University of Virginia Library

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.[1]

Dear Sir,—Notwithstanding the defensive professions
of the enemy, they seem to be waging an
active war against the post-riders. The mail for the
Eastward, on Wednesday last, shared the same fate
which the Southern mail did a few weeks ago, and, it
is said, from the same identical villains. This operation
has withdrawn them from their Southern stand,
and secured the arrival of the mail, which brings your
favor of the fifth instant. I fully concur in the change
of cypher which you suggest, and understand the reference
for a key-word. I have been in some pain from

the danger incident to the cypher we now use. The
enemy, I am told, have in some instances published
their intercepted cyphers. On our first meeting, I
propose to prepare, against another separation, a
cypher framed by Mr. Livingston on a more enlarged
and complicated plan than ours, of which he has furnished
me several blank printed copies.

Your computation of the numbers in Virginia tallies
exactly with one transmitted by Mr. Jefferson, in
an answer to several queries from Mr. Marbois. It
is as accurate as the official returns to the Executive
of the Militia would admit. His proportion of the
fencibles to the whole number of souls is stated precisely
as your computation states it.

You will continue your information on the case of
the flag, and send me the acts of the Legislature as
fast as they are printed. Will you be so good, also,
as to obtain from the Auditors a state of the balance
due on the principles established by law, and let me
know when and how it is to be applied for?—as also
what chance there is of obtaining a regular remittance
of future allowance?

General Washington and Count Rochambeau met
here on Saturday evening. The object of their consultation
is among the arcana of war.

A despatch from the Commander in Chief communicated
to Congress yesterday a late correspondence
between him and General Carleton, principally
on the subject of two traitors, who, under cover of a
flag, have exposed themselves to arrest in New Jersey,
and had sentence of death passed upon them.

General Carleton, among other observations on the
subject, says that, "In a civil war, between people of
one Empire, there can, during the contest, be no
treason at all,"—and asks a passport for General
Robinson and Mr. Ludlow to confer with General
Washington, or persons appointed by him, and to
settle arrangements on this idea. General Washington
declines the conference, observing, that the proposed
subject of it is within civil resort. Whereupon
General Carleton asks—"Am I to apply to Congress
to admit persons to conferences at Philadelphia? Can
any deputation be sent by Congress to your camp to
meet persons appointed by me? Or will you, sir, undertake
to manage our common interest? "The drift
of all this need not be pointed out to you. As a
counterpart to it, the British General proposes, in order
to remove all objection to an exchange of soldiers
for seamen, that the latter shall be perfectly
free, and the former subject to the condition of not
serving against the thirteen Provinces for one year,
within which period he is very sanguine that an end
will be put to the calamities of the present war.

The same despatch informs Congress that a party
of the enemy have lately made a successful incursion
upon the settlements of Mohawk, have re-occupied
Oswego, and are extending themselves into the Western
country. However little these movements may
coincide with a defensive plan, they coincide perfectly
with ideas which will not fail to be urged at a pacification.

Messrs. Montgomery and Root returned yesterday

from their Eastern deputation. They have not yet
made their report. The former complains that several
of the States are appropriating the taxes, which
they lay as their quota of the eight millions, to internal
uses. He owns that the knowledge he has obtained
of the case changed his mind on that head,
and that if the ground was to be trodden over again,
he should take a very different part in Congress. He
adds, that the current opinion is, that a vessel arrived
at Quebec brings a Royal Charter for Vermont; that
the people there are in much confusion, and many of
them disposed to re-unite with New Hampshire. A
letter to Mr. Livingston, from Mr. Livermore, corroborates
this good news. It imports that a very unexpected
turn had taken place in the temper of the
people, between the river and the ridge, that they
were petitioning New Hampshire to be restored to
that State, and that measures would be taken in concert
with New York for that purpose. The revolution
in the sentiments of Montgomery may be owing,
in part, to the new relation in which Pennsylvania
stands to Connecticut, which, he says, is governed on
this occasion by interested individuals. The controversy
between Pennsylvania and Connecticut will, I
suppose, be now resumed, and put into a course for
decision, the return of Mr. Root having removed the
cause which suspended it.

In the beginning of this month, committees were
appointed, in pursuance of a previous resolution for
such an appointment every half-year, to examine into
the proceedings of the several Executive Departments,

and make report to Congress. This plan
was adopted not only to discharge the general
duty of Congress, and to satisfy their constituents,
but also that such reports might shelter, in some degree,
faithful officers from unmerited imputations and
suspicions, as well as expose to just censure those of
an opposite character. * * *

This cypher, I find, is extremely tedious, and liable
to errors.

General Carleton, in his letter to General Washington
above quoted, says, with respect to Lippencot
only, that the court had passed their judgment, and
that as soon as the length of the proceedings would
admit, a copy should be sent to him. It is inferred
that this murderer will not be given up, and consequently
a vicarious atonement must be made by the
guiltless Asgill.