old fuss-and-feathers don't look first-rate to-day."

In the evening I went with a Scotch gentleman, who was
formerly acquainted with General McClellan when he was
superintendent of the Central Illinois Railway, to his headquarters,
which are in the house of Captain Wilkes at the
corner of President Square, near Mr. Seward's and not far
from the spot where General Sickles shot down the unhappy
man who had temporarily disturbed the peace of his domestic
relations. The parlors were full of officers, smoking, reading
the papers, and writing, and after a short conversation with
General Marcy, Chief of the Staff, Van Vliet, aide-de-camp
of the Commander-in-Chief, led the way up-stairs to the top
of the house, where we found General McClellan, just returned
from a long ride, and seated in his shirt-sleeves on the side of
his camp-bed. He looked better than I have yet seen him,

for his dress showed to advantage the powerful, compact formation
of his figure, massive throat, well-set head, and muscular
energy of his frame. Nothing could be more agreeable or
easy than his manner. In his clear, dark-blue eye was no
trace of uneasiness or hidden purpose; but his mouth, covered
by a short, thick mustache, rarely joins in the smile that
overspreads his face when he is animated by telling or hearing
some matter of interest. Telegraph wires ran all about
the house, and as we sat round the General's table, despatches
were repeatedly brought in from the generals in the front.
Sometimes McClellan laid down his cigar and went off to
study a large map of the position, which was fixed to the wall
close to the head of his bed; but more frequently the contents
of the despatches caused him to smile or to utter some exclamation,
which gave one an idea that he did not attach much
importance to the news, and had not great faith in the reports
received from his subordinate officers, who are always under
the impression that the enemy are coming on in force.

It is plain the General has got no high opinion of volunteer
officers and soldiers. In addition to unsteadiness in action,
which arises from want of confidence in the officers as much
as from any other cause, the men labor under the great defect
of exceeding rashness, a contempt for the most ordinary precautions
and a liability to unaccountable alarms and credulousness
of false report; but, admitting all these circumstances,
McClellan has a soldier's faith in gros bataillons, and sees no
doubt of ultimate success in a military point of view, provided
the politicians keep quiet, and, charming men as they are,
cease to meddle with things they don't understand. Although
some very good officers have deserted the United States army
and are now with the Confederates, a very considerable majority
of West Point officers have adhered to the Federals.
I am satisfied, by an actual inspection of the lists, that the
Northerners retain the same preponderance in officers who
have received a military education, as they possess in wealth
and other means, and resources for carrying on the war.

The General consumes tobacco largely, and not only smokes
cigars, but indulges in the more naked beauties of a quid. From
tobacco we wandered to the Crimea, and thence went half
round the world, till we halted before the Virginian watch fires,
which these good volunteers will insist on lighting under
the very noses of the enemy's picket; nor was it till late we
retired, leaving the General to his well-earned repose.

General McClellan took the situation of affairs in a very
easy and philosophical spirit. According to his own map and
showing, the enemy not only overlapped his lines from the
batteries by which they blockaded the Potomac on the right,
to their extreme left on the river above Washington, but have
established themselves in a kind of salient angle on his front,
at a place called Munson's Hill, where their flag waved from
intrenchments within sight of the Capitol. However, from an
observation he made, I imagined that the General would make
an effort to recover his lost ground; at any rate, beat up the
enemy's quarters, in order to see what they were doing; and
he promised to send an orderly round and let me know; so,
before I retired, I gave orders to my groom to have "Walker"
in readiness.

September 3d.—Notwithstanding the extreme heat, I went
out early this morning to the Chain Bridge, from which the
reconnoissance hinted at last night would necessarily start.
This bridge is about four and a half or five miles above Washington,
and crosses the river at a picturesque spot almost deserving
the name of a gorge, with high banks on both sides.
It is a light aerial structure, and spans the river by broad
arches, from which the view reminds one of Highland or
Tyrolean scenery. The road from the city passes through a
squalid settlement of European squatters, who in habitation,
dress, appearance, and possibly civilization, are quite as bad
as any negroes on any Southern plantation I have visited.
The camps of a division lie just beyond, and a gawky sentry
from New England, with whom I had some conversation,
amused me by saying that the Colonel "was a darned deal
more affeered of the Irish squatters taking off his poultry at
night than he was of the Secessioners; anyways, he puts out
more sentries to guard them than he has to look after the
others."

From the Chain Bridge I went some distance towards
Falls Church, until I was stopped by a picket, the officer of
which refused to recognize General Scott's pass. "I guess
the General's a dead man, sir." "Is he not Commander-in-Chief
of the United States army?" "Well, I believe that's
a fact, sir; but you had better argue that point with McClellan.
He is our boy, and I do believe he'd like to let the London
'Times' know how we Green Mountain boys can fight, if
they don't know already. But all passes are stopped anyhow,
and I had to turn back a congressman this very morning, and

lucky for him it was, because the Sechessers are just half a
mile in front of us." On my way back by the upper road I
passed a farmer's house, which was occupied by some Federal
officers, and there, seated in the veranda, with his legs cocked
over the railings, was Mr. Lincoln, in a felt hat, and a loose
gray shooting-coat and long vest, "letting off," as the papers
say, one of his jokes, to judge by his attitude and the laughter
of the officers around him, utterly indifferent to the Confederate
flag floating from Munson's Hill.

Just before midnight a considerable movement of troops
took place through the streets, and I was about starting off to
ascertain the cause, when I received information that General
McClellan was only sending off two brigades and four batteries
to the Chain Bridge to strengthen his right, which was menaced
by the enemy. I retired to bed, in order to be ready for any
battle which might take place to-morrow, but was roused up
by voices beneath my window, and going out on the veranda,
could not help chuckling at the appearance of three foreign
ministers and a banker, in the street below, who had come
round to inquire, in some perturbation, the cause of the nocturnal
movement of men and guns, and seemed little inclined
to credit my assurances that nothing more serious than a reconnoissance
was contemplated. The ministers were in high
spirits at the prospect of an attack on Washington. Such
agreeable people are the governing party of the United States
at present, that there is only one representative of a foreign
power here who would not like to see them flying before
Southern bayonets. The banker, perhaps, would have liked
a little time to set his affairs in order. "When will the sacking
begin?" cried the ministers. "We must hoist our flags."
"The Confederates respect private property, I suppose?" As
to flags, be it remarked that Lord Lyons has none to display,
having lent his to Mr. Seward, who required it for some festive
demonstration.

September 4th.—I rode over to the Chain Bridge again
with Captain Haworth this morning at seven o'clock, on the
chance of there being a big fight, as the Americans say; but
there was only some slight skirmishing going on; dropping
shots now and then. Walker, excited by the reminiscences
of Bull Run noises, performed most remarkable feats, one of
the most frequent of which was turning right round when at
full trot or canter and then kicking violently. He also galloped
in a most lively way down a road which, in winter, is

the bed of a torrent, and jumped along among the boulders
and stones in an agile, cat-like manner, to the great delectation
of my companion.

The morning was intensely hot, so I was by no means indisposed
to get back to cover again. Nothing would persuade
people there was not serious fighting somewhere or other. I
went down to the Long Bridge, and was stopped by the sentry,
so I produced General Scott's pass, which I kept always as a
dernier ressort, but the officer on duty here also refused it,
as passes were suspended. I returned and referred the matter
to Colonel Cullum who consulted General Scott, and informed
me that the pass must be considered as perfectly valid,
not having been revoked by the General, who, as Lieutenant-General
commanding the United States army, was senior to
every other officer, and could only have his pass revoked by
the President himself. Now it was quite plain that it would
do me no good to have an altercation with the sentries at
every post in order to have the satisfaction of reporting the
matter to General Scott. I, therefore, procured a letter from
Colonel Cullum stating, in writing, what he said in words, and
with that and the pass went to General McClellan's headquarters,
where I was told by his aides the General was engaged
in a kind of council of war. I sent up my papers, and
Major Hudson, of his staff, came down after a short time and
said, that "General McClellan thought it would be much better
if General Scott had given me a new special pass, but as
General Scott had thought fit to take the present course on
his own responsibility, General McClellan could not interfere
in the matter," whence it may be inferred there is no very
pleasant feeling between head-quarters of the army of the Potomac
and head-quarters of the army of the United States.

I went on to the Navy Yard, where a look-out man, who can
command the whole of the country to Munson's Hill, is stationed,
and I heard from Captain Dahlgren that there was no
fighting whatever. There were columns of smoke visible from
Capitol Hill, which the excited spectators declared were caused
by artillery and musketry, but my glass resolved them into
emanations from a vast extent of hanging wood and brush
which the Federals were burning in order to clear their front.
However, people were so positive as to hearing cannonades
and volleys of musketry that we went out to the reservoir hill
at Georgetown, and gazing over the debatable land of Virginia
—which, by the way, is very beautiful these summer

sunsets—became thoroughly satisfied of the delusion. Met
Van Vliet as I was returning, who had just seen the reports
at head-quarters, and averred there was no fighting whatever.
My landlord had a very different story. His friend, an hospital
steward, "had seen ninety wounded men carried into one
ward from over the river, and believed the Federals had lost
1000 killed and wounded and twenty-five guns."

Sept. 5th.—Raining all day. McClellan abandoned his
intention of inspecting the lines, and I remained in, writing.
The anonymous letters still continue. Received one from
an unmistakable Thug to-day, with the death's-head, cross-bones,
and coffin, in the most orthodox style of national-school
drawing.

The event of the day was the appearance of the President
in the Avenue in a suit of black, and a parcel in his hand,
walking umbrella-less in the rain. Mrs. Lincoln has returned,
and the worthy "Executive" will no longer be obliged to go
"browsing round," as he says, among his friends at dinnertime.
He is working away at money matters with energy,
but has been much disturbed in his course of studies by General
Frémont's sudden outburst in the West, which proclaims
emancipation, and draws out the arrow which the President
intended to discharge from his own bow.

Sept. 6th.—At 3.30, p. m., General McClellan sent over
an orderly to say he was going across the river, and would be
glad of my company; but I was just finishing my letters for
England, and had to excuse myself for the moment; and when
I was ready, the General and staff had gone ventre à terre
into Virginia. After post, paid my respects to General Scott,
who is about to retire from the command on his full-pay of
about £3500 per annum, which is awarded to him on account
of his long services.

A new Major-General—Halleck—has been picked up in
California, and is highly praised by General Scott and by
Colonel Cullum, with whom I had a long talk about the generals
on both sides. Halleck is a West Point officer, and has
published some works on military science which are highly
esteemed in the States. Before California became a State, he
was secretary to the governor or officer commanding the territory,
and eventually left the service and became a lawyer in
the district, where he has amassed a large fortune. He is a
man of great ability, very calm, practical, earnest, and cold,
devoted to the Union—a soldier, and something more. Lee

is considered the ablest man on the Federal side, but he is
slow and timid. "Joe" Johnson is their best strategist. Beauregard
is nobody and nothing—so think they at head-quarters.
All of them together are not equal to Halleck, who is to be
employed in the West.

I dined at the Legation, where were the Russian Minister,
the Secretary of the French Legation, the representative of
New Granada, and others. As I was anxious to explain to
General McClellan the reason of my inability to go out with
him, I called at his quarters about eleven o'clock, and found he
had just returned from his ride. He received me in his shirt,
in his bed-room at the top of the house, introduced me to
General Burnside—a soldierly, intelligent-looking man, with
a very lofty forehead, and uncommonly bright dark eyes; and
we had some conversation about matters of ordinary interest
for some time, till General McClellan called me into an antechamber,
where an officer was writing a despatch, which he
handed to the General. "I wish to ask your opinion as to
the wording of this order. It is a matter of importance. I
see that the men of this army, Mr. Russell, disregard the Sabbath,
and neglect the worship of God; and I am resolved to
put an end to such neglect, as far as I can. I have, therefore,
directed the following order to be drawn up, which will be
promulgated to-morrow." The General spoke with much earnestness,
and with an air which satisfied me of his sincerity.
The officer in waiting read the order, in which, at the General's
request, I suggested a few alterations. The General
told me he had received "sure information that Beauregard
has packed up all his baggage, struck his tents, and is evidently
preparing for a movement, so you may be wanted at a moment's
notice." General Burnside returned to my rooms, in
company with Mr. Lamy, and we sat up discoursing of Bull's
Run, in which his brigade was the first engaged in front. He
spoke like a man of sense and a soldier of the action, and
stood up for the conduct of some regiments, though he could
not palliate the final disorder. The papers circulate rumors
of "Jeff Davis's death;" nay, accounts of his burial. The
public does not believe, but buys all the same.

Sept. 7th—Yes; "Jeff Davis must be dead." There are
some touching lamentations in the obituary notices over his
fate in the other world. Meanwhile, however, his spirit seems
quite alive; for there is an absolute certainty that the Confederates
are coming to attack the Capitol. Lieut. Wise and

Lord A. Van Tempest argued the question whether the assault
would be made by a flank movement above or direct in front;
and Wise maintained the latter thesis with vigor not disproportioned
to the energy with which his opponent demonstrated
that the Confederates could not be such madmen as to march
up to the Federal batteries. There is actually "a battle"
raging (in the front of the Philadelphia newspaper offices)
this instant—Populus vult decipi—decipiatur.

Sept. 8th.—Rode over to Arlington House. Went round
by Aqueduct Bridge, Georgetown, and out across Chain Bridge
to Brigadier Smith's head-quarters, which are established in a
comfortable house belonging to a Secessionist farmer. The
General belongs to the regular army, and, if one can judge
from externals, is a good officer. A libation of Bourbon and
water was poured out to friendship, and we rode out with
Captain Poe, of the Topographical Engineers, a hard-working,
eager fellow, to examine the trench which the men were engaged
in throwing up to defend the position they have just occupied on
some high knolls, now cleared of wood, and overlooking ravines
which stretch towards Falls Church and Vienna. Everything
about the camp looked like fighting: Napoleon guns planted
on the road; Griffin's battery in a field near at hand; mountain
howitzers unlimbered; strong pickets and main-guards;
the five thousand men all kept close to their camps, and two
regiments, in spite of McClellan's order, engaged on the
trenches, which were already mounted with field-guns. General
Smith, like most officers, is a Democrat and strong, anti-Abolitionist,
and it is not too much to suppose he would fight
any rather than Virginians. As we were riding about, it got
out among the men that I was present, and I was regarded
with no small curiosity, staring, and some angry looks. The
men do not know what to make of it when they see their
officers in the company of one whom they are reading about
in the papers as the most &c., &c., the world ever saw. And,
indeed, I know well enough, so great is their passion and so
easily are they misled, that without such safeguard the men
would in all probability carry out the suggestions of one of
their particular guides, who has undergone so many cuffings
that he rather likes them. Am I not the cause of the disaster
at Bull Run?

Going home, I met Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln in their new open
carriage. The President was not so good-humored, nor Mrs.
Lincoln so affable, in their return to my salutation as usual.

My unpopularity is certainly spreading upwards and downwards
at the same time, and all because I could not turn the
battle of Bull's Run into a Federal victory, because I would
not pander to the vanity of the people, and, least of all, because
I will not bow my knee to the degraded creatures who
have made the very name of a free press odious to honorable
men. Many of the most foul-mouthed and rabid of the men
who revile me because I have said the Union as it was never
can be restored, are as fully satisfied of the truth of that statement
as I am. They have written far severer things of their
army than I have ever done. They have slandered their soldiers
and their officers as I have never done. They have fed
the worst passions of a morbid democracy, till it can neither
see nor hear; but they shall never have the satisfaction of
either driving me from my post or inducing me to deviate a
hair's-breadth from the course I have resolved to pursue, as I
have done before in other cases—greater and graver, as far
as I was concerned, than this.

Sept. 9th.—This morning, as I was making the most of my
toilet after a ride, a gentleman in the uniform of a United
States officer came up-stairs, and marched into my sitting-room,
saying he wished to see me on business. I thought it
was one of my numerous friends coming with a message from
some one who was going to avenge Bull's Run on me. So,
going out as speedily as I could, 1 bowed to the officer, and
asked his business. "I've come here because I'd like to trade
with you about that chestnut horse of yours." I replied that
I could only state what price I had given for him, and say
that I would take the same, and no less. "What may you
have given for him?" I discovered that my friend had been
already to the stable and ascertained the price from the groom,
who considered himself bound in duty to name a few dollars
beyond the actual sum I had given, for when I mentioned the
price, the countenance of the man of war relaxed into a grim
smile. "Well, I reckon that help of yours is a pretty smart
chap, though he does come from your side of the world."
When the preliminaries had been arranged, the officer announced
that he had come on behalf of another officer to offer
me an order on his paymaster, payable at some future date,
for the animal, which he desired, however, to take away upon
the spot. The transaction was rather amusing, but I consented
to let the horse go, much to the indignation and uneasiness
of the Scotch servant, who regarded it as contrary to all
the principles of morality in horse-flesh.

Lord A. V. Tempest and another British subject, who applied
to Mr. Seward to-day for leave to go South, were curtly
refused. The Foreign Secretary is not very well pleased
with us all just now, and there has been some little uneasiness
between him and Lord Lyons, in consequence of representations
respecting an improper excess in the United States
marine on the lakes, contrary to treaty. The real cause,
perhaps, of Mr. Seward's annoyance is to be found in the
exaggerated statements of the American papers respecting
British reinforcements for Canada, which, in truth, are the
ordinary reliefs. These small questions in the present condition
of affairs cause irritation; but if the United States were
not distracted by civil war, they would be seized eagerly as
pretexts to excite the popular mind against Great Britain.

The great difficulty of all, which must be settled some day,
relates to San Juan; and every American I have met is persuaded
Great Britain is in the wrong, and must consent to a
compromise or incur the risk of war. The few English in
Washington, I think, were all present at dinner at the Legation
to-day.

Sept. 10th.—A party of American officers passed the
evening where I dined—all, of course, Federals, but holding
very different views. A Massachusetts Colonel, named Gordon,
asserted that slavery was at the root of every evil which
afflicted the Republic; that it was not necessary in the South
or anywhere else, and that the South maintained the institution
for political as well as private ends. A Virginian Captain,
on the contrary, declared that slavery was in itself good;
that it could not be dangerous, as it was essentially conservative,
and desired nothing better than to be left alone; but
that the Northern fanatics, jealous of the superior political influence
and ability of Southern statesman, and sordid Protectionists
who wished to bind the South to take their goods exclusively,
perpetrated all the mischief. An officer of the
District of Columbia assigned all the misfortunes of the country
to universal suffrage, to foreign immigration, and to these
alone. Mob-law revolts well-educated men, and people who
pride themselves because their fathers lived in the country
before them, will not be content to see a foreigner who has
been but a short time on the soil exercising as great influence
over the fate of the country as himself. A contest will, therefore,
always be going on between, those representing the oligarchical
principle and the pollarchy; and the result must be

disruption sooner or later, because there is no power in a
republic to restrain the struggling factions which the weight
of the crown compresses in monarchical countries.

I dined with a namesake—a major in the United States
Marines—with whom I had become accidentally acquainted,
in consequence of our letters frequently changing hands, and
spent an agreeable evening in company with naval and military
officers; not the less so because our host had some marvellous
Madeira, dating back from the Conquest—I mean of
Washington. Several of the officers spoke in the highest
terms of General Banks, whom they call a most remarkable
man; but so jealous are the politicians that he will never be
permitted, they think, to get a fair chance of distinguishing
himself.