University of Virginia Library

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.[1]

Dear Sir,—A letter from Dr. Franklin, of the
fourth March, informs the Superintendent of Finance
that the Court of France had granted an aid of six
millions of livres to the United States for the present
year. It appears, however, that this aid has been
wholly anticipated, as well as the aids of the last
year, by bills of exchange; by supplies for the army,
particularly those in Holland; by the debt of Beaumarchais,
amounting to two millions and a half of
livres; by the interest money; by the deduction on
account of Virginia, computed at seven hundred thousand
livres, &c. The States must, therefore, by
some means or other, supply the demands of Congress,
or a very serious crisis must ensue. After the
differences between the modes of feeding the army
by contracts and by the bayonet have been experienced
both by the army and the people, a recurrence
to the latter cannot be too much dreaded.

The Province of Friesland has instructed its Delegates
in the States General to concur in a public
reception of Mr. Adams. The city of Dort has done
the same to theirs in the Provincial Assembly of
Holland.

The above letter came by the Alliance, which is
arrived at Rhode Island. Captain Barry, I am told,
says that the Marquis will come with a squadron for
the American coast, which was equipping. If this be
true, Barry is wrong in disclosing it. I distrust it.

A French cutter is since arrived, after a short
passage, with despatches for the Minister here. He
received them on Saturday by an express from Salem,
and has not yet communicated their contents to
Congress. I understand, through the Secretary of
Foreign Affairs, that the Court of London has lately
proposed to the Court of France a separate peace, as
the price of which she would place Dunkirk in its
former state, make some sacrifices in the East Indies,
and accede to a status quo in the West Indies.
The answer of France was dictated by her engagements
with the United States. This insidious step
taken at the same moment with the agency of Mr.
Carleton, will, I hope, not long be withheld from the
public. We have heard nothing from this gentleman
since the answer to his request of a passport for his
secretary.

In order to explain our public affairs to the States,
and to urge the necessity of complying with the requisitions
of Congress, we have determined to depute
two members to visit the Eastern States, and two
the Southern. The first are Root and Montgomery;
the others, Rutledge and Clymer. I put this in
cypher, because secrecy has been enjoined by Congress.
The deputation will probably set off in a
few days.

I find that the Minister of France has been informed,
by some correspondent in Virginia, that the
late intelligence from Britain has produced very unfavorable
symptoms in a large party. He seems not
a little discomposed at it. The honor of the State

concurred with my own persuasion in dictating a
consolatory answer to him. For this reason, as well
as for others, I think it would be expedient for the
Legislature to enter into an unanimous declaration
on this point. Other States are doing this, and such
a mode of announcing the sense of the people may
be regarded as more authentic than a declaration
from Congress. The best form, I conceive, will be
that of an instruction to the Delegates. Do not fail
to supply me with accurate and full information on
the whole subject of this paragraph.

A letter from Dr. Franklin, of thirtieth of March,
enclosing a copy of one to him from Mr. Adams, at
the Hague, was laid before Congress subsequently
to writing the above. By these, it appears not only
that an essay has been made on the fidelity of France
to the alliance, but that the pulse of America has
been at the same time separately felt through each
of those Ministers. They both speak with becoming
indignation on the subject, attest the firmness of our
ally, and recommend decisive efforts for expelling
the enemy from our country. Mr. Adams says, 'ten
or eleven cities of Holland have declared themselves
in favor of American Independence, and it is expected
that to-day or to-morrow this Province will
take the decisive resolution of admitting me to my
audience. Perhaps some of the other Provinces
may delay it for three or four weeks, but the Prince
has declared that he has no hopes of resisting the
torrent, and, therefore, that he shall not attempt it.
The Duke de la Vauguyon has acted a very friendly and

honorable part in this business, without, however,
doing any ministerial act in it.' What was said above
of Friesland came from Mr. Barclay, the Consul.
Mr. Adams says nothing of that Province, although
his letter is of later date.

The Secretary of War has just given notice to
Congress, that the Department of Finance is unable
to supply the essential means of opening the campaign.
This shocks, rather than surprises, us. It
will be one article in the communications of the deputies
above mentioned, and adds force to the expediency
of their mission.

The denial to Congress of the right of granting
flags is singular indeed. May not the power of Congress
to agree to a truce be contested on the same
grounds? The former is a partial truce, and if the
silence of the Confederation reserves it to the States,
the same silence reserves the latter. Admitting that
Congress had the right of granting flags, was it not
exercised to the advantage of Virginia in procuring
a vent to her staple, and stopping the exportation of
her specie?