University of Virginia Library

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

I have put off writing from day to day for some
time past, in expectation of being able to give you
the news from the packets, which has been looked
for every hour. Both the French & English have
overstayed their usual time ten or 15 days, and are
neither of them yet arrived. We remain wholly in
the dark with regard to the posture of things in
Europe—

I received two days ago your favor of December
twenty seventh, enclosing a copy of your letter[41] to
the Assembly. I have read it with attention, and I
can add with pleasure, because the spirit of it does
as much honor to your candor, as the general reasoning
does not your abilities. Nor can I believe that
in this quarter the opponents of the Constitution will
find encouragement in it. You are already aware
that your objections are not viewed in the same decisive
light by me that they are by you. I must own
that I differ still more from your opinion, that a
prosecution of the experiment of a second Convention

will be favorable, even in Virginia, to the object
which I am sure you have at heart. It is to me apparent
that, had your duty led you to throw your
influence into the opposite scale, it would have
given it a decided and unalterable preponderancy;
and that Mr. Henry would either have suppressed
his enmity, or been baffled in the policy which it has
dictated. It appears also that the grounds taken
by the opponents in different quarters forbid any
hope of concord among them. Nothing can be
further from your views than the principles of
different setts of men who have carried on their opposition
under the respectability of your name. In
this State the party adverse to the Constitution
notoriously meditate either a dissolution of the
Union, or protracting it by patching up the Articles
of Confederation. In Connecticut and Massachusetts,
the opposition proceeds from that part of the
people who have a repugnance in general to good
government, or to any substantial abridgement of
State powers, and a part of whom in Massachusetts
are known to aim at confusion, and are suspected of
wishing a reversal of the Revolution. The minority
in Pennsylvania, as far as they are governed by any
other views than an habitual opposition to their
rivals, are manifestly averse to some essential ingredients
in a National Government. You are better
acquainted with Mr. Henry's politics than I can
be, but I have for some time considered him as
driving at a Southern Confederacy and not further
concurring in the plan of amendments than as
he hopes to render it subservient to his real designs.
Viewing the matter in this light, the inference
with me is unavoidable that were a second
trial to be made, the friends of a good constitution
for the Union would not only find themselves not a
little differing from each other as to the proper
amendments; but perplexed and frustrated by men
who had objects totally different. A second Convention
would, of course, be formed under the influence,
and composed in a great measure of the
members of the opposition in the several States.
But were the first difficulties overcome, and the
Constitution re-edited with amendments, the event
would still be infinitely precarious. Whatever respect
may be due to the rights of private judgment,
and no man feels more of it than I do, there can be
no doubt that there are subjects to which the capacities
of the bulk of mankind are unequal, and on
which they must and will be governed by those with
whom they happen to have acquaintance and confidence.
The proposed Constitution is of this description.
The great body of those who are both
for and against it must follow the judgment of others,
not their own. Had the Constitution been framed
and recommended by an obscure individual, instead
of a body possessing public respect and confidence,
there cannot be a doubt, that although it would
have stood in the identical words, it would have commanded
little attention from most of those who now
admire its wisdom. Had yourself, Colonel Mason,
Colonel R. H. L., Mr. Henry, and a few others, seen
the Constitution in the same light with those who
subscribed it, I have no doubt that Virginia would
have been as zealous and unanimous, as she is now
divided, on the subject. I infer from these considerations,
that, if a government be ever adopted in America,
it must result from a fortunate coincidence of
leading opinions, and a general confidence of the
people in those who may recommend it. The very
attempt at a second Convention strikes at the confidence
in the first; and the existence of a second, by
opposing influence to influence would in a manner
destroy an effectual confidence in either, and give a
loose rein to human opinions; which must be as
various and irreconcileable concerning theories of
government, as doctrines of religion; and give opportunities
to designing men which it might be
impossible to counteract.

The Connecticut Convention has probably come
to a decision before this; but the event is not known
here.[42] It is understood that a great majority will
adopt the Constitution. The accounts from Massachusetts
vary extremely according to the channels
through which they come. It is said that S. Adams,
who has hitherto been reserved, begins to make open
declaration of his hostile views. His influence is
not great, but this step argues an opinion that he can
calculate on a considerable party. It is said here,
and I believe on good ground, that North Carolina
has postponed her Convention till July, in order to

have the previous example of Virginia. Should
North Carolina fall into Mr. Henry's politics, which
does not appear to me improbable, it will endanger
the Union more than any other circumstance that
could happen. My apprehensions of this danger increase
every day. The multiplied inducements at
this moment to the local sacrifices necessary to keep
the States together, can never be expected to coincide
again, and they are counteracted by so many
unpropitious circumstances, that their efficacy can
with difficulty be confided in. I have no information
from South Carolina or Georgia, on which any
certain opinion can be formed of the temper of those
States. The prevailing idea has been, that both of
them would speedily and generally embrace the Constitution.
It is impossible, however, that the example
of Virginia and North Carolina should not
have an influence on their politics. I consider every
thing therefore problematical from Maryland southward.

I am surprised that Col. H. Lea who is a wellwisher
of the Constitution should have furnished
Wilkinson with the alarm concerning the Mississippi,
but the political connections of the latter in
Pennsylvania would account for his bias on the
subject.

We have no Congress yet. The number of States
on the spot does not exceed five. It is probable that
a quorum will now be soon made. A delegate from
New Hampshire is expected, which will make up a
representation from that State. The termination of

the Connecticut Convention will set her Delegates at
liberty, and the meeting of the Assembly of this
State, will fill the vacancy which has some time
existed in her Delegation.