The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
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 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.[1]
Dear Sir,—The letter from the Delegation, by
the last post, informed you of the arrival of the stores
here, which were to have been delivered in Virginia
by one of the French ships. The infinite importance
of them to the State, especially since the arrival of a
reinforcement to Arnold,[2]
of which we are just
apprized by the Marquis, has determined the Delegates
to forward them by land, without loss of time.
This will be attempted in the first instance, in the
cannot be effected in that mode, without delay, we
propose to engage private wagons for the purpose,
on the credit of the State. Should the latter alternative
be embraced, I find it will be necessary to
stipulate instantaneous payment, from the Treasury,
on the arrival of the wagons at Richmond, in specie
or old continental currency to the real amount thereof.
I mention this circumstance that you may be prepared
for it. The expense of the transportation will
be between five and six hundred pounds, Virginia
money. The exchange between specie and the old
paper, at present, is about one hundred and thirty-five
for one.
The Delegates having understood that the refugees
taken by Captain Tilley, on his return to Newport
from the Chesapeake, consisted chiefly of persons
who formerly lived in Virginia, some of whom were
traitors who deserved exemplary punishment, and
others vindictive enemies to the State, thought proper
Minister. By conversation I have since had with
him on the subject, I doubt whether it will be
deemed consistent with their general rules of conduct,
to give up, to be punished as malefactors, any
of the captives made by their fleet, which does not
serve, like their land army, as an auxiliary to the
forces of the United States. If these persons had
been taken by their land forces, which serve as auxiliaries
under the Commander-in-Chief, it seems there
would have been no difficulty in the case. However,
the application will certainly prevent the exchange or
release to which it refers, if the Executive think it
expedient to do so. On the least intimation, I am
persuaded the apostates would be even sent over to
France, and secured in the most effectual manner
during the war. Perhaps this would not be amiss,
as being not our prisoners, no use can be made of
them in redeeming our citizens from captivity.
The sufferings in Virginia from the invasion of the enemy called forth the
following peculiar proposition from George Mason. It was addressed to the
Virginia delegates in Congress:
. . . . . . . . . .
Whoever considers the Importance of the Trade of these States to Great
Britain, and her Expectations of great part of it returning into British Channels,
upon a peace, may readily conceive that She will be alarmed at any
Measures which may affect it hereafter, by imposing such Burdens upon it, as
will give a lasting Preference to other Nations. If therefore Congress were to
recommend to the Legislatures of the different States immediately to enact
Laws, declaring that all private property, which hath been, or shall be plundered
or destroyed, by the British Troops, or others acting under the authority
of the King of Great Britain, beyond high water mark, from a certain Day,
shall be hereafter reimbursed & made good to the individual Sufferers, &
their Heirs, by Dutys to be imposed upon all Imports from Great Britain into
the respective States, after a peace, and to be continued until full Reparation
shall be accordingly made; and for this purpose, directing Valuations, upon
oath, to be made of all private property so plundered or destroyed, to be
returned, with the names & places of abode of the owners, to some certain
public office within each State, & there duly registered, it is more than probable
it wou'd produce good effects.—Mad. MSS.
| The writings of James Madison, | |