University of Virginia Library

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.[1]

Dear Sir,—The substance of the despatches
brought by the French frigates, mentioned in my
last, is, that Mr. Oswald first, and afterwards Mr.
Grenville, had been deputed to Versailles on a pacific
mission; that the latter was still (twenty-ninth of
June) at Versailles; that his proposals, as to the
point of independence, were at first equivocal, but at
length more explicit; that he associated with the preliminary
that the treaty of Paris, of 1763, should be
the basis of the treaty in question; that as to this
proposition he was answered, that as far as the treaty
of '63 might be convenient for opening and facilitating
a pacification, it would be admitted as a basis,
but that it could not be admitted in any sense that
should preclude His Most Christian Majesty from
demanding such equitable arrangements as circumstances
might warrant, and particularly in the East
Indies and on the coast of Africa; that upon these
grounds there was at first a prospect that negotiations
would be opened with mutual sincerity, and be
conducted to a speedy and happy issue; but that the
success of the British navy in the West Indies had

checked the ardor of the Ministry for peace, and that
it was pretty evident they meant to spin out the
negotiation till the event of the campaign should be
decided. You will take notice that this is a recital
from memory, and not a transcript of the intelligence.

The frigate L'Aigle, whose fate was not completely
determined at the date of my last, we hear, has been
raised by the enemy, and carried to New York, Captain
De la Touche and the crew were made prisoners.
Besides merchandize to a great value, nearly fifty
thousand dollars were lost, most of which fell into
the hands of the captors. The loss of this ship is to
be the more regretted, as it appears that the two
were particularly constructed, and destined for the
protection of the trade of this country.

Our Ally has added another important link to the
chain of benefits by which this country is bound to
France. He has remitted to us all the interest which
he has paid for us, or was due to him on loans to us,
together with all the charges attending the Holland
loan'; and has, moreover, postponed the demand of the
principal till one year after the war, and agreed to
receive it then in twelve successive annual payments.
These concessions amount to a very considerable reduction
of the liquidated debt. The fresh and large
demand which we are about to make on him, will,
I fear, be thought an unfit return for such favors. It
could not, however, be avoided. The arrears to the
army in January next will be upwards of six millions
of dollars. Taxes cannot be relied on. Without
money, there is some reason to surmise that it may

be as difficult to disband an army as it has been to
raise an army.

My last informed you that Mr. Laurens had declined
serving in the commission for peace. His
proceedings, during his captivity, as stated by himself,
are far from unexceptionable. Congress, nevertheless,
were prevailed on to assent to a resolution
informing him that his services could not be dispensed
with. A few days after this resolution had passed,
several numbers of the Parliamentary Register were
received at the Office of Foreign Affairs, in one of
which was published the enclosed petition. The
petition was introduced by Mr. Burke, was a subject
of some debate, and finally ordered to lie on the
table. The extreme impropriety of a Representative
of the United States addressing that very authority
against which they had made war, in the language
of the address, determined Mr. Jones and myself to
move that the resolution above referred to should not
be transmitted until the further order of Congress.
In support of the motion it was observed, that however
venial the fault might be in a private view, it
evidently rendered Mr. Laurens no longer a fit depository
for the public dignity and rights, which he had
so far degraded; and that if Congress should reinstate
him against his own desire, and with this fact
before their eyes, it would seem as if they meant to
ratify, instead of disowning, the degradation. The
motion was opposed on two grounds—first, that the
character of Mr. Laurens, and the silence of his letter,
overbalanced the testimony of the Register, and

rendered the fact incredible; secondly, that the fact,
although faulty, ought to have no influence on the
public arrangements. The first objection was the
prevailing one. The second was abetted by but
few. Several professed a readiness to renounce their
friend, in case the authenticity of the paper should
be verified. On the question there were five noes,
three ayes, two divided, two half votes aye. The
petition had been published some time ago at New
York, and had made some noise in New Jersey, but
was ultimately regarded as spurious. There are so
many circumstances relating to this gentleman during
his captivity, which speak a bias towards the British
nation, and an undue cordiality with its new leaders,
that I dread his participation in the work of peace.

Your favor of the seventh, which had not arrived
last post-day, came a few days afterwards, the post
having been detained by sickness. The subsequent
one came to hand yesterday in due time. The expedient
of drawing bills here on funds in Virginia, even
the most unquestionable, has been often tried by us,
but in vain. The balance is so much against Virginia
that no one wants money there, and the evil
will increase as the prospect of peace retires. Your
credit with Mr. Cohen, which procured me fifty
pounds, with two hundred dollars transmitted by
Mr. Ambler, have been of much service to me, but I
am relapsing fast into distress. The case of my
brethren is equally alarming.

As some of Mr. Laurens's friends strenuously
maintain that the petition enclosed is spurious, I

would not wish it to be made public through me
until the matter be ascertained, or he be present to
explain it.