 | THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
Chapter XI
THE ELEVENTH [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsaio]-ai
Emperor Hsiao-ai was the grandson of Emperor
Yüan by a concubine and the son of King Kung of
Ting-t'ao, [Liu K'ang1a]. His mother was the Concubine
[nee] Ting. When he was in his third year,
When he grew up, he delighted in words and phrases
and in the laws and statutes.[3]
In [the period] Yüan-yen, the fourth year, he came
officials], his Tutor, his Chancellor, and his Commandant
of the Capital. At that time the youngest
brother of Emperor Ch'eng, King Hsiao of Chung-shan,
[Liu Hsing], also came to pay court, followed
[only] by his Tutor. The Emperor thought it
strange, and asked [Liu Hsin5, the future Emperor
Ai], about it. The King of Ting-t'ao, [Liu Hsin5]
replied, "According to the [imperial] ordinances, when
vassal kings come to pay court, they are permitted
to be accompanied by the [officials ranking at] two
thousand piculs in their kingdoms. The Tutor,
Chancellor, and Commandant of the Capital are all
[officials ranking at] two thousand piculs in a kingdom,
hence I am accompanied by them all." The
Emperor ordered him to recite from the Book of Odes,
and he understood and was versed in it, and was able
to explain it.
On another day, [the Emperor] asked the King of
Chung-shan, [Liu Hsing], in what law or ordinance
by his tutor, and he was unable to reply. [The
Emperor] ordered him to recite from the Book of
History, and he broke off [in the middle of his recitation].
Moreover, [at an imperial feast], when he had
been granted food in the presence of [the Emperor],
he was the last to finish eating; when he arose, his
stockings came down, [for] their ties had become
King of Ting-t'ao, [Liu Hsin5], as capable, often
exalting his abilities.
At this time the grandmother of the King, the
with the King to pay court, and privately sent
presents to the Brilliant Companion [nee] Chao,
whom the Emperor favored, and to the Emperor's
maternal uncle, the General of Agile Cavalry and
Marquis of Ch'ü-yang, Wang Ken. The Brilliant
Companion [nee Chao] and [Wang] Ken saw that
the Emperor had no sons, and also wished beforehand
to attach themselves [to the coming ruler] by a plan
for the distant future, so both in turn praised the
King of Ting-t'ao and urged the Emperor to make
him his successor. Emperor Ch'eng of his own volition
also exalted [Liu Hsin5's] ability, and, after
having put the bonnet of virility upon him, sent him
[back to his kingdom]. At that time he had
[reached] his seventeenth year.
The next year, [the Emperor] sent the Bearer of
with credentials, to summon the King of Ting-t'ao to
[come and] be established as the Imperial Heir-apparent.
[Liu Hsin5 however] excused himself,
saying, "Your servant has been favored in being
tary [kingdom] and to become a vassal king. My
ability and nature is inadequate for use as the occupant
of the Heir-apparent's palace. Your Majesty
is sage and virtuous, generous and benevolent.
[Your Majesty] has respectfully succeeded his ancestors
and has upheld and been obedient in the care
of the gods in heaven and earth. It is proper that
your [Majesty] should receive happiness and blessing
thru the reward of `thousands and millions of descendants.'[19]
Your servant is willing temporarily to be
permitted to remain in the prince's lodge of his
kingdom [at the imperial capital], morning and evening
to present himself [to your Majesty] to ask [about
your Majesty's] health, and to wait until there may
be an imperial heir, [whereupon your servant] will
return to his kingdom and [remain] in charge of his
tributary [state]." When the memorial was presented,
the Son of Heaven replied, "[We] have
heard it."[21]
More than a month later, [Emperor Ch'eng]
of Ch'u, [Liu Ao], as King of Ting-t'ao, to uphold
the sacrifices to King Kung [of Ting-t'ao, Liu K'ang],
in order to encourage and incite the Heir-apparent
to apply himself solely to the purpose of being [the
Emperor's] successor. A discussion is in the "Memoir
of the [Imperial] Relatives by Marriage."
In [the period] Sui-ho, the second year, the third
Temple of [Emperor] Kao. He honored the Empress
Dowager [nee Wang] with the title, Grand August
Empress Dowager, and the Empress [nee Chao] with
amnesty to the empire, granted one quadriga of
horses to each king's son of the imperial house who
was enregistered,[36] to the officials and common
people, noble ranks, to [each] hundred households,
an ox and wine, and to the Thrice Venerable, the
Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, the [Diligent]
Cultivators of the Fields, widowers, widows,
orphans, and childless, silk.
The Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang] issued
an imperial edict honoring King Kung of Ting-t'ao,
[Liu K'ang], as Sovereign Kung [of Ting-t'ao]. In
established the Empress nee Fu [as Empress]. An
imperial edict said, "[According to the principle of]
the Spring and Autumn, [in the Kung-yang Commentary]
that `a mother becomes honorable because of
her son,'[39] [We] honor the Queen Dowager [nee Fu]
of Ting-t'ao with the title, Empress Dowager Kung,
and the Concubine [nee] Ting [of Ting-t'ao with the
title, Empress Kung, and establish for each an entourage,
a Supervisor of the Household, and the
Ch'ang-hsin Palace and the Inner Palace.[42] [We]
posthumously honor the father of [the Empress
Dowager nee] Fu as the Marquis [through Whom the
Emperor] Renders Homage to an Ancestor, and the
father of [the Empress nee] Ting as the Marquis in
Recompense to his Virtue." The maternal uncle [of
the Emperor], Ting Ming, had been made the Marquis
Man, was made Marquis of Ping-chou, and [Ting]
[granted] the posthumous name, Marquis Huai of
P'ing-chou. The Empress [nee Fu's] father, [Fu4]
Yen, had become the Marquis of K'ung-hsiang, and
Chao], the Palace Attendant and Imperial Household
Grandee Chao Ch'inb, became the Marquis of
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, " `The
into music. They were banished by the Sage-kings.[55]
Let the Bureau of Music be abolished."
For the Marquis of Ch'ü-yang, [Wang] Ken, who
plan for [the dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains,
[whereby Emperor Ai had been appointed Heir-apparent],
there was added to his enfeoffment [the
income of] two thousand households, and for the
Grand Coachman, the Marquis of An-yang, [Wang]
Shun4b, who had seconded and guided [the Emperor
before he was appointed] and had been his former
benefactor, there was added to his enfeoffment [the
income of] five hundred households. Moreover, for
the Lieutenant Chancellor, K'ung Kuang, and the
Grand Minister of Works, the Marquis of Fan-hsiang,
Ho Wu, there was added to each of their
enfeoffments [the income of] a thousand households.[60]
An imperial edict said, "The King of Ho-chien,
[Liu] Liang, has mourned for his Queen Dowager to
the third year and so has become a sign-post to the
imperial house.[61]
Let his enfeoffment be increased
It also said, " `Frugality in expenditure and caution
in action,'[64]
in order to prevent extravagance
and excess, are the first things in government and
the unvarying way of all the [true] kings. [But]
the vassal kings, the full marquises, the princesses,
and the officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs,
together with powerful and rich common people,
keep [many] male and female slaves, cultivated fields
and residences without limit. They compete with
the common people in profitable [enterprises] so the
people lose their occupations and suffer severely
without enough [to live on]. Let regulations for the
restriction [of these matters] be discussed."[65]
The high officials memorialized detailed [regulations
are to be permitted to own private cultivated
fields in their states; the privately owned cultivated
fields in the prefectures or marches of full marquises
who [live] in Ch'ang-an and of princesses and the privately
owned cultivated fields of Marquises of the
Imperial Domain, officials, and common people are
male and female slaves of the vassal kings [shall be
limited to] two hundred persons; those of full marquises
and princesses, to a hundred persons; and those
of Marquises of the Imperial Domain, officials, and
the common people, to thirty persons. Those
[slaves] in their sixtieth year and over or in their
tenth year and under are not to be counted in this
number. No merchants are to be allowed to own
private cultivated land or become officials.[72] Those
who violate [this order] shall be sentenced according
to the Code. Those who [after three years] own
private cultivated land or keep male or female slaves
more than the [allowed] number, shall all have them
ment."
[The production of] those articles in the Three
Offices for Garments in the Ch'i [Commandery] and
in various offices which weave figured silks and
[make] embroidery, which are difficult to produce or
are injurious to women's work,[75]
were all stopped and
[such goods] were not to be made or transported [to
the capital]. The ordinance [concerning] the giving
of office to a son[76]
was done away with, together with
calumny. Palace Maids in the Lateral Courts [of
the Wei-yang Palace] who were in their thirtieth
year and under were sent out [of the harem] and
married off; government male and female slaves who
were in their fiftieth year and above were freed and
made commoners. The prohibition [was made] that
the commanderies and kingdoms should not be permitted
to present famous wild animals [to the imperial
court]. The salaries of officials [ranking at]
three hundred piculs[81] and under was increased.
Officials who were oppressive or tyrannical were investigated
in order that from time to time they
might be dismissed. The high officials were not permitted
to bring up former matters that had happened
previous to an amnesty.[82] When the fathers or
mothers of Erudits or their Disciples died, they were
given leave for mourning to the third year.[84]
In the autumn, [it was decided that] the Marquis
of Ch'ü-yang, Wang Ken, and the Marquis of Ch'eng-tu,
[Wang] Ken went to his estate; [Wang] K'uang4a
was dismissed [from his title] and became a commoner,
returning to his native commandery.[89]
An imperial edict said, "Since We have succeeded
to the heavy [responsibilities] of the [imperial] ancestral
temples, [We] have been trembling and circumspect,
fearing that [We] might depart from the
will of Heaven. [But] recently the sun and moon
have lost their brilliance, the five planets have lost
their paths, and the commanderies and kingdoms
have frequently [suffered from] movements of the
Earth.[90]
Recently in the Ho-nan and Ying-ch'uan
Commanderies, streams have overflowed and have
carried away and killed some of the common people,
to] Our lack of virtue, the common people have
suffered punishment in [Our] place. We have been
greatly dismayed and have already sent an Imperial
Household Grandee to travel about, inspect, and
report [the names] and registration [in which those
who have suffered are located], granting for each
dead person three thousand cash for a coffin. Let it
be ordered that in the counties and towns which
have been injured by flood, together with those other
commanderies and kingdoms which have suffered
four-tenths or more from a [calamitous] visitation,
the common people whose property does not [amount
to] fully 100,000 [cash] shall all not [be required] to
pay this year's land-tax or poll-taxes."[95]
In [the period] Chien-p'ing, the first year, in the
spring, the first month, an amnesty [was granted] to
the empire. The Palace Attendant and Colonel of
Cavalry, the Marquis of Hsin-ch'eng, Chao Ch'inb,
and the Marquis of Ch'eng-yang, Chao Hsin1b, who
had both committed crimes, were dismissed [from
their titles], made commoners, and exiled to the
Liao-hsi [Commandery].[100]
The Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang] issued
an imperial edict that the cultivated fields which
had not been [used for] tombs, belonging to the Wang
clan who were imperial relatives by marriage, should
all be distributed to the poor people.[101]
In the second month, an imperial edict said,
"Verily [We] have heard that the Sage-kings, in
their government, considered the securing of capable
[the Lieutenant Chancellor, K'ung Kuang, the
Grand Minister of Works, Shih1 Tan], with the
Commander-in-chief, [Fu Yen], the full Marquises,
the generals, [officials ranking at] fully two
thousand piculs, the Provincial Shepherds, the Administrators,
and the Chancellors each recommend
one person who is filially pious, fraternally respectful,
true and honest, able to speak frankly, who understands
government matters, and has arisen[105] from
a mean condition, so is able to love the common
people."
In the third month, [the Emperor] granted to the
Lieutenant Chancellor, [K'ung Kuang], the generals,
[officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs,
[officials] in the imperial capital offices, the Gentlemen,
and [minor] officials, gold, cash, and silk, to
each proportionately.[108]
In the winter, the Queen Dowager, [Feng] Yüan, of
younger brother, the Marquis of Yi-hsiang, Feng
Ts'an, who had [been charged with] having committed
a crime, both killed themselves.[110]
In the second year, in the spring, the third month,
[the title of] Grand Minister of Works was abolished,
and [the former title of] Grandee Secretary was
restored.[116]
In the summer, the fourth month, an imperial
edict said, "The institutes of the Han dynasty stress
the favoring of [imperial] relatives in order to manifest
the honoring of those who should be honored.
In the title of Sovereign Kung of Ting-t'ao, [Liu
K'ang], it is not proper that he should again be
called `of Ting-t'ao.' [We] honor the Empress Dowager
Kung [nee Fu] with the title, the Emperor's
Grand Empress Dowager; she is to be called [the
occupant of] the Yung-hsin Palace.[120] The Empress
Kung [nee Ting] is to be entitled the Emperor's
Empress Dowager; she is to be called [the occupant
of] the Chung-an Palace. There is to be established
a Temple to Sovereign Kung in the [imperial] capital."
An amnesty was granted to convicts in the
empire.
[The Emperor] abolished the [office of] Provincial
Shepherds and reestablished [their occupants as]
Inspectors.
5.2Book of Odes, I, VI, ix, 3 (Legge, I, 121).
In the sixth month, on [the day] keng-shen, the
Emperor's Empress Dowager nee Ting died. The
and wife are one flesh. The Book of Odes says,
But when dead, we shall share the same grave.'
completed his private apartments, and at the foot of
his western steps there was' a corpse `of the Tu clan,
[the head of that clan] begged permission to bury
[the wife of the deceased] together with [her husband],'
and `[Chi-sun Su] permitted it.'[124] The right
of associating [husband and wife] in burial arose in
the Chou [period].[125] `How complete and elegant
was its culture! I follow the Chou [practises].'[126] A
filial son `serves the dead as he served the living.'
It is proper that for the Emperor's Empress Dowager
there should be raised a tumulus in the funerary
of King Kung." She was thereupon buried in [the
kingdom of] Ting-t'ao. Fifty thousand persons from
Ch'en-liu, Chi-yin, and neighboring commanderies
and kingdoms were mobilized to dig and replace
the earth.
5.6Quoted from the Doctrine of the Mean, xix, 5 (Legge, p. 403; Couvreur, Li Ki, I
447; Legge, Li Ki, II, 311).
5.7Cf. 99 A: 34b and 11: 6a. On this incident, cf. Introduction, pp. 6-8.
The Expectant Appointee Hsia Ho-liang and
others spoke of revelations from Ch'ih-ching-tzu
that the Han dynasty had come upon [a time of
decay in the midst of [the period of time allotted to
it] by its destiny, so that it must again receive the
Mandate [of Heaven; hence] it was proper that [the
Emperor] should change the year-period and alter
his title. The imperial edict said, "The Han [dynasty]
arose two hundred years [ago], and many
times in succession it has begun [new] year-periods.
have no ability, so that the Han [dynasty's] estate
should a second time be permitted to have the
portents for receiving the Mandate [of Heaven].
Though We are not virtuous, who [are We that We]
should dare not to listen [to the will of Heaven]?
"Now [that We are to receive] this great Mandate
which is the foundation of [all] government, [We]
must certainly give [everyone in] the empire [an
opportunity to] renew himself. Let a general amnesty
[be granted] to the empire. Let the second
year of [the period] Chien-p'ing become the first
year of [the period] T'ai-ch'u-yüan-chiang. [Let
Our] title be the Sovereign Emperor of Great Peacefulness
Who Makes Known the Sageness of the Liu
ure of their size."[133]
In the seventh month, on the plain northwest of
the prefecture], there was made the Emperor's tomb,
[with the order], "Do not remove the common people
from the commanderies and kingdoms [to this place],
in order that [the people] may not be disturbed."
In the eighth month, an imperial edict said, "The
advice that [We] should change the year-period,
ations on the clepsydra, whereby [We] could [secure]
permanent peace for the clan [ruling] the state. We
mistakenly listened to the advice of [Hsia] Ho-liang
and the others, hoping to obtain blessings for [all]
within the [four] seas. [But] in the end there was
no happy verification [of their promises]; they have
all gone contrary to the Classics, turned their backs
on ancient [practises], and are not in accordance
with the needs of the times. The decree of the
sixth month and [the day] chia-tzu, except for the
order of an amnesty, is all expunged. [Hsia] Ho-liang
and the others have gone contrary to the
[right] Way and misled the crowd; they are to be
committed [the charge of] the high officials." They
all suffered [death] for their crimes.
The Lieutenant Chancellor, [Chu] Po, the Grandee
Secretary, [Chao] Hsüan2a, and the Marquis of K'ung-hsiang,
[Fu4] Yen, had committed crimes; [Chu] Po
reduced by three[144] degrees, and [Fu4] Yen was
sentenced to have one-fourth of the households [in
his estate] cut off. A discussion is in the "Memoir of
[Chu] Po."[146]
In the third year, in the spring, the first month,
brother of King Yi of Kuang-tê, [Liu Yün-k'o], the
King of Kuang-p'ing.
On [the day] kuei-mao, there was a fire in the
Grand Empress Dowager [nee Fu] lived.[154]
In the third month, on [the day] chi-yu, the Lieutenant
in the [constellation] Ho-ku.[156]
In the summer, the sixth month, [the Emperor]
the son of King Ch'ing of Lu, [Liu Feng1], as King
[of Lu].
In the winter, the eleventh month, on [the day]
jen-tzu, [the Emperor] reestablished the Altar to the
Temple to Sovereign Earth at Fen-yin [as places
for regular imperial sacrifices] and disestablished [the
places in] the southern and northern suburbs [for the
suburban sacrifices].[159]
The King of Tung-p'ing, [Liu] Yün2a, [Liu] Yün2a's
Queen, Yeh, and Fang, the Lady of Marquis Kung
of An-ch'eng [Wang Ch'ung2a], had all committed
crimes; [Liu] Yün2a killed himself; Yeh and Fang
were publicly executed.[160]
In the fourth year, in the spring, [the first
[Han-ku] Pass the common people carried in procession
They passed thru commanderies and kingdoms and
went west thru the [Han-ku] Pass to the imperial
capital. The common people [there] also collected
and sacrificed to the Mother Queen of the West.
Some by night took fire up on top of buildings, beat
drums, and cried out, exciting and frightening one
another.
In the second month, [the Emperor] enfeoffed a
younger cousin of the Emperor's Grand Empress
Dowager [nee Fu], the Palace Attendant, Fu Shang,
as Marquis of Ju-ch'ang, and the son of a younger
[half]-brother of the [Emperor's Grand] Empress
Dowager [nee Fu] by the same mother, the Palace
Attendant Cheng Yeh, as Marquis of Yang-hsin. In
Commandant of Attendant Cavalry, Tung Hsien2a,
the Imperial Household Grandee, Hsi-fu Kung, and
the [former] Grand Administrator of Nan-yang
[Commandery], Sun Ch'ung, were all enfeoffed as
full marquises because they had informed on the
King of Tung-p'ing, [Liu Yün2a]. A discussion is in
the "Memoir of [Tung] Hsien2a."
In the summer, the fifth month, [the Emperor]
two thousand piculs to those of six hundred piculs,
also to the males of the empire. In the sixth month,
he honored the Emperor's Grand Empress Dowager
[nee Fu, with the title,] August Grand Empress Dowager.
In the autumn, the eighth month, there was a
visitation [of fire] to the North Gate of the Funerary
Park for Sovereign Kung, [Liu K'ang].
In the winter, an imperial edict [ordered] the
piculs to recommend those who understood military
affairs and who had great plans [for the empire's
future].[179]
In [the period] Yüan-shou, the first year, in the
first day of the month, there was an eclipse of the
sun.[183] The imperial edict said, "We have been
permitted to protect the [imperial] ancestral temples,
have] toiled day and night, taking no leisure for
repose. Nevertheless, the Yin and Yang have not
been in accord, so that the great multitude do not
have enough [to live on]. We have not yet perceived
[where lies] the blame for this [state of affairs],
and have frequently [ordered Our] ministers to be
attentive [to their duties], expecting that [We]
might have hopes [of improvement in the government.
But] to the present, the high officials, in
administering the laws, have not yet attained [Our]
goal [of good government]. Some esteem oppressiveness
and cruelty and utilize the power [of the
government] to obtain fame, while gentle and good,
magnanimous and forgiving [people] fall into destruction
and extinction. For this reason murderous
brigands have increased more and more, while harmony
and concord have daily declined, the people
are resentful, and have no place to repose themselves.
"Recently on the first day of the first month
there was an eclipse of the sun. The blame for that
[event] is not far [to seek]—it lies upon Ourself.
and make all efforts to lead the officials, taking care
to appoint benevolent persons and to degrade and
send far away injurious villains, with the purpose of
securing tranquillity for the common people. They
should make Our faults known and not be silent
about anything. Let them, with the generals, the
full marquises, and [officials ranking at] fully two
thousand piculs, each recommend one person who is
capable and good, sincere and upright, and able to
speak frankly. A general amnesty [is granted to]
the empire."
On [the day] ting-szu, the August Grand Empress
Dowager nee Fu died.
In the third month, the Lieutenant Chancellor
sent to prison, where he died.[193]
In the autumn, the ninth month, the Commander-in-chief
was dismissed. The bronze tortoise and snake door-knocker
heads on the gate to the Hall in the Temple
of [Emperor] Hsiao-yüan cried out.
In the second year,[195]
in the spring, the first month,
of the Wu-sun came to pay court. In the second
month, they returned to their states. The Shan-yü
was not pleased. A discussion is in the "Memoir of
the Huns."[201]
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day]
eclipse of the sun.
In the fifth month, [the titles of] the three highest
Commander-in-chief and General of the Guard, Tung
tenant Chancellor, K'ung Kuang, became the Grand
Minister of the Masses; and the Grandee Secretary,
P'eng Hsüan, became the Grand Minister of Works.[208]
[The latter] was enfeoffed as Marquis of Ch'ang-p'ing.
The duties of the Director of Uprightness and the
Director of the Retainers were to be corrected, and a
Minister of Brigands was to be created.
Before the matter was settled, in the sixth month,
Palace. In the autumn, the tenth[211] month,
on [the day] jen-yin, he was buried in the Yi Tomb.
In eulogy we say: When [Emperor] Hsiao-ai was a
tributary king and then entered the palace of the
Heir-apparent, his vocabulary was large[213]
and intelligent,
[so that even when] he was young, he [had
period of [Emperor] Hsiao-ch'eng, when `blessings
left the' imperial `house'[215] and [the Emperor's]
power was transferred to his maternal [relatives].
For this reason, when [Emperor Ai] attended court,
he frequently executed his great officials, seeking to
strengthen the might of the ruler and to imitate
[Emperors] Wu and Hsüan. In his nature he did
boxing,[218] archery, and military sports. When he
ascended the throne, he had arthritis,[219] and in his
latter years [his arthritis] gradually became worse.
He did not long enjoy the rule. How sad![220]
These phrases (the first one is repeated on 11: 8b) may well refer to the matters
discussed by the school of circumstances and names or penological terminology; cf. 9: n. 1.2.
Light upright numbers indicate the paging in the Ching-yu ed., reprinted in the
Commercial Press' Po-na Series of the "Twenty-four Histories".
Italic numbers indicate the paging in the Palace ed. or Wu-ying Tien ed., reprinted
in the Szu-pu Pei-yao.
Bold-face numbers indicate the paging in the Wang Hsien-ch'ien's Han-shu Pu-chu,
as in previous volumes.
Implying tacit disapproval. Emperor Ch'eng planned to separate the future
Emperor Ai from his own family and make him an Imperial Son. Emperor Ai's relatives
refused to allow him to be separated from them.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) explains, "Yu-shu [OMITTED] means that his relationship had
not been extinguished, so that he was still [of the proper relationship] to wear mourning."
In 9: 2b and 10: 2b Emperors Yüan and Ch'eng are each recorded as having at the beginning
of their reigns made grants to the members of the imperial house who [OMITTED];
Emperor Ai, in similarily making grants, would hardly have meant anything different
from what they did. Then the phrase here is merely an abbreviation for the phrase
used in the "Annals of Emperors Yüan" and "Ch'eng." Those who rebelled or were
sentenced for crime and their descendants were dropped from the imperial house, cf. 6:
4b. The practise of considering relationship to have lapsed after a certain number of
generations is recognized in 12: 3a; cf. n. 3.1. This phrase is also found in 8: 7a.
A quotation from the Kung-yang Commentary (iii cent. B.C.) to the Spring and
Autumn, 1: 7b, Dk. Yin, Yr. I.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) explains, "The mother of Emperor Ch'eng, the Empress
Dowager [nee] Wang, lived in the Ch'ang-hsin Palace." "The Ch'ang-hsin Palace" was
then an indirect way of referring to this Empress Dowager; the "Inner Palace" was
similarily an indirect reference to the Empress; cf. Glossary sub Inner Palace. Li Ch'i
(fl. ca. 200) remarks, "The Concubine [nee] Fu was to be [treated] like [the occupant of]
the Ch'ang-hsin [Palace] and the Concubine nee Ting like [the occupant of] the Inner
Palace."
According to 18: 24a, b and Shih1 Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and
Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne;
Ting Man and Chao Ch'inb were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
According to 18: 24a, b and Shih1 Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and
Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne;
Ting Man and Chao Ch'inb were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
According to 18: 24a, b and Shih1 Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and
Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne;
Ting Man and Chao Ch'inb were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
According to 18: 24a, b and Shih1 Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and
Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne;
Ting Man and Chao Ch'inb were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
According to 18: 24a, b and Shih1 Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and
Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne;
Ting Man and Chao Ch'inb were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
A quotation from a saying of Confucius in Analects XV, x, 6. Cf. Legge's
"Concluding Note" to his translation of the Book of Odes I, vii, "The Odes of Cheng,"
p. 149.
Another allusion to Analects XV, x, 6 where Confucius directs a disciple to "banish
the melodies of Cheng." For this dismissal of 441 out of a total of 829 imperial musicians,
cf. 22: 34b-37a; Glossary sub Bureau of Music.
The above paragraph is probably a quotation from the imperial edict making these
awards, but, since Pan Ku does not precede it by writing, "An edict also said," he plainly
did not mean it to be read as a quotation.
Yen Shih-ku says, "Yi1-piao [OMITTED] means that he should be a model in the rites
and ceremonies (yi1)." But Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) points out that HS 90: 21a,
speaking of the "Tyrannical Officials," says "Those who were incorrupt were qualified
to be yi1-piao," as showing that Yen Shih-ku's interpretation is inadequate. He continues,
"In my opinion, a standing post which directs people was called a yi1 and was
also called a piao. The Shuo-wen [(ca. 100) 6A: 4b says], `Yi2 [OMITTED] is a plank [OMITTED] [laid
horizontally as the casing in making an earthen wall. It comes] from the `wood' [radical]
and yi4 [OMITTED] as the sound.' The classics and the `traditions' (ancient commentaries)
interchange [yi2] and yi1. Hence the Erh-ya [(before and during Han times) 2: 7a, says,
`Yi1 is a plank.' [Kao Yu (fl. 205-212), in] a note to the Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu, Bk. 25,
ch. 6[p. 10a, says], `A piao is a post.' [Wilhelm, p. 446, translates piao as "Stange."]
Hence when [a person's] virtue and conduct were adequate to serve as a model for people,
he was called a sign-post (piao-yi). [The Li-ki (ca. i cent. B.C.)], Bk. XXX, 4 [Legge,
II, 353; Couvreur, II, 516, says], `The superior should be careful in what he likes
and dislikes, for he is a sign-post (piao) to the common people,' and Cheng [Hsüan, (127200)]
comments, `The common people follow their prince as a shadow follows a gnomen
(piao).' Hsün-tzu [ca. 320-235 B.C.] roll VIII, fascicle XII [p. 4a, says], `The prince is
the gnomen (yi1). When the gnomen (yi1) is straight, then its shadow is straight.'
These [passages] prove that yi1 was the same as piao. Kuan-tzu [iii cent. B.C.] roll 20,
fascicle 64 [p. 8b, says], `Rules and laws are the sign-posts (yi1-piao) for the many common
people; the rules of proper conduct and moral principles are the sign-posts (yi1-piao) for
honorable and humble [persons].' Huai-nan-tzu [d. 122 B.C.], ch. 9 [p. 1a, says], `His
words are embroideries and his actions are his sign-posts (yi1-piao).' The Tso-chuan
[(iv cent. B.C.), Dk.] Wen, Yr. VI [Legge, 2429, Couvreur I, 471 says], `They proclaimed
the standard and model [for tribute], and led them by their examples (piao-yi1).' Then
whether it says yi1-piao or piao-yi1, the meaning is the same. [Yen] Shih-ku . . . did
not know that a yi1-piao . . . was a standing post, and also did not know that yi1 was a
word borrowed for yi2." This phrase is also used in SC 130: 9. Cf. also HFHD, I,
p. 244, n. 1.
For the implications of this edict upon the practise of mourning to the third year,
cf. app. I.
Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) explains, "To own private cultivated land (ming-t'ien
[OMITTED] [[OMITTED] = `to possess']) in their states [refers to land] within the states from which
they received their income. In addition to collecting the land-tax and tax on products,
[vassal kings and marquises] were also personally permitted to own three thousand mou
of private cultivated land (szu-t'ien [OMITTED]). As to `owning private cultivated land (ming-t'ien)
in the prefectures and marches': [according to] the first section in [the dynastic]
ordinances, those nobles who [lived] in their states and who owned private cultivated
land (ming-t'ien) in other prefectures should be fined [the equivalent of] two taels of gold.
[But] now some full marquises had not gone to their states; altho they received the income
of the land-tax and tax on produce from their distant states, they were also themselves
permitted to have cultivated land (t'ien) in other prefectures or marches. Princesses
were similarily treated. [But these lands] were not permitted to exceed three thousand
mou." For a discussion of these private lands, cf.; [OMITTED], pub. by
Commercial Press, ch. 3. Tung Chung-shu seems to have been the first to suggest
limiting the size of private lands, cf. HS 24 A: 17a. Emperor Ai's edict was made as a
result of Shih1 Tan's suggestion (HS 24 A: 20a). Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that ming-t'ien
is the same as chan-tien [OMITTED], which latter phrase is used in Han-chi 28: 1b.
The regulation that those enregistered in market-places and their sons and grandsons
were not allowed to be officials dates back to the time of Emperor Kao or earlier.
Cf. HS 24 B: 4a11.
HS 24 A: 20b also quotes this edict adding, "The period [for final compliance with this
edict] shall end with the third year." The passage continues, "[At this] time the price
of cultivated fields, residences, and male and female slaves became low. The Ting and
Fu [clans] were [however] employed [on important government] matters and Tung Hsien2a
became great and honorable, all [of whom found this edict] inconvenient. [So the enforcement
of this] edict was temporarily postponed to a latter [time]. Thereupon it was
tabled and not put into effect."
For the Three Offices for Garments in the Ch'i Commandery, cf. Glossary, sub voce
The reference to "women's work" is reminiscent of Emperor Ching's edict, where the
term is explained. Cf. 5: 9a, HFHD, I, 328, & n. 9.4.
The text is ambiguous: Ju Shun interprets it: "Those which are being made and are
already completed, and those which are not yet completed shall all be stopped and shall
not again be made. All shall be transported to the depot nearest the Office." But
Yen Shih-ku writes, "Ju [Shun's] explanation is mistaken. It merely means that those
which are not yet completed shall not be made, and those which are already completed
shall not be transported." Wang Hsien-ch'ien comments, "The two explanations of Ju
[Shun] and Yen [Shih-ku] are [both] mistaken. Hu San-hsing [1230-1287, in a note to
the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 33: 7a] says, `The Three Offices for Garments in Ch'i together
with the various offices for weaving shall all not make articles difficult to complete in
order to transport them [to the capital]."
Ying Shao comments, "[As to] the ordinance [concerning] the giving office to sons,
the Comment in the Han-[chiu]-yi [by Wei Hung, (fl. dur. 25-57; this passage has dropped
out of that book, much of which has been lost; it has been replaced in its "Appendix"
of fragments, A: 3a), says], `Officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs and above, who
have attended to [government] affairs for three full years, are permitted to obtain the
position of Gentleman for one of [their brothers or half-brothers] of the same father [or
these persons' sons], or for a son.' [Such persons however] were not selected for their
virtue, hence [the order] was done away with." (Yen Shih-ku, following a comment of
Fu Ch'ien (125-195) to HS 36: 6a, interprets [OMITTED] as meaning the same as [OMITTED], "guarantee,"
but Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) replies that in view of the provision in the Han Code,
quoted by Ying Shao, guarantors were not necessary.)
Tung Chung-shu (56: 13a) and Wang Chi5a (72: 7a) had protested against this practise.
Its abolition constituted a strengthening of the examination system.
At various times in the Later Han period persons are stated to have been made Gentlemen
of the court (lang) because of their close relationship to high officials (HHS, M. 31:
14a, 17b; M. 9: 10b-11a; M. 27: 4a, 6a; M. 35: 6a; M. 51: 13a, b). But in each case this
appointment was probably a special act of imperial grace. In A.D. 121, one son, nephew,
or younger brother of each one of the highest ministers, high ministers, colonels, and
masters of writing was made a Gentleman or Member of the Heir-apparent's Suite. This
act was also a special favor; it is listed along with grants of general amnesty to the common
people and grants of cash or silk to the Honored Ladies at the imperial tombs, the royal
princesses, ministers, and lesser officials (HHS, An. 5: 15a). This grant establishes that
the abolition of 7 B.C. was maintained, except for special imperial favors. In A.D. 146
it was however enacted that the sons of officials ranking at 600 piculs and over could enter
the Imperial University and that the best ten of these sons should be made Gentlemen
of the court or Members of the Heir-apparent's Suite (HHS, An. 6: 17b). Thus the
practise of giving office to sons was partially and qualifiedly renewed.
Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1832) remarks, "This edict was probably occasioned by the
[Director] of the Retainers, Chieh Kuang, memorializing the deeds of the [Brilliant Companion]
nee Chao." It was probably an attempt to protect the life of her sister, the
Empress Dowager nee Chao. Cf. HFHD, II, ch. X, Introduction, pp. 369-372; Glossary,
sub Brilliant Companion nee Chao.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "Ning [OMITTED] means to dwell at home and wear mourning
garments." The Official ed. has the word "previously (ch'ien [OMITTED])" at the beginning of
this sentence, before the words for "Erudits" (po-shih), with the note, "The Sung Ch'i
[ed., xi or xii cent.] says, `[In the phrase] "Ch'ien po-shih," one text does not have the
word "ch'ien." ' " This word was dropped in the Ching-yu ed. (1034-5). On this period
of mourning, cf. App. I.
HS 18: 19b and 98: 11a report that these two persons were sentenced because,
before Emperor Ch'eng's tomb was completed, they had married imperial concubines
and had held a feast at which there was singing and dancing, (cf. Glossary, sub Wang,
Grand Empress Dowager nee). Hence abstinence from festivities was now required for
far more than merely the thirty-six days after an emperor's death stipulated by Emperor
Wen. Cf. 4: 20a.
Another curious event happened at this time. HS 27 Ca: 21b says, "In the second
year of [the period] Sui-ho, the eighth month, on [the day] keng-shen [Huang gives no
such day in the eighth month, but if the intercalary month, which he inserts after the
seventh month, is changed to come after the eighth month, this date is Sept. 18, 7 B.C.],
a man of the T'ung Hamlet in the Cheng [county], Wang Pao, clothed in carmine garments,
with a small bonnet, and girt with a two-edged sword, entered thru the Northern
Major's Gate and the Eastern Gate of the [Wei-yang Palace] Hall, went up into the
Front Hall and entered the Extraordinary Room, loosened the ribbon of a curtain,
knotted and girded himself with it, beckoned to the Chief in the offices in the Front Hall,
Yeh, and others, saying, `The Lord of Heaven ordered me to live here.' Yeh and the
others arrested, bound, and examined him. [Wang] Pao had been a soldier of the [Chief]
Grand Questioner to the Major [in Charge of Official Carriages], and was suffering from
insanity, so that he himself did not know the circumstances under which he had entered
the palace. He was sent to prison and died."
The Official ed. inverts the order of [OMITTED].
HS 27 Ca: 9a says, "In the ninth month, on [the day] ping-ch'en [Nov. 13], there was
an earthquake. From the capital to the northern borders, in more than thirty commanderies
and kingdoms, the inner and outer city walls were ruined. Altogether it
killed 415 people."
A hundred thousand cash [which was equivalent to ten catties of gold] was the
value of a middle-class family's estate; Cf. 4: 21a.
They were both brothers of the Brilliant Companion nee Chao, who had been
responsible for imperial infanticide. Cf. HFHD II, 369-372; Glossary, sub vocibus.
HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In Chien-p'ing I, i, on [the day] ting-wei [Mar. 4], ten meteorites
fell in the [Commandery] of Po-ti."
Yü Yüeh (1821-1906) declares that yen [OMITTED] is a copyist's error for an ancient form
of [OMITTED]. Without this emendation, as Wang Nien-sun remarks, the clause beginning
with yen interrupts the sentence and must have been displaced. According to Yen
Shih-ku's comment (A.D. 641), yen was already in his text.
Liu Pin (1022-1088) remarks that this edict must have been a command to the Lieutenant
Chancellor and Grand Minister of Works as well as to the officials mentioned;
their titles have hence been inserted into the translation.
HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In the ninth month, on [the day] chia-ch'en [Oct. 27], two
meteorites fell in Yü [in the kingdom of Liang]."
The Queen Dowager had been a rival of the Empress Dowager nee Fu for Emperor
Yüan's favor, and was hated by her; her younger sister had now been falsely charged with
plotting an attempt on the life of Emperor Ai. Cf. Glossary, sub Feng, Brilliant Companion
nee.
Chou Shou-ch'ang glosses on 11: 4a, "The Ku-chin-chu [ca. 300, (we have been unable
to find this passage there) says], `In the first year of Emperor Ai, a fungus of immortality
grew on a laurel magnolia tree of the rear slaughter-house.' Chung Chang-t'ung's [180220]
Ch'ang-yen [lost; fragments in the Yü-han Shan-fang Chi-yi Shu; this passage is in
B: 5b, and is recovered from the Yi-wen Lei-chü (vii cent.) ch. 89, and from the T'ai-p'ing
Yü-lan (978-983), 960: 4a] says, `In the time of Emperor Ai of the Han [dynasty,
(the Yü-lan says, "Emperor An")], there were prodigies which grew on an arbor-vitae
tree of an eastern gallery (behind the Yen-yü stables) in the Ch'ang-lo Palace, and on a
mimosa tree at the southern door of the Long Lane. Those who discussed them considered
that they were fungi of immortality. The courtiers all congratulated [the Emperor]
and received grants.' "
Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that this change was the result of a request by Chu Po.
The change in the title of Provincial Governors below was also due to his recommendation.
Cf. Introduction, p. 13.
A quotation (with a variation in two words) from the Li-ki, II, i, i, 3 (Legge,
121; Couvreur, I, 109-110).
This edict is given in greater fullness in 75: 32b, which passage is much clearer.
The Official ed. has not "yüan-chiang," the last two words of the new year-period,
and quotes the Sung Ch'i ed. as saying that some editor "did not understand that the
name [of the year-period] included four words, so excised the two words `yüan-chiang',
which is an error. Later I obtained a T'ang text [before xi cent.] in which the words
`yüan-chiang' are really preserved." All four words of this name are found in HS 75:
32b and 99 A: 34b. Ch'i Shao-nan remarks that T'ai-ch'u was a year-period in Emperor
Wu's reign, and would not be repeated in this reign. "[The Emperor] must have been
misled by the sayings of these magicians who invented this name with four words to
show that there was a renaissance. Altho [this name of a year-period] was not actually
established, nevertheless the names [of year-periods] in later ages which contain four
words began with this one." This name may possibly be translated, "The Primordial
and Great Grand Beginning."
It is almost impossible to be sure about the meaning of a magical title such as that
taken by the Emperor, viz., "Ch'en-sheng Liu T'ai-p'ing Huang-ti." Wang Mang took
them as a prophecy of his usurpation; cf. 99 A: 34b. Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) says, "Ch'en
is to lead. It means that he obtained spiritual leading. The sage is the Liu [house]."
Ju Shun however says, "[The rulers of the state of] Ch'en, [the first word in the Emperor's
title], were the descendants of Shun. Wang Mang was a descendant of [the rulers of]
Ch'en. These were deceptive words which made plain that [Wang] Mang would usurp
[the throne] and set himself up [as emperor]. However [Hsia Ho-liang and Emperor Ai]
did not know that." Wei Chao (197-273/4) says, "It made known and published
(ch'en) the virtue of the sage Liu [house]." Yen Shih-ku adds, "The two explanations
of Ju [Shun] and Wei [Chao] are [both] correct," and Hu San-hsing remarks ironically
"If Wei [Chao's] explanation is not far from the truth, then Ju [Shun's] explanation is
like magic. Since Yen [Shih-ku] considers that both explanations are correct, which one
shall we follow?"
Yen Shih-ku remarks, "Previously in the clepsydra, for a day and night together
there were 100 graduations [OMITTED]. Now [the Emperor] increased them by twenty." Wang
Mang later established 120 graduations; cf. 99 A: 35a. Shen Ch'in-han remarks, "If a
hundred graduations are divided equally among twelve [double]-hours, one [double]-hour
has 8 graduations and 20 divisions [OMITTED]. Now 120 graduations were used, so that one
[double]-hour had ten graduations. The Wu-tai Hui-yao [by Wang Po (922-982), 10:
13a, 14a, 13b, says], `In the [Posterior] Chin [dynasty, in the period] T'ien-fu III, [ii
Mar., 938], the Director of the Imperial Observatory memorialized, . . . "The various
Classics on the Graduations of the Clepsydra [(there were five books by this title listed
even as early as the Sui History's "Treatise on Arts and Literature") all consider that in
a day and night there are one hundred graduations, which are divided among twelve
[double]-hours, so that each [double]-hour has 8 graduations and a third. . . . Sixty
divisions make one graduation, so that one [double]-hour has 8 graduations and 20 divisions."
The Sui Dynastic History [begun 622], 19: [26a ff, which gives a full account
of the apportionment of clepsydra graduations among the various hours and their changes,
says], `In 507, Emperor Wu considered that if the hundred graduations [of the clepsydra]
in a day and night were divided equally among the twelve double-hours, a double-hour
would have 8 graduations and there still would be some excess divisions [of a graduation].
So he considered that a day and night should have 96 graduations, so that one double-hour
should have eight whole graduations.' [Other schemes were also tried, by which
some double-hours had more graduations that others.] In the present [Ch'ing] dynasty,
the imperial almanacs use the arrangement [of Emperor Wu]. Each [double]-hour has 8
equal graduations, and each graduation has 15 divisions, without any distinction between
long graduations and short graduations."
Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) declares that [OMITTED] should be emended to [OMITTED]. The
Official ed. has the latter reading. It is also found in the version of this edict on HS
75: 32b.
The present text and the Han-chi 28: 7b read "two degrees"; but HS 83: 17a4 and
the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 34: 5b read "three degrees." Hu San-hsing explains, "[Whoever]"
has his capital punishment reduced three degrees, becomes a convict servitor or
concubine."
These three officials had conspired, at the instigation of the Emperor's Grand Empress
Dowager nee Fu, to have her nephew, Fu Hsi, dismissed. The latter was the most
capable member of the Fu clan, but had opposed elevating the title of the Emperor's
Grand Empress Dowager. Cf. Glossary, sub Chu Po.
HS 27 Ca: 18b says, "In Chien-p'ing II, in the [Commandery] of Ting-hsiang, a
male horse bore a colt with three legs, which followed the herd in drinking and eating."
Ibid. 19b says, "In [the period] Chien-p'ing, in the [Commandery] of Yü-chang, there
was a boy who metamorphosed and became a girl, was married, became a man's wife,
and gave birth to a child."
These places had been last reestablished by the Empress Dowager nee Wang in
Apr., 7 B.C. Cf. 10: 16a.
These women had tried by magical means to bring about the death of Emperor Ai,
in order that Liu Yün2a might become Emperor. Cf. Glossary, sub Liu Yün2a.
HS 27 Bb: 17b says, "In Chien-p'ing III, at P'ing-tu in the [Commandery] of Tung-lai
there were produced seven large fish, 80 feet long and 11 feet high, all of whom died."
They were probably whales.
Wang Nien-sun remarks that HS 27 Ca: 22a, in recounting this matter, prefaces
it with "In the first month"; the next event in 11: 6b is prefaced with "in the second
month"; the Han-chi 29: 1a also prefaces its account with "in the first month"; hence
these words should be in this passage too.
This interesting soteriological religion is described in two other passages, which are
appended here: HS 27 Ca: 22a says, "In Chien-p'ing IV, the first month, the common
people were excited and ran, [each] holding a stalk of straw or of hemp, carrying them on
and passing them to one another, saying, `I am transporting the wand of [the goddess's
edict].' Those who passed along and met on the roads were as many as thousands.
Some let down their hair and walked barefoot. Some at night broke door-bars and some
climbed over walls, entering [houses]. Some rode chariots or on horseback, galloping
fast, making [themselves] post-messengers to transmit and transport [the wands]. They
passed and traveled thru 26 commanderies or kingdoms and came to the imperial capital.
"That summer, in the imperial capital, the common people of the commanderies and
kingdoms met together in the wards, lanes, and foot-paths, making sacrifices and setting
out utensils for tablets [like dice to throw lots, probably for divination], singing and
dancing, sacrificing to the Mother Queen of the West. They also transmitted a written
message which said, `The Mother informs her people that those who wear this writing
will not die. Let those who do not believe my words look below their door hinges, where
there will be white hairs.' In the autumn it stopped."
HS 26: 59b adds, "In [Chien-p'ing], the fourth year, the first month, the second month,
and the third month [Feb.-May], the common people frightened each other, crying out
and running, transmitting wands [containing] the edict [of the goddess], and sacrificing
to the Mother Queen of the West. They also said, `People with eyes [placed] vertically
will come.' "
Tu Yeh interpreted this event as portending weakness in the government, because
of its domination by the evil Ting and Fu clans. Pan Ku says that the Grand Empress
Dowager nee Wang and Wang Mang responded to this portent when he destroyed the
Ting and Fu clans. Cf. 27 Ca: 22a, b.
Chavannes, La Sculpture sur pierre en Chine, pl. XXXVIII, in the third register of
the gable; Mission archeologique dans la Chine Septentrionale, Plates, 88, vol. I, fig.
161, 162, also vol. I1, fig. 1237, and p. 80 reproduce Han grave sculptures in which devotees
offer branches to the Mother Queen of the West, which are these wands. Cf. also
Introduction, p. 8; Glossary, sub Mother Queen of the West; "An Ancient Chinese
Mystery Cult," Harvard Theological Review, 35, Oct., 1942, 221-240.
Cf. Appendix II for eclipses. This eclipse brought about the downfall of Sun
Ch'ung and Hsi-fu Kung (45: 17b, 18a) and served to bring K'ung Kuang and Wang
Mang back to the capital (81: 18b, 19a; 99 A: 3b). Pao Hsüan recommended that Tung
Hsien2a also be sent away and that Ho Wu, Shih1 Tan, P'eng Hsüan, and Fu Hsi be
recalled (72: 24a).
Wang Chia1a was a capable and loyal official, who prevented Emperor Ai from
promoting and enriching his catamite, Tung Hsien2a. After an amnesty, he recommended
some officials whom the Emperor had previously dismissed, so he was accused of having
misdirected the state and misled the Emperor, which was an inhuman crime. He was
sent to prison, where he starved to death. In 4 A.D., Wang Mang had him listed as a
faithful minister. This judicial murder was perhaps Emperor Ai's greatest crime.
Chang Chao (1691-1745) remarks that the Academy ed. (1124) prefixes "Yüan-shou"
to the words "second year," the use of which words is contrary to the practise of
the history, hence they are an interpolation.
Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 35: 11a (following HS 94 B: 14b) points out that the Shan-yü
was not pleased because he had been lodged in the Grape Lodge of the Shang-lin Park
in order that the planet Jupiter might repress and overcome the evil influences the Shan-yü
had brought with him in coming from the north (Yin). Cf. de Groot, Die Hunnen,
p. 261, n. 1.
The text reads jen-ch'en, but calculation shows that ch'en is an error for hsü. Cf.
App. II, ii.
Hu San-hsing, in a note to the Tzu-chih T'ing-chien 35: 11a, explains, "The division
of duties was that the Commander-in-chief took charge of military matters, the Grand
Minister of the Masses took charge of matters concerning the people, and the Grand
Minister of Works took charge of matters concerning the waters and the earth."
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Chiang-nan text (prob. x-xiii cent.) has[OMITTED] before
the [OMITTED].
The present text says "ninth month," but Huang lists no jen-yin day in that month.
Fu Tsan, in a note, says that from the death to the burial was to the 105th day. Szu-ma
Kuang, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 2, 9b notes that the 105th day after the
death was in the tenth month, so emends "ninth" to "tenth." I have adopted that
suggestion. Han-chi 29: 13b dates the burial in the ninth month, on the day jen-ch'en,
which is also impossible, for Huang also puts that day in the tenth month.
A phrase reminiscent of SC 47: 84 (= Mh V, 421), where the Spring and Autumn
is said to be [OMITTED] "condensed in its language, but extensive in its allusiveness."
HS 70: 5a says that Kan Yen-shou "was examined in boxing and made an Attendant
at the Gate." Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) and Su Lin (fl. 196-227) say that
pien [OMITTED] or [OMITTED] is [OMITTED].
Ju Shun comments, "The pronunciation of wei [OMITTED] is that of the fan-jui [OMITTED]
cross-bow. The sickness in which one cannot cross his two feet is called wei." Yen
Shih-ku says that fan-jui is the name of a cross-bow and means to press with both feet.
Shen Ch'in-han adds, "In stretching this cross-bow one has to use the feet, hence it became
the name of the cross-bow." These were probably the extremely stout crossbows
used by "skilled soldiers."
| THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY The history of the former Han dynasty | |