 | THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
B. THE HISTORY OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
B. [Chapter] XCIX
THE SIXTY-NINTH [MEMOIR]
B. The Memoir of Wang Mang
B. PART B
In [the year-period] Shih-chien-kuo, the first year,
the first month, on the first day of the month, [Wang]
Mang led the highest ministers, marquises, high
ministers, and gentlemen to offer the imperial seal
and [ceremonial] apron [1120] of an Empress Dowager
and present it to the Grand Empress Dowager [nee
Wang,[1121] in order to] obey the mandate [given
through] the portents and do away with her title
from the Han [dynasty].
Previously, [Wang] Mang had married a daughter
of the Marquis of Yi-ch'una, [Wang Hsien2a], who
was surnamed Wang.[1123]
She was made the Empress.
HUOb, An1a, and Lin1a. Two sons had previously been
executed. [Wang] An1a's mind was almost completely
gone, so [Wang Mang] made [Wang] Lin1a the Imperial
Heir-apparent, and made [Wang] An1a the Admirable
Prince of the Hsin [House. Wang Mang] enfeoffed
the six sons of [Wang] Yü: [Wang] Ch'ien2 as Duke
of Prospering Merits, [Wang] Shou as Duke of Brilliant
Merits, [Wang] Chi5b as Duke of Perfected
Merits, [Wang] Tsung as Duke of Eminent Merits,
[Wang] Shih as Duke of Shining Merits, and [Wang]
Li4 as Duke of Marked Merits. A general amnesty
[was granted] to the empire.
[Wang] Mang thereupon gave a charter-mandate
to the Young Prince [Liu Ying1a], which said, " `O
the Grand Founder of your [dynasty, Emperor Kao,
so that his descendants] succeeded [each other] for
twelve reigns and enjoyed the state for two hundred
ten years. `The [Heaven]-determined order of succession
rests upon my person.'[1130] Does not the Book
of Odes say, `They became subject to the Chou
[dynasty, for] the mandate of Heaven is not constant'?[1132]
I enfeoff you as the Duke of Established
Tranquillity, foreover to be a guest of the Hsin House.
Alas! Reverence the beneficence of Heaven. Go
and take your position and do not neglect my
commands."
It also said, "Let a region a hundred li square, with
altogether ten thousand households in [the prefectures
of] P'ing-yüan, An-tê, T'a-yin, Ko, and
Chung-ch'iu become the state of the Duke of Established
Tranquillity, and let there be set up a temple
to his ancestors, [the Emperors] of the Han [dynasty],
scendants of the Chou [dynasty].[1136] Let him carry
on the first day of the [Han] first month and the
colors of the robes of that [dynasty],[1137] from generation
to generation serving his ancestors, so that they
may eternally, because of their famous[1138] virtue and
abundant achievements, enjoy sacrifices for successive
generations. Let the Empress [nee Wang] of
[Emperor] Hsiao-p'ing become the Duchess Dowager
of Established Tranquillity."
When the reading of the charter was ended, [Wang]
Mang himself grasped the hand of the Young Prince,
dropped tears, and sighed, saying, "Anciently, when
the Duke of Chou had the position of regent, he was
finally able to `return [the government] to his intelligent
pressed by the majestic mandate of August Heaven,
am I unable to follow my intention [to return the
government to you]." He sorrowed and sighed for a
long time. A Palace Tutor took the Young Prince
down below the Hall, faced him north, and pronounced
him a subject [of the new dynasty]. None
of the many lower officials who acted as assistants to
those who had positions [in the court at this ceremony]
failed to be moved and influenced.
The coadjuting ministers were moreover all enfeoffed
and installed according to [the list in] the
metal casket. The Grand Tutor Assisting on the
Left and General of Agile Cavalry, the Marquis of
An-yang, Wang Shun4b, became the Grand Master
and was enfeoffed as the Duke Giving Tranquillity to
the Hsin [Dynasty]. The Grand Master over the
Masses, the Marquis Conforming to Virtue, P'ing
forming to the Hsin [Dynasty]. The Junior Supporter,
the Hsi-and-Ho and Governor of the Capital,
the Marquis of Hung-and-Hsiu, Liu Hsin1a, became
the State Master and the Duke Honoring the Hsin
[Dynasty].[1146] Ai Chang, from Tzu3a-t'ung in Kuang-han
[Commandery], became the State General and
the Duke Beautifying the Hsin [Dynasty]. The foregoing
were the Four Coadjutors. Their rank was
that of the highest rank of the highest [ministers].
The Grand Guardian Serving at the Rear, the
Marquis of Ch'eng-yang, Chen Han, became the
Commander-in-chief and the Duke Serving the Hsin
[Dynasty]. The Marquis Making Great Efforts,
Wang Hsün3, became the Grand Minister over the
Masses and the Duke Ornamenting the Hsin [Dynasty].
The General of Foot-soldiers, the Marquis
of Ch'eng-tub, Wang Yi5, became the Grand Minister
of Works and the Duke Prospering the Hsin [Dynasty].
The foregoing were the three highest
ministers.
The Grand Supporter Aiding on the Right, the
Grand Minister of Works and General of the Guard,
the Marquis of Kuang-yang, Chen Feng, became the
General of a New Beginning and the Duke Extending
the Hsin [Dynasty]. Wang Hsinga, from the imperial
the Duke Upholding the Hsin [Dynasty]. The
General of Light Chariots, the Marquis of Ch'eng-wu,
Sun Chien, became the General Establishing the
State and the Duke Perfecting the Hsin [Dynasty].
Wang Sheng, from the imperial capital, became the
General of the Van and the Duke Exalting the Hsin
[Dynasty]. The foregoing were the Four Generals.
Altogether there were eleven highest ministers.
Wang Hsinga was a former clerk to a Prefect of a
City-gate,[1151] and Wang Sheng had been a seller of
cakes. In accordance with the mandate [given
through] the portent, [Wang] Mang sought out and
secured more than ten persons with these surnames
and given names. These two persons' features responded
to divination and physiognomization, so
they were elevated directly from [the condition of]
wearing plain clothes and were given [these high]
offices, in order to show that it was a supernatural
[matter]. The other persons [with these surnames
and given names] were all installed as Gentlemen.
On this day, altogether several hundred persons were
enfeoffed and installed in the offices of high ministers,
grandees, Palace Attendants, and Masters of Writing.
Those [members of] the Liu [clan] who had been
Commandery Administrators were all changed to be
Grandee-remonstrants.
[The name of] the Ming-kuang Palace was changed
to be the Lodge of Established Tranquillity, and the
Duchess Dowager of Established Tranquillity inhabited
it.
The yamen of the former[1155] Grand Herald was
made the residence of the Duke of Established Tranquillity,
[Liu Ying1a]. At both of these [residences]
there were established guards for the gates, and
commissioners inspected and directed them. It was
ordered that [Liu Ying1a's] nurses[1156] and wet-nurses
should not be permitted to talk with him. He was
dence, so that] when he grew up, he could not name
the six [kinds of] domestic animals. Later [Wang]
Mang married him to his granddaughter (a child of
[Wang] Yü3).[1160]
[Wang] Mang's charters to his various high officials
`respectfulness,'[1162] so [the Chief of] the Eastern
bringing `timely rains.' As its cerulean splendor
enlarges tranquillity, so he investigates [the sun's]
shadow by the sundial."[1167]
"As [the planet] Mars presides over `wisdom',[1168]
so [the Chief of] the Southern [Sacred] Peak and
Grand Tutor is in charge of bringing `timely
so he investigates sounds by the musical tubes."[1171]
"As [the planet] Venus presides over `orderliness,'
so [the Chief of] the Western [Sacred] Peak and
shine.'[1174] As its white splendor gives form to tranquillity,
so he investigates measures of capacity by
weighing instruments."[1176]
"As [the planet] Mercury presides over `deliberation,'
so [the Chief of] the Northern [Sacred] Peak
and State General has charge of bringing `timely
so he investigates the planets by the clepsydra."[1179]
"As the Moon [has charge of] punishments, and is
the great limb[1180]
[of the heavenly powers], so the
Commander-[in-chief] on the left has charge of
bringing about military responses [to evil deeds.
the try-square, so he has charge of presiding over
astrological phenomena, `reverently in accordance
with [the observation] of the vast heavens, to deliver
the seasons respectfully to the common people,'[1185]
and to give stimulation and encouragement to agricultural
pursuits, in order [to bring about] an
abundant harvest of grain."
"As the Sun has charge of virtues[1186]
and is the
great arm [of the heavenly powers, so] the [Grand]
Minister over the Masses on the right has charge of
bringing auspicious presages [concerning] civil [matters].
As a circle is investigated by testing it with
the compasses,[1187]
so he has charge of presiding over
human ways. The `five [fundamental] teachings'
people, to receive [commands] from the throne,
to propagate and beautify the customs and usages,
and the five grades [of people will be well] instructed."[1189]
"[As the constellation of the Northern] Bushel
[has charge of] balancing [i.e., judging][1192] and is the
great heart [(or center) of heaven], so in the center
the [Grand] Minister of Works has charge of preparing
designs [i.e., planning] for (animate and inanimate)
things. As length is investigated by the
[carpenter's] line, so he has charge of presiding over
the principles of geographical arrangements, of balancing
and ruling the waters and the earth, and is in
charge of [the spirits of] the famous mountains and
streams, of multiplying birds and beasts, and of
making grass and trees luxurious and abundant."
[Wang Mang thus] gave a charter-mandate to
each one according to his duties, [using] words like
those in the "Canons" and the "Announcements."[1194]
He established a Director of Confidence in the Commander-in-chief,
a Director of Uprightness to the
Grand Minister over the Masses, and a Director of
Obedience to the Grand Minister of Works, whose
positions were those of senior high ministers.
He [had previously] changed the title of the Grand
and later changed it to be the Communicator. The
Grand Judge was called the Deciding Judge, the
Grand Minister of Ceremonies was called the Arranger
of the Ancestral Temples, the Grand Herald
was called the Director of Music, the Privy Treasurer
Commandant of Waters and Parks was called the My
Forester. [These six officials], with the [three
senior] high ministers who were directors to the three
highest ministers were together [ranked as] the nine
high ministers. They were divided and [each] made
subordinate to [some one of] the three highest ministers.
For each high minister there were established
three grandees, and for each grandee there were
established three First Officers, so that altogether
there were twenty-seven grandees and eighty-one
First Officers.[1200] They were separately put in charge
of the various duties in the offices of the imperial
capital.
He changed the title of the Superintendant of the
Imperial Household to be the Director of Palaces,
the Grand Coachman to be the Grand[1201]
Charioteer,
the Commandant of the Palace Guard to be the
Grand[1202]
Guard, the Bearer of the Gilded Mace to
be the Inciter to Military Deeds, and the [Colonel of]
the Capital [Encampments][1203]
to be the Chief of
Keeper of the Robes, who had charge of the imperial
chariots of state, robes, and imperial articles. Later
[this officer] also had charge of troops. The ranks
and positions [of the foregoing six officials] were all
those of the highest [rank] of the high ministers; they
were entitled the Six Superintendants.
[The titles of] Grand Administrators of commanderies
[commandery] Chief Commandants were called
Grand Commandants, Prefects and Chiefs of prefectures
were called Rulers, [Attending] Secretaries
were called Upholders of the Laws, the Majors in
Charge of Official Carriages were called [the Directors
of] the Four Gates to the Royal Apartments.
The Ch'ang1-lo Palace was called the Ch'ang2-lo
House, the Wei-yang (Never Completed) Palace was
called the Shou-ch'eng House (the House Where a
Long Life is Perfected), the Front Hall was called
the Hall with the Royal Apartments, and Ch'ang1-an
was called Ch'ang2-an.
The names of the [civil] ranks were changed: the
[occupants of positions ranking at] 100 piculs were
called Common Officers, the [occupants of positions
ranking at] 300 piculs were called Lower-ranking
Officers, the [occupants of positions ranking at] 400
piculs were called Middle-ranking Officers, the [occupants
of positions ranking at] 500 piculs were
called Mandated Officers, the [occupants of positions
ranking at] 600 piculs were called First Officers, the
[occupants of positions ranking at] 1000 piculs were
called Lower-ranking Grandees, the [occupants of
positions ranking at] equivalent to 2000 piculs were
called Middle-ranking Grandees, the [occupants of
positions ranking at] 2000 piculs were called Upper-ranking
Grandees, and the [occupants of positions
ranking at] fully 2000 piculs were called High Ministers.
The carriages, robes, aprons, and mortarboard
hats of each [differed according to] their
different degrees.
There were also established [the Grandee] in
Charge of Respectfulness, [the Grandee] in Charge of
Accordance [with the Way,[1209]
the Grandee] in Charge
Attentiveness, and the Grandee in Charge of Perspicaciousness,[1213]
who, together with the Musician
Chanting the Odes and the Ruler for Removing the
Viands were to have charge of [the Emperor's] errors.
Their charters said,
"I have heard that the sages of the most [ancient
never failed to cultivate their persons carefully, in
order that they might tranquillize [everyone, even
those] at a distance. For this purpose I have established
you to have charge of your `five activities.'[1216]
Do not hide my faults and do not assist me in vainglory.
`In your likes and dislikes make no errors'[1217]
and hold to the mean. O! Put forth all your
efforts!"
[Wang Mang] ordered that the [Directors of Four
Gates to] the Royal Apartments should establish
the banner for initiating improvements, the post for
speaking ill and criticizing,[1218]
and the drum for those
who dare to admonish.[1219]
Four Grandee-remonstrants
were regularily seated at the Gates to the
of matters.
The members of the Wang clan who were related
mourning were enfeoffed as Marquises, [those
who would wear] the nine-months' mourning became
Earls, [those who would wear] the five-months'
mourning became Viscounts, and [those who would
wear] the three-months' mourning became Barons.
The females all became Baronesses. The males all
had Mu (concord) and the females had Lung (prosperous)
in their titles.[1224] All received seals and cords.
[Wang Mang] ordered that for the nobles there
should be appointed Ladies Dowager, Ladies, and
Heirs, who would also receive seals and cords.
[His message] also said, " `Heaven has not two
suns, nor has Earth two kings'[1228] —this is the unchangeable
way of all the kings. Some of the nobles
of the Han clan were entitled Kings, and even the
barbarians [beyond] the four [frontiers] followed
[this practise]. It is contrary to the ancient institutions
and absurd [in view of the principle that there
is only] one sovereign [in the world]. Let it be fixed
that the titles of vassal kings shall all be [changed to]
Duke, and that those of the barbarians [beyond] the
four [frontiers] who have usurped this title and called
themselves Kings shall all be changed and become
Marquises."
It also said: "According to the Way of the [ancient]
lords and kings, one followed [the ways of his
predecessor, so that [their principles] were transmitted
[from one to another]. As a recompense for
their abundant virtues for hundreds of generations
[after their death] they should enjoy sacrifices. I
reflect that the Yellow Lord, the Lord, Shao-hao, the
Lord, Chuan-hsü, the Lord, K'u, the Lord, Yao, the
Lord, Shun, the Lord, Yü of the Hsia [dynasty],
Kao-yao, and Yi Yin all possessed sage virtues and
ascended to August Heaven, [becoming gods]. Their
achievements were sublime and their brilliance was
spread[1232] to a distance. I esteem them highly and
have `instituted a search'[1233] for their descendants in
order to recompense them by [enfeoffing descendants
to] sacrifice to them. Verily, the Wang clan are
descendants of the Lord of Yü, [Shun], who was descended
from the Lord, K'u, and the Liu clan are
descendants of Yao, who was descended from Chuan-hsü."[1234]
Thereupon he enfeoffed Yao Hsün as the Marquis
of Original Concord to make offerings as the descendant
of the Yellow Lord and Liang Hu as the
Earl Renewing Distant [Sacrifices] to make offerings
as the descendant of Shao-hao. The Imperial Grandson,
the Duke of Prospering Merits, [Wang] Ch'ien2,
was to make offerings as the descendant of the Lord,
K'u. Liu Hsin1b became the Earl of Vast Glories
to make offerings as the descendant of Chuan-hsü.
[Liu] Tieh, the son to the State Master, Liu Hsin1a,
became the Marquis of Yi-and-Hsiu, to make offerings
as the descendant of Yao. Kuei Ch'ang became
the Marquis of the Beginning of Concord to make
offerings as the descendant of the Lord of Yü, [Shun].
Shan Tsun became the Viscount as a Recompense for
Counsel to make offerings as the descendant of
Kao-yao. Yi Hsüan became the Viscount in Recompense
to the [Supporting] Governor, to make offerings
as the descendant of Yi Yin. The position of
the descendant of the Han [dynasty], the Duke of
Established Tranquillity, Liu Ting1a, was made that
of a Guest. [The title of] the descendant of the
Chou [dynasty], the Duke of Weis,[1239] Chi Tang, was
changed, and he was enfeoffed as the Duke of Manifest
Peace and was also made a Guest. [The title of]
the descendant of the Yin [dynasty], the Duke of
Sung, K'ung Hung, whose rank was altered [because
of] the change in [the dynasty], was changed, and
he was enfeoffed as the Marquis of Manifest Brilliance
and his position was made that of a Respected
Guest.[1240] A descendant of the Hsia [dynasty], Szu
enfeoffed and made the Marquis of Manifest Merits
and was also made a Respected Guest. (To the most
ancient examplars of the four dynasties there were
made sacrifices to exemplars in the Ming-t'ang, and
they were made the coadjutors of the August First
Deceased Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun].)[1244] The
descendant of the Duke of Chou, the Viscount in
Recompense to [the Duke of] Lu, Chi Chiu, and the
descendant of Duke Hsüan-ni [in Recompense for
Perfection, Confucius], the Viscount in Recompense
for Perfection, K'ung Chün, had already been previously
appointed.
[Wang] Mang also said, "When previously I was
Regent, I founded a temple for the suburban sacrifices,
established a temple for the distant ancestors, and
set up [an altar for] the gods of the soils and grains.
The gods in heaven and earth responded by [granting]
favors. Sometimes `lights descended from above,
dissolving into a crow';[1248] sometimes there was a
clear, thereby making manifest my brilliant [inheritance
from] the Yellow [Lord] and Yü [Shun].
"From the Yellow Lord to King Po of Chi-nan,
[Wang Sui], there have indeed been five surnames in
the generations of the founders [of my clan].[1253]
The
Yellow Lord had twenty-five sons, and granted them
twelve separate surnames. My ancestor who was
the Lord of Yü, [Shun], received the surname Yao;
in [the time of] T'ao-and-T'ang [Yao], [my ancestors]
were surnamed Kuei; in [the time of] the
Chou [dynasty], they were surnamed Ch'en; in [the
state of] Ch'i, they were surnamed T'ien; and in
Chi-nan [Commandery] they were surnamed Wang.
"I have humbly remembered my August Deceased
Original Ancestor, the Yellow Lord, and my August
Deceased First[1254]
Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun],
and have hence performed to them the sacrifice to
an exemplar (tsung) in the Ming-t'ang. It is proper
that [these ancestors] should be [given the proper]
ranks among the founders and exemplars in my personal
ancestral temple. Let there be established five
shrines to founders [of my line] and four shrines to
immediate ancestors,[1255]
and let the queens and ladies
husbands]. In the suburban sacrifice, let the Yellow
Lord be the coadjutor of Heaven, and let the Queen
of the Yellow [Lord] be made the coadjutrix of Earth.
Let the Eastern Residence of the Marquis of Hsin-tuc
become the great clan temple[1259] where [these ancestors]
shall be worshipped yearly and seasonally.
Those whom my family esteem shall be sacrificed to
for posterity thruout the empire.[1261]
"All [the members of] all the five clans [surnamed]
Yao, Kuei, Ch'en, T'ien, and Wang are distant descendants
of the Yellow [Lord] and of Yü [Shun],
and so are my fellowclansman. Does not the Book
of History say, `Effect a generous kindness and nice
observance of distinctions among the nine [classes of]
the names [of persons bearing] these five surnames
should be entered upon the register of the Arranger
of the Ancestral Temples; all are to be made [members
of] the imperial house. From generation to
pay anything. Let [the members of] the Wang clan
from Yüan-ch'eng be ordered not to intermarry
[among themselves], in order to distinguish [this clan]
and to regulate relationships."[1266]
[Wang Mang] enfeoffed Ch'en Ch'ung as Marquis
of Ruling Concord to make offerings as the descendant
of King Hu [of Ch'en],[1267]
and T'ien Feng as
Marquis of Hereditary Concord, to make offerings
as the descendant of King Ching.[1268]
[As to] all those [Provincial] Shepherds and [Commandery]
Administrators in the empire, who, because
of [the rebellion of] Chai Yi, Chao Ming, and others,
had led their provinces or commanderies [to attack
these rebels and thus] had cherished loyalty and
filial piety, the Shepherds were enfeoffed as Barons
and the Administrators as Sub-Vassals. [Wang
Mang] also enfeoffed as Barons the sons of all those
who had formerly shown him kindness, [the sons of]
Tai Ch'ung, Chin Shê, Chi Hung, Yang[1269]
Ping and
others.
He sent the Chief Commandant of Cavalry, [Hsieh]
funerary parks and altars to the Yellow Lord at the
Ch'iao Sacred Place in Shang Commandery, [1271] to the
Lord of Yü, [Shun], at [Mt.] Chiu-yi in Ling-ling
of] Huai-yang, to King Ching of Ch'en at Lin-tzu in
Ch'i [Commandery], to King Min [of Ch'i] at Chü
in Ch'eng-yang [Commandery], to King Po, [Wang
Sui], at Tung-p'ing-ling in Chi-nan [Commandery],
and to King Ju, [Wang Ho4a], at Yüan-ch'eng in Wei
Commandery. At the four seasons, commissioners
were to bring sacrifices to them. Those whose
temples had to be built, because the empire had just
recently been tranquillized, were temporarily to have
[their tablets] gathered together and to be offered
sacrifice in the Grand [Ancestral] Temple of the
Ming-t'ang. [The temple of Emperor] Kao of the
Han [dynasty] was made the Temple of the Accomplished
Ancestor.[1276]
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "My August
Deceased First Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun],
received [the throne] by the abdication of T'ang
[Yao]. In the age of the original ancestor of the Han
dynasty, the Lord of T'ang, [Yao], there was the
model for transmitting the state [to another dynasty].
I myself in turn received the metal charter
from the genius of Emperor Kao of the Han [dynasty].
When I ponder recompensing the generosity
of previous dynasties, how could there be a time when I
should forget [the Han dynasty]? There are seven
Founders or Exemplars[1278] in the Han dynasty. According
to the proprieties, there should be established
temples for them in the state of [the Duke of]
Established Tranquillity. Let their funerary parks,
capital be not abolished, and let sacrifices and oblations
[be made] as formerly. In the autumn, the
ninth month, I will myself in person enter the temples
of [Emperors] Kao, Yüan, Ch'eng, and P'ing of the
Han dynasty.
"The various [members of] the Liu [clan] will be
of the imperial capital,[1282] and not be relieved from
their exemption [from taxes], but each one shall
[continue to be exempted] to the end of his life. The
Provincial Shepherds shall frequently visit and ask
after them, and shall bring it about that they should
not [undergo] any encroachments or injustices."
He also said, "When I previously was in [the position
of] the chief director [of the administration,[1284]
and became Regent and Acting [Emperor], I pondered
[times] seven [decades] of the Han dynasty,[1287] that
the emanation of virtue from the Red [Lord] was
exhausted, and I thought and sought, searching
widely for means whereby I might support the Liu
[house] and lengthen its period [on the throne].
There was nothing that I failed to do. For that
reason, I made the beneficial metal knife-[money],
hoping thereby to assist [the dynasty].[1288] Nevertheless
when Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn
to make it a model for later kings, [he continued it]
until the fourteenth year of [Duke] Ai [of Lu], when
it was also fourteen years [after Emperor] Ai [ascended
the throne that the Han dynasty ended its
rule].[1293] Since the calculated [number of years
allotted] for the age of the Red [Lord] was exhausted,
I could not eventually have the power to save [that
dynasty]. August Heaven made plain its majesty,
so that the virtue of the Yellow [Lord] was due to
arise and to make [Heaven's] great mandate abundantly
apparent, entrusting me with the empire.
Now the people all say that August Heaven has dethroned
the Han [dynasty] and set up the Hsin
[dynasty], that he has dismissed the Liu [clan from the
throne] and caused the Wang [clan] to rise.
"Verily the word for Liu is made up of mao, metal,
and knife. [The wearing of] the first-month kang-mao
[amulets] and the convenience of the metal-knife-[money]
[This matter] was widely debated by the ministers
and gentlemen, and they all said, `That Heaven and
men respond alike is brilliantly apparent. Let the
kang-mao [amulets] be done away with, and let no
one wear them at their girdles; let the knife-cash be
abrogated, and let them not be used as a convenience
[for exchange], in order to respond to and accord
with the will of Heaven and to rejoice the minds of
the people'."
Thereupon [the coinage] was changed and there
one shu. Their inscription said, "A diminutive cash,
worth one [cash]." Together with the preceding
large cash, [which were worth], fifty [of the smaller
cash], there were two denominations [of coins] circulating
at the same time.[1299] [Wang Mang] wanted to
prevent the common people from counterfeit casting
[of cash], so issued a prohibition that they were not
to be allowed to possess copper or charcoal.[1301]
In[1302]
the fourth month, the Marquis of Hsü-hsiang,
persons and raised troops in his state. [Liu] K'uai's
elder brother, [Liu] Yin2a, had been the former King
of Chiao-tung under the Han [dynasty], and had at
this time been changed to be the Duke Supporting
and Rendering Homage [to the Hsin Dynasty. When
Liu] K'uai mobilized his troops and attacked Chi-mo,
[Liu] Yin2a closed the city gates and had himself
bound in prison. The officials and common people
resisted [Liu] K'uai, so that [Liu] K'uai was defeated
and fled to Ch'ang-kuang, where he died.
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "When anciently
my ancestor, King Min [of Ch'i, who reigned
over territory which is the present] Chi-nan [Commandery],
was distressed by the robber [state of] Yen
and left Lin-tzu (in [the state of] Ch'i) to take refuge
at Chü, a man of his clan, T'ien Tan1, made extensive
and clever plans, captured and killed a general of Yen,
and re-established the state of Ch'i. Today the
gentlemen and grandees of Chi-mo have again been
of the same mind [with me] and have extirpated
rebellious caitiffs. I commend most highly those
who are guiltless.
"Let [Liu] Yin2a and the others be pardoned.
Except for [Liu] K'uai's wife and children, his blood
relatives and relatives by marriage, who ought to be
sentenced, are not to be tried. In making consoling
inquiries about those who have died, the person in
charge of these inquiries shall grant to those who have
died fifty thousand [cash] per person for burial
money. [Liu] Yin2a understood the great mandate
[of Heaven] and deeply hated [Liu] K'uai, for which
reason [the latter] suffered immediately for his
crimes.[1310] Let the state of [Liu] Yin2a be made a
full ten thousand households, with a territory a
hundred li square."
[Wang Mang] also enfeoffed the more than ten
courtiers [who had been concerned with] the mandates
[from Heaven given by means of] portents.[1311]
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "When the
ancients established the cottages of eight families on
the ching [system][1313] and one husband and one wife
had a hundred mou of cultivated land and paid one-tenth
in taxes, then the state had enough and the
common people were opulent and composed songs
of praise. The foregoing was the way of T'ang [Yao]
and of Yü [Shun], and that which the three dynasties
practised obediently.
"The [state of] Ch'in was inhuman and made the
taxes heavy, in order that [the ruler] might himself
have [a large] income. [The ruler] exhausted the
strength of the common people in order to satisfy
his desires to the utmost. He destroyed the institutions
of the sages and did away with the ching
taking posession of and joining together [of fields
by the wealthy] arose and avarice and vileness was
born. The strong made designs to secure cultivated
fields by the thousands [of mou] and the weak [even]
lacked [enough of] a habitation in which to stand
up an awl.
"[That state] also established market-places for
male and female slaves, putting [human beings] in
like enclosures with those for cattle and horses. In
their rule over their common people and subjects,
[the Ch'in rulers] arbitrarily cut short their [very]
lives, and villainous and oppressive persons took
advantage of the opportunity to make profits, even
kidnapping and selling other peoples' wives and
children, going contrary to the will of Heaven and
to the principle that `of all living things, [i.e.,
animals and plants, produced by] Heaven and Earth,
man is the noblest.'[1320] The Book of History says,
`[If you do not obey my commands], I will thereupon
enslave and dishonor you,'[1321] [according to which
passage] only those who did not obey [the king's]
commands should indeed suffer this punishment.[1322]
[of being enslaved].
"The[1323]
Han dynasty reduced and lightened the
land tax, taking [only] one-thirtieth, [but in addition]
there were regularly [required] conscript service
and capitation-taxes, which [even] the sick and aged
people encroached upon [the poor, letting their own]
fields [out on] shares, robbing [people] by the rentals
[required for their land, so that while] in name they
were taxed only one-thirtieth, in reality they are
taxed or pay as rent five-tenths of their produce.[1329]
Fathers and sons, husbands and wives plowed and
weeded for a whole year, [but] what they got was
insufficient to keep themselves alive. Hence the
horses and dogs of the rich had surplus beans and
grain and [the rich] were proud and did evil, while
the poor could not satiate themselves with brewer's
grains, became destitute, and acted wickedly. Both
[rich and poor] fell into crime, so that the punishments
had to be employed and could not be set aside.
"When previously I was the chief director [of the
administration], I first ordered that the empire's public
cultivated fields [should be organized on] the ching
[system according to the number] of persons, and
consequently at that time there were happy presages
of auspicious [large-eared] cereals. [But] there happened
to be rebellious caitiffs and treasonable rebels,
so that [the scheme] was temporarily stopped.
"Now I change the names of the cultivated fields
in the empire to be `the King's fields,'[1332] and of male
and female slaves to be `private adherents.' All are
not to be permitted to be bought or sold. Let it be
that those [rich families with] less than eight males,
ch'ing, shall divide the cultivated fields that are in
excess [of those in one ch'ing] and give them to their
nine [classes of] relatives or to [people in] their
neighborhood.[1335] Those who formerly had no cultivated
fields and who ought now to receive cultivated
fields [shall be treated] in accordance with the regulations.
If there are any who presume to speak evil
of the sage institution of the ching [system of] cultivated
fields, and mislead the crowd lawlessly, `they
shall be thrown out to the four frontiers [and be
made] to resist the elves and goblins,'[1337] as in the
former case my August Deceased First Ancestor, the
Lord of Yü, [Shun], did."
At this time, the people had considered the Han
Wang Mang's cash coins had been put out in two
[denominations], large and small, and so were difficult
to tell [apart], and moreover had been changed and
altered several times, so that they were not to be
trusted, [therefore the people] all privately used the
five-shu cash at the market and in purchases, saying
falsely that the large cash are due to be abolished
and that no one is willing to keep them.
[Wang] Mang was troubled by it and again issued
a written message that all those who hoard five-shu
cash and say that the large cash are due to be
abolished are similar to those who criticize the ching
system of cultivated fields and should be "thrown out
to the four frontiers."[1339]
Thereupon farmers and
were both rendered useless, and the common people
even wept in the marketplaces and highways. Moreover
those who were tried for buying or selling fields
or residences, male or female slaves, or for casting
cash, from the nobles, high ministers, and grandees
down to ordinary common people, and who suffered
punishment, could not be counted.
In the autumn, [Wang Mang] sent twelve Generals
of the Five Majestic [Principles], Wang Ch'i
and others, [each with his five Lieutenant Generals],[1346]
to publish through the empire the Mandate
[of Heaven Given Through] Portents, in 42 fascicles.
There were five matters of "Happy Presages of
Virtues," twenty-five of "Mandates Through Portents,"
and twelve of "Responses of Heavenly
Favors," forty-two fascicles in all.
[The chapters on] "Happy Presages of Virtues"
said that in the reigns of [Emperors] Wen and
Hsüan, yellow dragons appeared at Ch'eng-chi and
Hsin-tub,[1347]
that a catalpa pillar at the gate to the
grave of the Deceased Eminent Founder [of Wang
Mang's clan], King Po,[1348]
[Wang Sui], had sprouted
a branch with leaves, and the like. [The chapters
on] "Mandates Through Portents" spoke of the well,
the stone, the metal casket, and the like.[1349]
[The
and the like. The language [of the book] was like
the Classics,[1354] accorded with them and made use of
them in making its interpretations. Its final conclusion
was that [Wang] Mang was due to have
taken the place of the Han [emperors] and to possess
the empire.[1355]
In sum it said, "When lords or kings are to receive
the mandate [of Heaven], there inevitably are portents
and auspices concerning the presages of the
virtues [and powers through whose dominance they
rule], which assist and complete the mandate to the
five [powers],[1357] and make this circumstance known
by responses of heavenly favor. Then only can [a
dynasty] achieve sublime merit and transmit it to
its descendants, who will eternally enjoy boundless
prosperity. Hence, when the Hsin dynasty arose,
the happy presages of the virtue [of its power]
came forth after the three sevens [of decades] and the
nine generations [of emperors] of the Han [dynasty
had elapsed].[1358]
"The mandate [to the Hsin dynasty] commenced
when [Wang Mang was the Marquis of] Hsin-tuo
and received an auspicious presage from [the state
of] Huang-chih.[1361] His kingship began [with the
stone] at Wu-kung.[1363] The mandate was fixed
[upon him by the portent from the man of] Tzu3b-
t'ung.[1364]
The mandate was completed by [the happening]
at Tang-[ch'ü] in Pa [Commandery.[1365]
The gods] expressed their favor by twelve responses,
[so that] the method which Heaven has used to
[show that it] protects and blesses the Hsin dynasty
is indeed deep and indeed substantial.
"The red stone at Wu-kung appeared in the last
virtue of fire had been completely dissipated and the
virtue of fire]. August Heaven was solicitous [on
account of this circumstance] and so rejected the Han
[dynasty] and gave [His mandate] to the Hsin [dynasty],
using the red stone as its first mandate to the
Emperor. The Emperor, [Wang Mang, however]
humbly refused to accept [this title] and hence occupied
[the throne] as regent.
"[But that action] did not accord with the will of
Heaven, hence in that autumn, the seventh month,
Heaven again used the varicolored horse of[1374] [the
again humbly refused, and did not yet ascend the
throne, hence [there came] a third [mandate] by an
iron contract, a fourth [mandate] by a stone tortoise,
a fifth [mandate] by a portent from Yü [Shun], a
sixth [mandate] by an inscribed sceptre, a seventh
[mandate] by a black seal, an eighth [mandate] by a
stone message at Mou-ling, a ninth [mandate] by a
dark dragon stone, a tenth [mandate] by a supernatural
well,[1381] an eleventh [mandate] by a great
supernatural stone, and a twelfth [mandate] by a
copper portent and a design on silk.[1383] The happy
presages which expressed the mandate [of Heaven]
gradually became [more and more] outstanding until
they reached [the number of] twelve, in order to
announce plainly that the Emperor of the Hsin [dynasty
should ascend the throne].
"The Emperor pondered deeply that the majesty
of Heaven Above could not but be feared. Hence
he did away with the title of Regent, yet still called
himself the Acting [Emperor], and changed the year-period
to Ch'u-shih, intending thereby to stop the
mandate of Heaven and yet to carry out and satisfy
the will of the Lords on High. Yet that was not the
purpose for which August Heaven had so carefully[1385]
sent down his mandate through portents. Hence on
that [very] day Heaven again settled [his hesitancy]
by a tortoise letter.[1386]
A Gentleman-in-attendance,
plain cloth thin garment with a square collar of
red ribbon, wearing on his head the small bonnet,
standing in front of the Hall With the Royal Apartments.
He said to [Wang] Hsü, `Today, in heaven
[everyone] is of the same mind to confide the people
of the world to [Wang Mang] as Emperor.'[1392]
While [Wang] Hsü was marvelling at it and walked
more than ten double-paces, the man was suddenly
not seen.
"On the evening of [the day] ping-yin, at the
Temple of [Emperor] Kao of the Han dynasty, there
was a metal casket with a design and a charter,
[stating that] Emperor Kao had received the mandate
of Heaven to transmit the state to the Emperor
of the Hsin [dynasty]. The next morning, the Elder
of the Imperial House, the Marquis of Loyalty and
Filial Piety, Liu Hung3b, reported it. Thereupon the
ministers were summoned to discuss it. When they
had not yet reached a decision, the great supernatural
stone man spoke, saying, `Hasten the Emperor
of the Hsin [dynasty] to the Temple of [Emperor]
Kao, [where he is] to receive the Mandate.
Do not delay.'
"Thereupon the Emperor of the Hsin [dynasty,
to the Temple of [Emperor] Kao of the Han dynasty
and received the mandate. The day of receiving
the mandate was ting-mao.[1399] Ting is fire, which is
the virtue of the Han dynasty; mao is that whereby
the [Han dynasty's] surname, Liu, becomes this written
character.[1403] It makes plain that the virtue of
fire, [which was that of] the Han [dynasty] and of
the Liu [clan], is exhausted, and that [the state] has
been transmitted to the house of Hsin.
"Since the Emperor was perfect in `humility,'[1404]
he renounced firmly [the honors indicated by] the
twelve responses [from the gods] by portents, [but]
he was compelled by the plain mandate [of Heaven]
and could not refuse. He was startled and reverently
awed, and worried[1405]
and sad that the ending of the
Han dynasty could not have been arrested. He was
indefatigable in assisting[1406]
[the Han dynasty, but]
that, for three nights he did not go to his bed and
for three days he did not touch food. He invited and
questioned the highest ministers, marquises, high
ministers, and grandees, and all said, `It is proper
that you should receive [the rule] according to the
majestic mandate of Heaven Above.' Thereupon he
changed the year-period, fixed upon his title, and
[gave[1409] the opportunity for] a new beginning to [all]
within [the four] seas.
"When the House of Hsin had been fixed [upon the
throne], the gods in heaven and earth were glad and
rejoiced, and emphasized it by responses of [celestial]
favor. Their fortunate presages were continuous
and reiterated. The Book of Odes says,
He receives blessings from Heaven,
Who protects and aids him and gives him his mandate.
By [this mandate] from Heaven he issues his imperial mandates[1413] —
The Generals of the Five Majestic [Principles],
brought seals and cords and gave them to the
kings, the marquises, and those of lower [rank], down
to the lower officials whose official titles had been
changed, and, outside [the country], to the Huns, to
the Western Frontier Regions, and to the barbarians
outside the borders. From all [of these persons], immediately
that [the Generals] had given out the seals
and cords of the House of Hsin, they thereupon took
up the seals and cords of the former Han [dynasty].
There were granted, to the lower officials, two steps
in noble rank per person, to common people, one step
in noble rank per person, to the women of a hundred
households, a sheep and wine, and to the barbarians,
currency and silk, to each proportionately. A general
amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
The Generals of the Five Majestic [Principles] rode
in chariots [emblazoned] with the lines of [the hexagram]
Ch'ien, [representing Heaven], yoked to [the
hexagram] K'un [in the shape of] six mares.[1417] On
pheasant,[1421] and their robes were decorated very
extraordinarily. For each General there were established
Lieutenants of the Left, of the Right, of the
Van, of the Rear, and of the Center, five Lieutenants
in all. Their clothes and hats, chariots and robes,
and the horses yoked [to their chariots] were severally
like the colors and numbers of their directions.[1423]
The Generals carried credentials with the title, "A
Messenger of the Supreme One" and the Lieutenants
bore banners with the title, "A Messenger of the Five
Lords [on High." Wang] Mang's charter-mandate
to them read, "In the whole world, go to its four
extremities and do not leave any place unvisited."
Those who went out eastwards reached Hsüan-t'u
[Commandery], Lo-lang [Commandery], the Kao-chü-li,
and the Fu-yü. Those who went out to the
where they degraded the King of Kou-t'ing and made
him a marquis. Those who went out to the west
reached the Western Frontier Regions and changed
all the kings there to be marquises.
Those who went out to the north reached the court
changed the words in the Han [dynasty's] seal, doing
away with the word "imperial seal" and reading
and asked for his former seal, Ch'en Jao had broken
it to pieces. A discussion is in the "Memoir on the
Huns."[1431] The Shan-yü became furious. Kou-t'ing
and the Western Frontier Regions moreover later
finally all revolted because of this [change of titles].
When [Ch'en] Jao returned, he was installed as
General-in-chief and was enfeoffed as Viscount of
Majestic Virtue.
In the winter it thundered and the t'ung trees
blossomed.
[Wang Mang] established [as regular officials] Directors
of Mandates from the Five Majestic [Principles,
Generals] of the Central City [of the Five
Majestic Principles], and four Generals of the [respective]
Passes [in the four directions for the Five
Majestic Principles]. The Directors of Mandates
were directors to the officials [ranking] in the highest
class of the highest ministers and to those [ranking]
lower. [The Generals of] the Central City [of the
Five Majestic Principles] were in charge of the twelve
city gates [of Ch'ang-an].
The charter-mandate to the Marquis of Ruling
Concord, Ch'en Ch'ung, read, "O thou Ch'ung![1433]
Verily, [1] disobedience to mandates is the source
of sedition. [2] Great wickedness and knavishness
is the origin of rebellion. [3] The casting of counterfeit
gold[1434] and cash is a means whereby obstacles
are put [in the circulation of] the valuable currency.
[4] Pride and extravagance overpassing the regulations
is the beginning of evil and disaster [to oneself].
[5] Divulging matters [discussed in] the Inner Apartments
and [matters] concerning the Masters of
Writing is [what is called], `When the delicate government
[6] When those who are installed in noble ranks at
the court of a [true] king [nevertheless] give thanks
at the doors of private [persons] for the grace [shown
them, it is what is called] `blessings leave the public
halls'[1441] and the government goes to ruin. All these
six matters are fundamental principles of the state.
For this reason I establish you as Director of Commands
[of the Five Majestic Principles].[1442]
If it is hard, he does not spit it out.
He does not insult widowers or widows
Or fear the strong or oppressive.'[1443]
and observed,'[1445] and to control the concord in[1446]
the court."
His [charter-] mandate to the Marquis Delighting
in Portents, Ts'ui Fa, read, " `The double gates and
the beating of night watches are a preparation against
violent visitors.'[1447]
You are to serve as General of
the Central City of the Five Majestic [Principles].
When the central virtue[1448]
is perfected, all the world
will delight in [Heaven's] portents."
His [charter]-mandate to the Marquis Making the
Majestic [Principles] Brilliant, Wang Chi6, read,
"The fastnesses of the twists and overhangings[1452]
are at the south facing [the part of the ancient state],
Ch'u [in Yü's province of] Ching.[1453] You are to
serve as the General of the Southern Passes for the
Five Majestic [Principles]. Invigorate your military
[power] and make efforts in guarding [the capital],
making the majestic [principles] brilliant at my
front."[1454]
His [charter]-mandate to the Marquis the Commandant
of Concord, Wang Chia1c, read, "The narrow
facing [the former feudal states of] Yen and Chao.
Passes for the Five Majestic [Principles]. At the
Hu-k'ou [Pass], strike [the enemy] and occupy
[strategic positions], commanding concord at my
rear."
His [charter]-mandate to the Marquis Grasping[1460]
the Majestic [Principles], Wang Ch'i, read, "The
difficult places of [Mounts] Hsiao and Mien-[ch'ih]
are on the east, facing [the former states of] Cheng
and Weis. You are to serve as the General of the
Eastern Passes for the Five Majestic [Principles].
At the Han-ku [Pass], strike down dangers, grasping
the majestic [principles] at my left."
His [charter]-mandate to the Viscount Cherishing
Ch'ien1 [River and Mount] Lung are on the west,
facing the barbarians. You are to serve as the
General of the Western Passes for the Five Majestic
[Principles]. Make them secure, guard them vigilantly
and cherish the Ch'iang at my right."
[Wang Mang] also sent Grandee-remonstrants
[and others], fifty persons [in all], by divisions to
cast cash in the commanderies and kingdoms.
In this year, a mad woman of Ch'ang-an, Pi,
furious [and says], `Quickly return my state. If not,
in the ninth month I will inevitably kill you.' "
[Wang] Mang had her arrested and killed. The
Grandee in Charge of Brigands, Ch'en Ch'eng, who
had to punish her, resigned of his own accord and
left his office.
Liu Tu1b and others of [the former kingdom of]
discovered and all were executed, and in Chen-ting
rain of hail.
In the second year, the second month, an amnesty
[was granted] to the empire. The Generals of the
Five Majestic [Principles] and their Lieutenants, 72
persons [in all], returned and memorialized their
reports. The vassal kings of the Han [dynasty]
who had become Dukes had all given up their kingly
seals and cords, had become common people, and
none had disobeyed [Wang Mang's] commands.
[Wang Mang] enfeoffed the Generals as Viscounts
and the Lieutenants as Barons.
The ordinances for the six monopolies [lit., "controls"]
were first established. It was commanded
that the imperial government should [1] dispense
liquors, [2] sell salt and [3] iron implements, [4] cast
cash, and that all those who picked or took the
various things from [5] famous mountains or great
marshes were to be taxed.
It was also ordered [6] that the offices [in charge
of] the market-places should collect [things when
they are] cheap and sell them [when they are] dear,
and should lend on credit to the common people,
taking three [cash per] month as interest for a
hundred [cash].[1474] The Hsi-and-Ho, [Lu K'uang],
established one Officer for Liquor in each commandery,
with a riding quadriga, to oversee the
profit from the liquor.
A prohibition was made that the common people
were not allowed to possess crossbows or cuirasses.
[Those who violated this prohibition][1475]
were to be
exiled to Hsi-hai [Commandery].
When the Hun Shan-yü's [envoy, who had come to
the imperial capital,] had asked for [the Shan-yü's]
former imperial seal, [Wang] Mang had not given it
to him, consequently [the Huns had] raided the
border commanderies, killing and kidnapping officials
and common people.[1479]
In the eleventh month, the General Establishing
the Western Frontier Regions, [Tan] Ch'in, has sent
[to the court a message] which says, `In the ninth
month, on [the day] hsin-szu, Ch'en Lang and Chung
Tai, officials of the Mou-and-Chi Colonel, joined
together, murdered their Colonel, Tiao Hu, and
coerced officials and soldiers, calling themselves
Generalissimos of the fallen Han [dynasty], and fled
to the Huns.'[1484]
"Moreover in the present month, on [the day]
kuei-ch'ou,[1485]
a man of unknown provenance obstructed
calling himself Liu Tzu-yü of the House of Han, a
son of Emperor Ch'eng by a low-[class] wife,[1488]
that the palaces should quickly be emptied. I arrested
and bound the man,[1491] and he was [found to
be a man of] Ch'ang2-an, surnamed Wu, with the
courtesy name Chung.
"All of them have gone contrary to Heaven and
I beg that you will pass sentence upon
[Wu] Chung, together with [Ch'en] Liang and the
others, and upon their blood relatives and relatives
by marriage who are due to be sentenced with them."
The memorial was approved.
[He also memorialized],[1496] "Emperor Kao of the
Han dynasty frequently made known a warning
saying, `Dismiss the officials and soldiers [in the Han
Ancestral Temples] and make [the Han emperors]
guests at the sacrifice [in the temples of the present
dynasty],' sincerely desiring to accord with the will
of Heaven and to preserve his descendants. His ancestral
temple ought not to be inside the city-walls of
Ch'ang2-an, and, together with the [members of] the
Liu [clan] who are nobles, they should all have been
dismissed at the same time that the Han [dynasty
was overthrown]. Your Majesty is most benevolent
and for this long time has not settled [this matter].
"Previously, the former Marquis of An-chung, Liu
Ch'ung2c, the [former] Marquis of Hsü-hsiang, Liu
K'uai, the [former] Marquis of Ling-hsiang, Liu
Ts'engb, and the [former] Marquis of Fu-ên, Liu
plotted to rebel. Now some perverse and treacherous
caitiffs have falsely called themselves generals of
the fallen Han [dynasty] and one person has called
himself [Liu] Tzu-yü, a son of Emperor Ch'eng, so
that they have committed [crimes punishable by]
being executed and their relatives being annihilated.
The reason that these continual [rebellions] have not
stopped is that your sage grace has not sooner cut
off the early growths [of such events].
"Your servant stupidly considers that Emperor
Kao of the Han [dynasty] should become a guest of
the House of Hsin and enjoy sacrifices in the Ming-t'ang.
Emperor Ch'eng was your cousin with a
different surname and Emperor P'ing was your son-in-law.
For all of them it is not proper that they
should again enter their temples. Emperor Yüan
became of one flesh with the Empress Dowager [nee
Wang], and the rites by which your sage grace has
exalted her are appropriate also for him.
"Your servant begs that the various temples of
the Han dynasty in the imperial capital should all be
abolished, that the various [members of] the Liu
[clan] who are nobles should be put into the hierarchy
the number of households [in their estates], and that
those [members of the Liu clan] who are officials
should all be dismissed and await new appointments
at their homes. On the one hand, [this procedure]
will accord with the will of Heaven and agree with
the supernatural manifestations from Emperor Kao,
and [on the other hand],[1502] it will stop the beginnings
of perverseness and treachery."
[Wang] Mang said [in his message], "It may be
done. The Duke Honoring the Hsin [Dynasty], the
State Master, [Liu Hsin1a], who, because of the mandate
Four Coadjutors, the Marquis of Brilliant Virtues,
Liu Kung2, the Marquis Leading by the Rules of
Proper Conduct, Liu Chia1s" and others, "thirty-two
persons in all, all understood the mandate of Heaven;
they either presented portents from Heaven or offered
congratulatory sayings or arrested or informed upon
rebellious caitiffs, so that their merits are abundant.
The [members of] the Liu [clan] who are of the same
clan and have the same grandfathers as these thirty-two
persons are not to be dismissed and are to be
granted the [imperial] surname, Wang."
Only the State Teacher, [Liu Hsin1a], was not
granted this surname, because his daughter had been
married to [Wang] Mang's son. The title of the
Duchess Dowager of Established Tranquillity, [Wang
Mang's daughter], was changed, and she was called
the Princess of the Yellow Imperial House, in order
to cut her off from the [house of] Han.
In the winter, the twelfth month, it thundered.
The title of the Shan-yü of the Huns (Hsiung-nu)
was changed, and he was called the Submitted
Capture (Fu-yü) of the Surrendered Slaves
(Hsiang-nu).
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "The Submitted
Capture of the Surrendered Slaves, [Lüan-ti] Chih,
has `despised and insulted the five powers,'[1509] has
turned his back upon and rebelled against the four
articles,[1510] has invaded and violated the Western
Frontier Regions, and has extended himself to and
reached the frontiers [of China], where he has made
himself injurious to the great multitude. His crimes
tives annihilated. I command and send the General
Establishing the State, Sun Chien," and others,
"twelve generals [in all], to go out simultaneously by
ten routes, and respectfully perform the majestic
punishment of August Heaven upon the person of
[Lüan-ti] Chih.
"But I ponder that the ancestor of [Lüan-ti] Chih,
the former Shan-yü Hu-han-hsieh, [Lüan-ti] Chi-hou-shan,
was loyal and filial during successive
frontiers. I cannot bear, because of the crime of one
[Lüan-ti] Chih, to destroy the posterity of [Lüan-ti]
Chi-hou-shan. Now I divide the state, territory, and
people of the Huns and make of it fifteen [states],
setting up fifteen descendants of [Lüan-ti] Chi-hou-shan
as Shan-yü."
He sent a General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace,
Lin Pao, [with] Tai Chi, to gallop just outside the
barrier, summon, and install those who ought to become
Shan-yü. Those people of the Huns who ought
to be sentenced because of the law [against] the
caitiff [Lüan-ti] Chih were all [granted] amnesty and
set free.
[Wang Mang] sent the General of the Five Majestic
[Principles], Miao Hsin, and the General of
the as Rapid as Tigers, Wang K'uang4a, to go out of
Wu-yüan [Commandery], the General Repressing
Difficulties, Ch'en Ch'in, and the General Making
Barbarians Quake, Wang Hsün2, to go out of Yün-chung
[Commandery], the General Invigorating His
Military [Power], Wang Chia1c, and the General
Tranquillizing the Barbarians, Wang Meng2, to go
out of Tai Commandery, the General Assisting the
Majestic [Principles], Li Shen, and the General
Maintaining Order in Distant [Places], Li Weng, to
go out of Hsi-ho [Commandery], the General Executing
the Mo, Yang Chün, and the General Expelling
Filth, Chuang Yu, to go out of Yü-yang [Commandery],
Wang Chün40, and the General Settling the Hu, Wang
Yen4, to go out of Chang-yi [Commandery], together
with their lieutenant-, major-[generals], and
subordinates, 180 persons [in all]. They enlisted the
convicts, freemen, and armed soldiers of the empire,
300,000 persons [in all], transporting the taxes from
many commanderies,[1520] —clothes and furs, military
implements, and provisions, escorted by the Chief
Officials [of the prefectures]. From the seacoast, the
Yang-tze, and the Huai [Rivers] to the northern
borders, commissioners, [riding in] galloping quadrigae,
supervised and urged them, and acted in
accordance with the law for levying an army. The
empire was disturbed. Those who arrived first encamped
in the border commanderies, waiting for
them all to arrive, and then go out at the same
time.[1522]
Because his cash and [other] currencies finally did
not circulate, [Wang] Mang again issued a written
message, which said, "The common people consider
their food as their life and their goods as their wealth.
For this reason among the eight [objects of] government,
food is given the first place.[1524] If the valuable
currency is all of large [denominations], when one
needs a small amount [of money], it is not available;
if it is all of small [denominations], then transporting
it is troublesome and expensive; if large and small
[denominations], big and little [coins], are each of
different kinds, then their use is convenient and the
common people rejoice." Therefore [Wang Mang]
sion is in the "Treatise on Food and Goods."[1529]
The people did not accord, and only used merely
[cash]. Since those who cast counterfeit cash
could not be stopped, [Wang Mang] made the penalties
[against counterfeiting] heavy. When one
family cast cash, the five [neighboring] families were
to be sentenced for it, [their property was to be]
confiscated, and they were to be enslaved.
When officials and common people went iin or out
[the barriers], they were to carry spade-money as an
adjunct to their passport credentials.[1532]
For those
and relay stations were not to house them, and at
the barriers and fords they were to be investigated
and detained.[1535] The ministers were all to hold
them when they entered the gates of the palaces and
halls. The intention was to make them valuable
and circulate.
At this time, [many persons] strove to make mandates
to be enfeoffed as marquises. Those who did not
without letters of appointment from the Lord of
Heaven?" A Director of Mandates [from the Five
Majestic Principles], Ch'en Ch'ung, advised [Wang]
Mang of it, saying, "This [matter] is opening the
way for wicked `subjects to confer [kingly] favors
[upon themselves],'[1539] and to bring confusion upon
the mandate of Heaven. It would be proper to cut
away its source." [Wang] Mang also had had his
fill of it, and thereupon had a Grandee Master of
Writing, Chao Ping, investigate and try [such offenders].
Those who [made known portents] which were
not those published by the Generals and Lieutenants
of the Five Majestic [Principles] were all sent to
prison.
Previously, Chen Feng, Liu Hsin1a, and Wang
Shun4b had been [Wang] Mang's intimate advisors
and had led those who were in office in making known
[Wang Mang's] achievements and virtuous conduct
for rewards.[1543] His titles of [Duke] Giving Tranquillity
to the Han [Dynasty] and Ruling Governor,
together with the enfeoffment of [Wang] Mang's
mother and his two sons and a nephew,[1544] were all
planned by [Chen] Feng together with the others.
[Chen] Feng, [Wang] Shun4b, and [Liu] Hsin1a had
moreover received grants from him and had all become
indeed wealthy and honorable.
They did not in addition want to bring it about
that [Wang] Mang should become Regent. The
first beginnings of his becoming the Regent came
from the Marquis of Ch'üan-ling, Liu Ch'ing4i, the
Displayer of Splendor in the South, Hsieh Hsiao, and
the Prefect of Ch'ang-an, T'ien Chung-shu.
When [Wang] Mang's wings had grown and he
desired to be entitled Regent, [Chen] Feng and the
others accepted and agreed with his intentions.
[Wang] Mang immediately enfeoffed in addition the
two sons of [Wang] Shun4b and of [Liu] Hsin1a, together
with [Chen] Feng's grandson.
When the noble rank and official position of [Chen]
Feng and the others had been received, their ambitions
were satisfied. They moreover really feared
the Han imperial house and the prominent persons in
the empire. But those who had been distant from
[Wang Mang] and wanted to advance, simultaneously
made mandates [from Heaven given through]
portents. When [Wang] Mang thereupon employed
them in order to ascend [the throne as] the actual
[Emperor, Wang] Shun4b and [Liu] Hsin1a merely
became inwardly fearful.
[Chen] Feng was ordinarily resolute, [so Wang]
Mang became conscious that [Chen Feng] was not
pleased. Hence [Wang Mang] removed him from
being Grand Support Aiding on the Right and Grand
Minister of Works,[1548]
and, taking advantage of a
writing on a mandate by a portent, he made him the
General of a New Beginning, ranking him the same
as the seller of cakes, Wang Sheng. [Chen] Feng and
his son kept silent [but were dissatisfied].[1549]
At this time, [Chen Feng's] son, [Chen] Hsün, was
and Marquis of Abundant Virtues. He now made a
mandate [from Heaven by means of a] portent,
saying that the House of Hsin ought to divide [its
territory at] Shan and set up two Chiefs [to govern
that territory], making [Chen] Feng the Western
Eastern Chief, as in the former circumstances [was
done for the Dukes of] Chou and of Shao.[1555]
[Wang] Mang thereupon followed this [mandate]
and installed [Chen] Feng as the Western Chief.
[Chen Feng] was to "report on his duties"[1556]
and go
out to the west, but had not yet gone, when [Chen]
Hsün again made a mandate [from Heaven by means
Wang] of the former Emperor P'ing of the Han clan,
the Princess of the Yellow Imperial House, was [to
be] the wife of [Chen] Hsün.
[Wang] Mang had been set [on the throne] by
fraud, so he suspected in his heart that his great
terrify them in order to make his inferiors fear him.
Because of these [feelings], he burst out in anger and
said, "The Princess of the Yellow Imperial House is
a mother of the empire. What means this [statement]
[about her becoming the wife of Chen Hsün]?"
He [ordered Chen] Hsün arrested. [Chen] Hsün fled
and [Chen] Feng committed suicide.
[Chen] Hsün followed a gentleman versed in the
magical arts and entered [the solitudes of] Mt. Hua.
After more than a year he was siezed. His confession
implicated [1] the Palace Attendant, Supernaturally
[Influencing] General [Whose Influence]
Penetrates Eastwards, Grandee in Charge of the Five
Behaviors, and Marquis Prospering the Majestic
[Principles], Liu Fen, the son of the State Master
and Duke, [Liu] Hsin1a, [2] Liu Fen's younger
brother, the Senior Department Head, Colonel of the
Ch'ang River [Encampments], and Marquis Attacking
Caitiffs, [Liu] Yung4, [3] the General of the
and Marquis Grasping[1562] the Majestic Principles,
[Wang] Ch'i, the younger brother of the Grand
Minister of Works, [Wang] Yi5, together with [4] a
disciple of Liu Hsin1a, the Palace Attendant and
Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Ting Lung, and
others. They involved ministers, their cabals, and
their relatives. The full marquises and those [ranking]
lower who died were numbered by the hundreds.
In the lines of [Chen] Hsün's hands there were the
words, "Son of Heaven." [Wang] Mang had his
arms untied, had him enter [the palace], and looked
at [his hands]. He said, "These [words] are `one
big fellow.' "[1563]
Some one said, "[It is] `one lu
fellow.' `Lu' is to put to death.[1564]
It makes plain
that [Chen Feng and Chen] Hsün, father and son,
must be put to death and die." Thereupon [Wang
Mang] executed and banished [Liu] Fen to Yu Province,
executed and expelled [(Wang) Ch'i to Mt.
Ch'ung, executed and drove away Chen] Hsün to
[Mt.] San-wei, and executed and killed [Ting] Lung
post-chariots to their destinations.
As a man, [Wang] Mang had a large mouth and a
receding chin, bulging eyes with brilliant[1571] pupils,
and a loud voice which was hoarse. He was seven
feet five inches tall,[1573] loved thick-[soled] shoes and
tall bonnets, and used clothes padded with felt.[1574]
He stuck out his chest and made himself look tall,
[so that he could] look down on those who were
around him.[1575]
At this time, there was a person skilled in medical
and allied arts who was an Expectant Appointee at
the Yellow Gate. Someone asked him about [Wang]
Mang's figure and countenance, and the Expectant
Appointee replied, "[Wang] Mang is a person who
may be said to have owl's eyes, tiger's jaws, and a
wolf's voice. Hence he is able to eat people and is
also due to be eaten by people." The person who
questioned him gave information about [his reply,
and Wang] Mang exterminated the Expectant Appointee
Afterwards [Wang Mang] regularily screened himself
with a mica fan, so that, except for his intimates,
no one was permitted to have an audience with him.
In this year, the Marquis of Original Concord,
Yao Hsün, was made the General of a Peaceful
Beginning.
In the third year, [Wang] Mang said, "The many
duties have been redistributed, but the code, ordinances,
ceremonies, and laws have not yet been all
determined upon, [hence] temporarily the Han [dynasty's]
code, ordinances, ceremonies, and laws
should be followed and applied in [government]
business."
He ordered that the ministers, grandees, nobles,
[and officials ranking at] 2000 piculs might recommend
one official or commoner each who showed an
upright character, who was experienced in administrative
matters, who was gifted in speech, and who
was intelligent in literary studies.[1582]
[Such] persons
were to go to the [Directors of] the Four Gates
to the Royal Apartments.
[Wang Mang] sent the Grandee Master of Writing,
borders. He returned and said that in Po-chia of
Wu-yüan [Commandery the soil] is fertile and produces
grain, and that at other times offices for cultivated
fields had regularily been established there. Thereupon [Wang Mang] made [Chao] Ping the
General of Cultivated Fields and Grain to send
frontier troops to garrison farms in Po-chia, in order
to assist the army with provisions.
At that time, while the various generals who were
at the border were waiting for the large bands [of
soldiers] to be collected, their officers and soldiers
were troubled with levying [troops] and collecting
[materials]. The common people left the cities and
suburbs and became vagrants, becoming thieves and
robbers. In Ping Province[1589] they were especially
numerous. [Wang] Mang ordered that the seven
highest ministers and the six high ministers[1590] should
all be concurrently entitled Generals, and sent the
General Outstanding in Military Affairs, Lu Ping,
and others to control the famous cities, together with
55 Generals of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace and 55
Upholders of the Laws Clad in Embroidered Garments
separately to control the large commanderies
along the border, to correct the greatly cunning
villains who were taking it upon themselves to make
do evil in [the regions] outside [the capital], and
caused confusion in the provinces and commanderies,
making a business of bribes, taking advantage of the
people for their own profit.
[Wang] Mang issued a written message, saying,
"The caitiff [Lüan-ti] Chih's crimes are such that he
is due to be annihilated [with his relatives]. Hence
I sent my fierce generals, with separate [commands
as] twelve divisional generals, to set out simultaneously
and destroy him utterly at one stroke. Within
[the capital], I established Directors of Mandates
[from the Five Majestic Principles] and Chiefs of
Armies; outside [the capital] I set up Superintendants
of Armies, twelve persons [in all] verily intending
that they should have charge over those who do
not uphold my mandate and should cause the soldiers
all to be upright.
"But now they are not so. Each uses his power
putting seals upon common peoples' necks. When
[these officials] secure [a bribe of] cash, they take
[the seal] off.[1596] Poisonous and venomous stings are
simultaneously performed [at various places], so that
the peasants have left [their homes and have become]
scattered. If the Directors and Superintendants are
as the foregoing, can they be said to be suitable [for
their offices]? From this time and henceforth, those
who presume to offend in this [manner] will be immediately
arrested and held [in prison] and their
names shall be reported to me." [The officials] however
When Lin Pao and Tai Chi reached [the region]
just outside the Barrier, they summoned and allured
[Lüan-ti] Hsien, the younger brother of the Shan-yü,
[Lüan-ti Chih], and [Lüan-ti] Hsien's son, [Lüan-ti]
Teng, to enter through the Barrier. By force they
installed [Lüan-ti] Hsien as the Shan-yü Hsiao, granting
him a thousand catties of actual gold, and very
much brocade and embroidery. They sent him away
and brought [Lüan-ti] Teng to Ch'ang-an, [where
he was] installed as the Shan-yü Shun and retained
in the [Hun] princes' quarters.[1602]
From the time that [Wang] Mang usurped the
throne, the Grand Master, Wang Shun4b, had been
ill with [asthma and][1604] palpitation of the heart,
which gradually became worse, so that he died.
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "Anciently the
[Foreseen] Grand Duke of Ch'i, [Lü Shang], became
the Grand Master of the Chou dynasty because of his
purity and virtue during successive reigns—verily
this is what I have perceived [in Wang Shun]. Let
[Wang] Shun4b's son, [Wang] Yen2, succeed to his
father's noble rank and become the Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Hsin [Dynasty]; let [Wang]
Yen2's younger brother, the Marquis As Recompense
to [the House of] Hsin, [Wang] K'uang1a, become
the Grand Master and General; and [let his house]
forever be Coadjutors to the Hsin dynasty."[1605]
For the Heir-apparent, there were established four
Masters and four Companions, who were ranked as
Grandees. The former Grand Minister over the
Masses, Ma Kung, became the Master of Doubts;
the former Privy Treasurer, Tsung-po Feng, became
the Assistant Tutor; the Erudit Yüan Sheng became
the Supporting Coadjutor; the Governor of the
Capital, Wang Chia1c, became the Aiding Guardian.
The foregoing were the Four Masters.
The former Prefect of the Masters of Writing,
T'ang Lin, became the Attacher of the Indifferent,
the Erudit Li Ch'ung1 became the Hastener to Submission,
the Grandee-remonstrant Chao Hsiang became
Lien Tan, became the Defender. The
foregoing were the four Companions.
There was also established one Libationer for the
Masters and Companions, together with one [Libationer]
for] the Remonstrants and Consultants, and one
Libationer [to expound] each of the six Classics, nine
Libationers altogether. They were ranked [the same
as] the highest ranking of the high ministers. Tso
Hsien, from Lang-ya [Commandery], became the
[Libationer] Expounding the Spring and Autumn; Man
Ch'ang, from Ying-ch'uan [Commandery], became
the [Libationer] Expounding the Book of Odes; Kuo
Yu, from Ch'ang-an, became the [Libationer] Expounding
the Book of Changes; T'ang Ch'ang, from
P'ing-yang, became the [Libationer] Expounding the
Book of History; Ch'en Hsien, from P'ei Commandery,
became the [Libationer] Expounding the
Book of Rites; and Ts'ui Fa became the Libationer
Expounding the Book of Music. [Wang Mang] sent
an Internuncio, bringing a comfortable chariot, seal,
and cord, to go to [the home of] and install Kung
Libationer for the Masters and Companions of the
Heir-apparent. [Kung] Sheng would not respond to
the summons, refused to eat, and died.[1615]
The General of a Peaceful Beginning, Yao Hsün,
was dismissed and the Palace Attendant, the Marquis
of Eminent Blessings, K'ung Yung, became the
General of a Peaceful Beginning.
In this year, in the prefecture of Ch'ih-yang, there
were shadows of dwarfs, a foot and more tall. Some
rode in quadrigae with horses, some walked on foot,
holding[1617] all sorts of things. The size [of these
shadows in each group] were all proportionate to
each other. On the third day, it stopped.
In the commanderies on the banks of the [Yellow]
River, locusts sprang up, and the [Yellow] River
broke its banks in Wei Commandery, overflowing
several commanderies from Ch'ing-ho [Commandery]
eastwards. Previous to this [time, Wang] Mang
had feared that the [Yellow] River would break its
banks and injure the tumuli and graves [of his great-grandfather,
Wang Ho, and his descendants], at
Yüan-ch'eng, [but] when it broke its banks, it went
eastwards and Yüan-ch'eng was not troubled by the
In the fourth year, the second month, an amnesty
[was granted to] the empire.
In the summer, a red emanation came out in the
southeast, reaching to heaven.
The General Repressing Difficulties, Ch'en
Ch'in,[1624] said that he had captured some caitiff
[Huns] alive, and that [they had told] that violations
[Lüan-ti] Chio, the son of Shan-yü Hsiao, [Lüan-ti]
Hsien. [Wang] Mang became angry and decapitated
[Lüan-ti Hsien's] son, [Lüan-ti] Teng, at Ch'ang-an,
in order to make him an example to the barbarians.
The Commander-in-chief, Chen Han, died, and the
General of a Peaceful Beginning, K'ung Yung, became
the Commander-in-chief. The Palace Attendant
and Grand Keeper of the Robes, Hou Fu,
became the General of a Peaceful Beginning.
Every time that [Wang] Mang had to go out [of
the palace], immediately preceding there was a
search in the city, which was called a "general
search." In this month there was a general search
for five days.[1628]
When [Wang] Mang reached the Ming-t'ang and
[as a sign of enfeoffment], he issued a written
message which said, "Although I am not virtuous,
because I have inherited [the merits accumulated
by] my sage ancestors, I have become the lord of the
ten-thousand states. Now the tranquillizing of the
great multitude consists in establishing a nobility,
dividing up [the country into][1631] provinces and correcting
their frontiers, in order to beautify [peoples']
customs, and so I have sought out and surveyed the
fundamental and subordinate principles of the earlier
dynasties.
"Verily, in the `Canon of Yao' [it speaks of] twelve
provinces and [concerning] defences [it speaks of]
five domains;[1632]
the Book of Odes [speaks of] fifteen
`Sacrificial Odes of Yin' have the saying, `[T'ang the
Victorious] grandly possessed his nine possessions';[1638]
and the `Tribute of Yü' [speaks of] nine provinces,
not having a Ping or Yu [Province],[1639] while the
Chou Offices, [sub] the Commander-[in-chief], has however
no Hsü or Liang [Province].[1640] The lords and
kings changed [the arrangements] of their [predecessors].
Each one [distinguished himself] by his words
or actions, some making their deeds brilliant and some
enlarging their foundations, [but] their purposes were
outstanding and their intentions were the same.
"Anciently, two sovereigns of the Chou [dynasty]
received the mandate [of Heaven], hence [the dynasty]
had dwelling-places at the Eastern Capital,
have received the mandate [of Heaven], I should
verily also be like them. Let Lo-yang become the
Eastern Capital of the House of Hsin and let Ch'ang2-
an become the Western Capital of the House of Hsin,
[two] royal domains with the appropriate organizations,
each [royal domain] including territory for the
estates of high bureaucrats and baronesses. The
provinces shall accord with those in the `Tribute of
"The noble ranks shall follow those of the Chou
of the nobles shall be [limited to] 1800, and the
number of the Sub-Vassals shall in addition be the
same [as that of the nobles, which positions] shall
await those who distinguish themselves. The various
dukes shall [each] have the territory of one
t'ung,[1645] the multitude in ten thousand households, a
territory a hundred li square. The marquises and
earls shall [each] have one kuo, the multitude in five
thousand households, a territory seventy li square.
The viscounts and barons shall [each] have one tsê,[1646]
the multitude in 2500 households, a territory fifty li
square. Great Vassals shall have as their estates nine
ch'eng,[1647] the multitude in 900 households, a territory
30 li square. From nine [ch'eng] on down, [the
[ch'eng], down to one ch'eng. When [the position of
these] five degrees [of Sub-Vassals] are all filled, [their
territories] will together be equal to one tsê.[1652]
"Those who have now already received their clods
marquises, 21 earls, 171 viscounts, and 497 barons,
altogether 796 persons. [There are also] 1511 Sub-Vassals
and 83 women among the nine [classes of
royal] relatives who have become Baronesses. Moreover
the female descendants of the Han dynasty, the
Baronetess Serving the Rules of Proper Conduct, the
Baronetess Obedient to Virtue, and the Baronetess
Cultivating Moral Principles, in [the former kingdom
of] Chung-shan, have been changed and made Baronesses.
For the eleven highest ministers, the nine
high ministers, the twelve grandees, and the twenty-four
First Officers, their states, estates, or the places
from which they draw their revenues have been fixed.
"I have caused the Palace Attendant and Grandee
Expounding the Book of Rites, K'ung Ping, and
others, with [the people] in the provincial divisions
and the many commanderies who understand and
know the principles of geographical arrangements,
maps, and tax registers, together to examine them
carefully and study them in the Vermillion Bird Hall
of the Shou-ch'eng [House] and determine upon [the
division of the empire into nine divisions]. I and
the various highest ministers, Libationers, and high
ministers of the highest rank have several times in
person considered [this matter], so that I have already
comprehended it all.
"Verily, the recompensing of virtuous conduct and
the rewarding of achievements are the means of
Harmony among one's nine [classes of] relatives is
their way of making a return for one's love of one's
relatives. Since for a long time I have pondered unremittingly
and have thought and investigated [the
deeds of] persons in previous [generations], I shall
make brilliant the demotions and promotions, so as to
make plain the good and evil [of officials] and tranquillize
the great multitude."
Because the maps and tax registers [for the new
division of the country] had not yet been completed,
[Wang Mang] had not yet given [these appointees]
any states or estates and temporarily ordered that
they should receive several thousand cash per month
as salary from the [income of] the capital and inner
[commanderies]. The nobles were all miserably
poor, and there were even some who hired themselves
out.
A Gentleman-of-the-Household, Ou Po, admonished
[Wang] Mang, saying, "Although the ching
it has already been abolished for a long time.
cayed, so that the common people did not follow
them, the Ch'in [dynasty] knew how to accommodate
itself to the common peoples' minds so as to be
able to make great profits. Hence [this dynasty] did
away with the cottages of the ching [system] and
established [salable] subdivisions [of cultivated
fields], and therefore came to rule over all China.
"Down to the present, [all] within [the four] seas
have not yet had their fill of the perversity of the
[Ch'in dynasty in removing the ching system]. If
now you wish to go contrary to the desires of the
common people and restore the lost practises of a
thousand years ago, even though Yao and Shun
should arise again, [yet] without a hundred years of
gradual [training], they would be unable to put [these
ancient practises] into effect. The empire has recently
been tranquillized and the many common
people have newly attached themselves [to you, so
that the ching system] cannot yet be really put into
[Wang] Mang knew that the common people hated
[his arrangements],[1665]
so he issued a written message,
which said, "Those who own or enjoy the income from
are not to be restricted by the law.[1667] Those who
of ordinary people [as slaves] will moreover temporarily
not be punished."
When previously the Generals and Lieutenants of
changed [the title of] the King of Kou-t'ing to be
that of Marquis. The King, [Wu] Han, was resentful
and angry and would not be subordinate [to
Chinese nobles, so Wang] Mang hinted to the Grand
Governor of Tsang-k'o [Commandery], Chou Hsin,
to kill [Wu] Han by a ruse. [After this had been
done, Wu] Han's younger brother, [Wu] Ch'eng,
raised troops, attacked, and killed [Chou] Hsin.
Previous to this [time, Wang] Mang [ordered] the
then would have made an expedition against the
northern barbarians (Hu), [but] they did not wish
to go. When the commandery [authorities tried to]
compel and force them [to move], they all fled, went
out of the barrier, and thereupon violated the laws
and engaged in robbery. When the Grand Governor
of Liao-hsi [Commandery], T'ien T'an, pursued and
attacked them, he was killed by them. The provincial
and commandery [authorities] put the blame
upon a marquis of the Kao-chü-li, Tsou.
Chuang Yu memorialized, saying, "The violations
of the law by the Mo people did not arise from Tsou.
Even if [Tsou] had evil intentions, it would be proper
to order the provincial and commandery [authorities]
temporarily to soothe him. If now he is suddenly[1674]
that he will thereupon rebel. Some of the Fu-yü and
their like would certainly respond to him. Since the
Huns have not yet been conquered, if the Fu-yü and
the Wei-mo arise again, there would be serious
trouble."
[Wang] Mang did not [direct the officials] to console
and calm [Tsou], and the Wei-mo accordingly
revolted. By an imperial edict, [Wang Mang] ordered
lured Tsou, the marquis of the Kao-chü-li, to come,
and beheaded him.
When his head had been transmitted to Ch'ang-an,
[Wang] Mang was greatly pleased, and issued a
written message which said, "Recently, I have commanded
and sent my fierce generals to perform respectfully[1679]
the punishment [directed by] Heaven,
to execute and annihilate the caitiff [Lüan-ti] Chih.
They are divided into twelve regiments.[1680]
Some
are to cut off his right arm, some to cut thru his
left arm-pit, some to break thru his chest and abdomen,
and some to pull out his ribs. In this year
regiments who were to punish the Mo set out first,
arrested and beheaded the caitiff Tsou, and tranquillized
and made secure the eastern frontiers. The
destruction and annihilation of the caitiff [Lüan-ti]
"This [success] was a blessing through the aid and
assistance of Heaven, Earth, the many gods, the gods
of the soils and grains, and the [royal] ancestral
temples, and through the power [coming from] the
Ministers, Grandees, Officers, and common people
being of the same mind and from the generals and
lieutenants being [like] roaring tigers. I approve
most heartily of them. Let the name of the Kao
(high)-chü-li be changed to be Hsia(low)-chü-li, and
let it be published to all the world in order that
everyone shall know of it." Thereupon the Mo
people violated the borders all the more and the
northeastern together with the southwestern barbarians
were both in rebellion.
[Wang] Mang's intentions were then grand, and
he did not consider the barbarians of the four
[quarters] worth destroying, but concentrated his
mind on searching out ancient ways. He again
think that my August Deceased First Ancestor, the
Lord of Yü, [Shun], `received [Yao's] retirement
[from the royal duties in the temple of] the
Accomplished Ancestor,' and that he `examined the
Fine Jade [Turning] Mechanism and the Jade Balance,
in order that he might bring into accord the
seven Governors.' Thereupon `he performed the
sacrifice lei to the Lords on High, performed the
sacrifice yin to his six exemplars, performed the sacrifice
from a distance (wang) and arranged in order the
mountains and streams, made a universal sacrifice
(pien) to the many gods,' `made tours of inspection
to' the five sacred peaks, and `held four courts for the
various princes, at which they set forth and presented
[matters] by word of mouth and were clearly
tested by their deeds.'[1688]
"[From the time that] I received the mandate [of
Heaven] and ascended [the throne as] the actual
Shih]-chien-kuo, will be already five years. Since
the distresses of the nine dry years will have already
been crossed and the [untoward] occurrences in 106
[years] will have already been passed,[1694] [the planet]
Jupiter will be in Shou-hsing, [the planet] Saturn
will be in the [heavenly] Ming-t'ang, the Azure
Dragon will be at kuei-yu, the [ruling] virtue will be
in the Central Palace,[1695] [the hexagrams] Kuan and
tortoise-shell and the milfoil have given information
that they approve, let there be prepared a levy and
collection of taxes for the rites and ceremonies of a
tour of inspection eastwards for that year, in the
second month, at the conjuction inaugurating the
second astronomical month."[1703]
The various highest ministers memorialized begging
that there should be solicited from the officials
and common people, men, horses, linen cloth, silk
cloth,[1705] and brocade. It was also begged that the
twelve inner commanderies and kingdoms should buy
horses and dispatch 450,000 rolls of silk, transporting
them to Ch'ang2-an. Those which were to be sent
earlier and later were not to wait for each other.
issued a written message which said, "Since the
person of the Empress Dowager the Mother of Culture
[nee Wang] is not in good health, let [the transportation]
be temporarily stopped and await a future
[order]."
In this year, [Wang Mang] changed the titles of
hsin2. Later he again changed hsin2 to be hsin4.[1709]
In the fifth year, the second month, the Empress
She was buried in the Wei Tomb with [her husband],
A temple for her was established at Ch'ang-an, at
which the House of Hsin was from generation to
generation to offer sacrifices, which Emperor Yüan
was [also] to partake as her spouse, seated below her
couch. [Wang] Mang wore mourning for the Empress
Dowager [nee Wang] to the third year.
The Commander-in-chief, K'ung Yung, begged to
retire, and he was granted a comfortable chariot with
a quadriga of horses, and as [a person who ranked as]
Specially Advanced, he took his place at court. The
Marquis Unifying the Customs, Lu Ping, was made
the Commander-in-chief.
At this time, the common people of Ch'ang-an
at Lo-yang, so they were unwilling to repair their residences,
and some [people] destroyed their [houses]
considerably. [Wang] Mang said [in a message],
"The inscription on the dark dragon stone said,
locate] the capital at Lo-yang.'[1721] The mandate
[of Heaven by means of] portents is manifest and
clear. Could I presume not to uphold it reverently?
Because in the eighth year of [the period] Shih-chien-kuo
[the planet] Jupiter will move to [the
contellations of] Hsing-chi, [which is equated] with
the capital at Lo-yang, let the capital at Ch'ang2-an
be carefully put in repair, and let it not be spoilt.
Those who presume to violate [this order] shall immediately
have their names reported and [the
officials] shall beg [the throne to ratify appropriate
punishment for] the crimes [of those people]."
In this year, the Greater and Lesser K'un-mi of
the Wu-sun sent envoys to offer tribute. The
Greater K'un-mi, [Yi-chih-mi], was a grandson of
the Chinese [House of Han] on the distaff side.[1725]
His son by a wife who was a northwestern barbarian
(Hu) had become the Lesser K'un-mi, to whom the
Wu-sun had turned and adhered. [Wang] Mang
saw that the Huns were simultaneously invading the
various borders, so, with the intention of seeking to
obtain the affection of the Wu-sun, he sent a commissioner
to lead the envoy from the Lesser K'un-mi
and place him [in the court at a station] above that
of the envoy of the Greater K'un-mi.
The Libationer for the Masters and Companions
[of the Heir-apparent] Guarantor of His Perfection,
Man Ch'ang, memorialized, impeaching [Wang
Mang's] commissioner, saying, "The barbarians
consider that China has [a knowledge of] what is
right and proper, hence they submit and are obedient
to [China]. The Greater K'un-mi is the prince [and
the Lesser K'un-mi is his subject]. Now to rank the
not the way to hold [the affection of] the barbarians.
The commissioner was seriously disrespectful."
[Wang] Mang became angry and dismissed [Man]
Ch'ang from his office.
The various states of the Western [Frontier] Regions
considered that [Wang] Mang had repeatedly
broken [the ties of] grace and faithfulness [binding
them to China. The state of] Karashahr (Yen-ch'i)
revolted first, murdering the Protector-General [of
In the eleventh month, a broom-star appeared.
In this year, because those who violated [the law
against] possessing copper and charcoal were too
many, this law done away with.
For the next year, [Wang Mang] changed the year-period,
calling it T'ien-feng.[1732]
In [the year-period] T'ien-feng, the first year, the
and [Wang] Mang said [in a message], "In the second
month, at the conjunction inaugurating the second
astronomical month, I will perform the rites of a tour
of inspection. The Grand Provisioner [will take care
of] the dry provisions for traveling and the dried
meat and the [Prefect of] the Flunkies[1740] [will take
care of] the traveling curtains for my sitting and
pass will not be permitted to furnish anything.
"When I tour eastwards, I must in person carry a
plow,[1745] and every county shall thereupon plow, in
order to encourage `the beginning [of the work of
ploughing] at the eastern [season, spring].'[1746] When
I tour southwards, I must in person carry a hoe, and
every county shall thereupon weed, thereby encouraging
`the development[1747] in the southern [season,
summer].[1748] When I tour westwards, I must
in person carry a sickle, and every county shall thereupon
reap, thereby encouraging `harvesting in the
western [season, autumn].'[1749] When I tour northwards,
I must in person carry a flail, and every
county shall thereupon garner [their grain],[1750]
thereby encouraging covering up and storing [the
harvest]. When I have completed the rites of the tour
of inspection northwards, I will thereupon go to the
center of the earth and dwell in the capital at Lo-yang.
If any [people] presume to run and make a
noise, violating the law, they will immediately be
dealt with according to military law."[1751]
The various highest ministers memorialized, saying,
"You, Emperor, are most filial. In the last year,
the Mother of Culture [nee Wang] was not in good
health, you yourself in person supplied her needs,
rarely taking off your clothes or bonnet. When
thereupon it happened that she left her subjects, you
became melancholy. The color of your features has
not yet returned, and you have eaten and drunk too
little.
"Now for you to make four tours in one year, [to
travel] a road ten thousand li [in length]—your age
is honorable, so that you cannot endure [living on]
dry provisions and dried meat. For the time being,
do not make [these] tours of inspection. You need
to end your deep mourning in order to rest your sage
person. Your subjects will use all their power to
will support and accord with your brilliant edicts."
[Wang] Mang replied, "If the highest ministers, the
[Provincial] Shepherds, the high officials, the nobles,
and `the heads of offices'[1756]
are willing to use all their
power, leading each other in caring for and shepherding
the myriad common people, and wish thereby to
assist me and in this way to obey respectfully,[1757]
let
them make [all possible] efforts in this [direction], and
not swallow their words. I will change [my plans]
and in the seventh year of [the period] T'ien-feng,
Azure Dragon will be at keng-ch'en, I will perform the
rites of a tour of inspection. The next year Jupiter
will be in Shih-ch'en and the Azure Dragon at hsin-szu,
when I will go to the center of the earth at the
capital in Lo-yang."
[Wang Mang] thereupon sent the Grand Tutor,
P'ing Yen, and the Grand Minister of Works, Wang
[making] a map of the pomeria for [future] graves, and
to build the [imperial] ancestral temple, the altars to
the gods of the soils and grains, and the pomeria for
[the altars for] suburban sacrifices.
In the third month, on [the day] jen-shen, the
last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the
sun, and a general amnesty [was granted] to the
empire. The document to the Commander-in-chief,
Lu Ping, said, "The sun has been eclipsed so that it
had no light, since the shields and spears had not been
gathered in. Let the Commander-in-chief transmit
to the emperor his seal and [ceremonial] apron [in
token of his dismissal] and take the position of a
marquis of a noble clan in the court. The Grand
Tutor, P'ing Yen, shall not be Intendant of Affairs
of the Masters of Writing. Let the Palace Attendants
and Department Heads who concurrently hold
other positions be dispensed with. Let Miao Hsin,
an advantageous male,[1766] become the Commander-in-chief."
When Wang Mang had taken the throne as
actual [Emperor], he took special precautions against
his great officials and restrained and took away the
power of his subordinates. If a court official said
anything about the faults of [the high officials, Wang
Mang] each time promoted [the speaker]. Because
K'ung Jen, Chao Po, Fei Hsing, and others dared to
attack the great officials, [these daring critics] were
and held [such positions].
When the ministers entered the palaces, there was
a regular number of officials [for their suite]. When
the officials accompanying the Grand Tutor, P'ing
Yen, were greater [in number] than the regulation
[allowed], a Supervisor at a side-gate minutely
questioned [P'ing Yen about it] without showing any
Officer [in his train] arrested and bound the Supervisor.
[Wang] Mang was furious and sent an Upholder
of the Laws to send out several hundred chariots
and horsemen, surround the yamen of the Grand
Tutor, and arrest the Officer, who thereupon died.
An Officer of the Grand Minister of Works passed
Master of Ceremonies. When the Chief of the Commune
was severe with [the Officer and the latter]
made known the name of his office, the Chief of the
Commune said drunkenly, "Surely you have passport
credentials?" The Officer beat the Chief of the
Commune with his horsewhip, and the Chief of the
Commune beheaded the Officer and fled. The commandery
and prefectural [authorities] pursued him,
and his household sent to the Emperor a letter [explaining
the matter. Wang] Mang said, "The Chief
of the Commune was upholding the public [good].
Do not pursue him," and the Grand Minister of
Works, [Wang] Yi5, had his Officer's [body] mutilated[1773]
in order to excuse himself.
Since the State General, Ai Chang, was considerably
lished for him a Third Brother Ho. His [imperial]
command said, "Do not only protect the doors of the
State General's female apartments; it is necessary to
protect his blood relatives and relatives by marriage
in the western provinces."[1776] The various highest
ministers were all light-[weight] and of little worth,
[Ai] Chang especially so.
In the fourth month, there was a fall of frost which
killed the vegetation, especially at the sea-shore.
In the sixth month, a yellow fog [filled up everything
within] the four quarters. In the seventh month, a
great wind uprooted trees and blew off the roof-tiles
on [the buildings at] the Northern Portal [of the
Palace] and at the Chih-ch'eng gate [of Ch'ang-an]
and hail fell, killing cattle and sheep.
In accordance with the text of the Chou-li and the
"Royal Regulations," [Wang] Mang established Directors
of Confederations, Leaders of Combinations,
and Grand Governors, whose duties were to be the
same as those of [the former] Grand Administrators,
and [established] Prefects of Associations and Chiefs
of Associations with duties the same as those of [the
former] Chief Commandants. He established
[nine] Provincial Shepherds who were to be received
in audience with [the same] formalities as
those [shown] to the three highest ministers, and
twenty-five Superintendents of Regional Divisions,[1785]
one was to have charge of five commanderies. Dukes
herds, marquises with noble clans [occupied the positions
clans [occupied the positions of] Leaders of Combinations,
viscounts with noble clans [occupied the positions
of] Prefects of Associations, and barons with
noble clans [occupied the positions of] Chiefs of
Associations. All those offices were made hereditary.
Those who did not have any noble ranks were made
[Grand] Governors.
The neighborhood of the city of Ch'ang-an was
divided into six districts, and one Leader was established
for each [district]. The capital commanderies
were divided and made into six commandants' commanderies.[1793]
[The commanderies of] Ho-tung, Ho-nei,
Nan-yang became the six Neighboring Commanderies,
and Grandees were established [for them] with
duties like those of the [former] Grand Administrators,
and Directors of Associations with duties like
those of the [former] Chief Commandants. The
title of the Grand Governor of Ho-nan [Commandery]
was changed to be the High Minister Protecting and
devoted to the Hsin4 [Dynasty]. The counties subordinate
to Ho-nan [Commandery] were increased to
be a full thirty, and six suburbs were established with
a Chief of a Department for each [suburb], each
[Chief of a Department] having charge of five
Moreover the names of the other offices were all
even as many as five [commanderies],[1803] and three
hundred sixty commanderies and counties were given
the names of communes, in order to accord with the
words of the mandates [of Heaven as transmitted by]
portents. At the borders there were also established
Commandants of the Frontiers. Barons were
given [these offices. The numbers of] reserved fields
within nobles' estates were increased or decreased in
order to promote or demote [these nobles].[1805]
[Wang] Mang issued a written message, which
said, "At the Western Capital, Ch'ang2-an, [the
capital commanderies] shall be called the Six Districts
and the various counties shall be called those
of the six Commandants; at the Eastern Capital,
Yi4-yangb, [the capital commanderies] shall be called
the Six Departments,[1806]
and the various counties
shall be called [those of] the six Neighboring [Commanderies].
Within [the area which] `contributes
grain in the husk and cleaned grain,' [the commanderies]
are to be called the Contributing Commanderies.[1807]
Outside of them, [the commanderies]
[commanderies] which contain barriers or palisades
are to be called Border Commanderies. Altogether
there are one hundred and twenty-five commanderies
in nine provinces with two thousand two hundred
and three counties.
"Those who do public service in the imperial
domain are those `constituting fortified walls.' Those
in the Domain of the Nobles are those `securing
repose.' Those in the territories allotted to high
bureaucrats, baronesses, and the patrols are those
`constituting buttresses.'[1811]
Those in the Domain of
Those in [the regions where they] `cultivate the lessons
of learning and moral duties [and where they]
show the energies of war and defence'[1815] are those
`constituting [unfortified] walls.' Those outside the
nine provinces are those `constituting fences.'[1816]
Each one is to be styled in accordance with the region
[in which his fief is located]; altogether they constitute
the myriad states."
In subsequent years, [Wang Mang] again changed
five times, returning and restoring its former
[name], so that the officials and common people
could not keep records of [these names], and whenever
a written imperial edict was issued, the former
names [of places mentioned therein] were each time
[For example], he said, "An imperial edict of
decree to the Grand Governor and Grand Commandant
of Ch'en-liu [Commandery]. Let [the
territory] from Yi-sui and southwards be transferred
to Hsin-p'ing [commandery]. (Hsin-p'ing
[commandery] is the former Huai-yang [Commandery].)
From Yung-ch'iu and eastwards [the territory]
is to be transferred to Ch'en-ting [Commandery].
(Ch'en-ting [Commandery] is the former
Liang Commandery.) From Feng-ch'iu and eastwards
[the territory] is to be transferred to the Chih
Commune [Commandery]. (The Chih Commune
[Commandery] is the former Tung Commandery.)
From [the city of] Ch'en-liu and westwards, [the
territory] is to be transferred to the Imperial Domain
Neighboring [Commandery]. (The Imperial
Domain Neighboring [Commandery] is the former
Jung-yang [Commandery].) Ch'en-liu is now not
any more to be a commandery. Its Grand Governor
and Grand Commandant are both to go to the place
where the [Emperor] is." The changes and alterations
in [Wang Mang's] ordinances regarding names
were all of the foregoing sort.
[Wang Mang] ordered that in the primary schools
of the empire [the day] mou-tzu should take the place
of [the day] chia-tzu as the first day of the sixty-[day]
cycle.[1825] In capping [boys at maturity], mou-tzu
should be considered as the best day. For marriages,
the decade [beginning with the day] mou-yin[1826]
most of the people did not obey [this order].
When the Hun Shan-yü, [Lüan-ti] Chih, had died,
set up as Shan-yü, he asked for peace and alliance
by marriage [with the Chinese imperial house.
Wang] Mang sent an envoy to give him rich presents
and to promise falsely to return his son, [Lüan-ti]
Teng, who had been an Attendant [at the Chinese
court]. Thereupon [Wang Mang] offered rewards
for Ch'en Liang, Chung Tai, and the others [of their
group] and the Shan-yü immediately siezed [Ch'en]
Liang and the others, and delivered them to the
envoys. In carts with cages they went to Ch'ang-an,
where [Wang] Mang had [Ch'en] Liang and the
others burnt [to death] at the north of the city, and
ordered the officials and common people to gather in
order to see it.[1832]
At the borders there was a great famine, so that
Ju P'u, [was sent to] inspect the border troops and
returned, saying, "The soldiers have encamped at
the barriers for a long time and have suffered [because]
the border commanderies have no means of
furnishing supplies for them. Now that the Shan-yü
has newly made peace, it would therefore be proper
to dismiss the troops."
Colonel Han Wei came forward and said, "For the
majesty of the Hsin House to swallow the northern
such small things as] fleas or lice in one's mouth.
Your servant wishes to take five thousand brave
and daring gentlemen, and, without taking along a bushel of food, in hunger to eat the flesh of the
caitiffs and in thirst to drink their blood, so that I
shall be able to traverse [their territory freely."
Wang] Mang admired his words and made him the
Majestically Acting General.
But he adopted [Ju] P'u's words and summoned
the various generals who were at the border to return,
persons [in all]. He also abolished the various garrisons
of soldiers [belonging to] the Chief Commandants
posted at the four passes [to the imperial
capital].[1839]
[But] it happened that when the Hun envoy returned,
the Shan-yü came to know that his son,
[Lüan-ti] Teng, who had been an Attendant, had
previously been executed, so he mobilized his troops
and raided the borders, [hence Wang] Mang had
again to mobilize the military garrisons. Thereupon
the people of the border wandered into the inner
commanderies and became slaves and slave-women
of those people. Then a prohibition was made, that
if officials or common people should presume to
possess people from the borders, they should be
publicly executed.
The barbarians in Yi-chou [Commandery] killed
their Grand Governor, Ch'eng Lung, so that the
whole of the three borders [to the province] were in
rebellion. [Wang Mang] sent the General Tranquillizing
the Southern Barbarians, Feng[1841] Mou, leading
The General of a Peaceful Beginning, Hou Fu, was
dismissed, and the Libation Officer Expounding the
Book of Changes, Tai Ts'an, was made the General
of a Peaceful Beginning.
In the second year, the second month, a banquet
all the ministers and grandees were present at the
feast. A general amnesty [was granted] to the
empire.
At this time a star was visible at noon,[1847]
and the
lower position to be Director of Mandates. The
the Commander-in-chief.
[Some common people][1854]
falsely said that a yellow
Palace, and [many] people hastily ran there. Those
who went to see it numbered by the ten-thousands.
[Wang] Mang hated it, and arrested and bound [some
of those people], in order to ask whence this saying
arose. He was not [however] able to trace [its
source.][1860]
Since the Shan-yü, [Lüan-ti] Hsien, had made peace
and an alliance by marriage [with the Chinese imperial
house], he asked for the corpse of his son,
[Lüan-ti] Teng. [Wang] Mang wanted to send envoys
to bring it to him, [but] he feared that because
of his grudge [Lüan-ti] Hsien would kill the envoys.
So he arrested the former General [Repressing Difficulties],
Ch'en Ch'in, who had previously said that
[Wang Mang] ought to execute [Lüan-ti Teng,] the
son [of the Shan-yü], in attendance [upon the
Chinese Emperor], and had him bound in prison for
another crime.[1863] [Ch'en] Ch'in said, "This [act is
because Wang Mang] wants to use me to excuse
[himself] to the Huns," and thereupon committed
suicide.
Wang Mang selected [as envoys] Confucian
Wang Hsien2c from Chi-nan [Commandery]
was made the Chief Envoy and the General
of the Five Majestic [Principles]; Fu5 Yen, [a
man of] Lang-yeh Commandery], and others, were
made Lieutenant Envoys to accompany the corpse of
[Lüan-ti] Teng. [Wang Mang] ordained that they
were to dig up the tomb of the Shan-yü [Lüan-ti]
Chih, and to whip his corpse with thorns. He also
ordered the Huns to withdraw their frontiers north
upon the Shan-yü ten thousand head of horses, thirty
thousand head of cattle, and a hundred thousand
head of sheep. Moreover of the few people and
livestock from the borders who had been kidnapped,
insofar as they were still alive, [the Shan-yü] should
return them all. [Wang] Mang loved to talk grandly,
as in the foregoing [order].[1870]
When [Wang] Hsien2c reached the court of the
Shan-yü, he set forth [Wang] Mang's majestic virtue
and reprimanded the Shan-yü for his crimes of rebellion.
In his replies, [Wang Hsien2c] responded to
his opponents in every way, so that the Shan-yü
was not able to argue him down. Thereupon [Wang
Hsien2c] carried out [Wang Mang's] mandate and
brought back these [people and livestock].[1871]
When
he entered through the barrier, [Wang] Hsien2c had
as an earl. Fu5 Yen and the others were all made
viscounts.
[Wang] Mang's notion was that if institutions were
Hence he thought in detail concerning geographical
arrangements, the institution of rites, and the composition
of music. In discussing the harmonization
and matching of the explanations to the six Classics,
the ministers entered [his presence] at dawn and left
at dusk. He discussed[1877] for successive years without
have leisure to examine law-cases, decide complaints
of injustices, or to settle the urgent business of the
common people, and when there were vacancies
among the rulers of the counties, [Wang Mang left]
for several years [officials as] acting [magistrates or as
magistrates] concurrently [holding other positions,
with the result that] the covetousness and injuriousness
of all [his officials] alike daily became greater.
The[1882] Generals of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace
and Administrators of the Laws Clad in Embroidered
Garments who were in the commanderies and states
all took advantage of their authority and opportunities,
and in turn[1883] recommended each other in memorials.
Moreover when the Officers of the eleven
highest ministers were dispersed to encourage agriculture
and sericulture, to proclaim the ordinances
for the [various] seasons, and to examine into various
documentary matters, the [official] bonnets and
[chariot] coverings of one [set of officials] could [almost]
be seen by the succeeding [set],[1884] and they
jostled one another on the roads. They would summon
meetings of the officials and common people and
arrest eye-witnesses. When the commanderies and
counties [gathered] capitation-taxes, [these officials]
exchanged bribes and presents, so that [even] white
and black were confused and those who watched at
the [palace] portals [to intercept] accusations were
many.
[Wang] Mang himself knew that he had previously
usurped the [imperial] power, and had thereby obtained
the government from the Han [dynasty], hence
he took care to control the multitude of [government]
affairs himself and when the high officials received
[orders directing] the detailed disposition [of cases],
they merely did enough to avoid [punishment]. The
various offices [in charge of] the valuable objects, the
famous treasuries, and the taxes were all in charge
of eunuchs. When officials or common people presented
to the Emperor matters in sealed letters, the
eunuchs serving in the palace offices or [members of
the imperial] entourage broke the seals, so that the
Masters of Writing did not get to know about
them.[1888] Such were [Wang Mang's] fear of and precautions
against his courtiers and subordinates.
He also loved to change and alter the institutions
were numerous, and those which needed to be put
into practise[1891] had each time to be asked about,
before anything could be done. When earlier and
later [documents] succeeded each other, they became
unclear, confused, and could not be cleared up.[1892]
lamp until daylight, but nevertheless he was not
able to accomplish his work. Taking advantage of
this [circumstance], the Masters of Writing did evil
and laid matters aside, so that those who had sent
letters to the throne and awaited replies [at the
Palace Portals] did not get to leave for successive
years. Those who had been arrested and bound [in
prison] in the commanderies or counties could only
get out when it happened that there was an amnesty,
and the soldiers of the [palace] guard were not
changed even in the third year.[1896]
Grain was constantly expensive. More than two
hundred thousand border troops depended for their
clothes and food upon the imperial government.
They were discontented and bitter. Wu-yüan and
Ta Commanderies suffered especially from them,
[so that people in these commanderies] arose and
became thieves and robbers, several thousand persons
becoming a troop, turning around and entering the
neighboring commanderies. [Wang] Mang sent the
General Siezing Robbers, K'ung Jen, with troops,
to join with the commandery and county [authorities]
to attack [the robbers]. Only after more than
a year were [the robbers] put down. The border
commanderies were moreover almost on the point of
being emptied [of people].
North of Han-tan there was a great rain and fog,
and the waters rose. The deepest [places] were
several tens of feet [deep]. It carried away and
killed several thousands of persons.
The General Establishing the State, Sun Chien,
died, and the Director of Mandates [from the Five
Establishing the State. The General of a Peaceful
office [of Libation Officer Expounding the Book of
Changes], and the General of the Southern City Wall
[of Ch'ang-an], Lien Tan, became the General of a
Peaceful Beginning.
In the third year, the second month, on [the day]
snow, which was especially severe east of the [Han-ku]
Pass. The deepest [places] were ten feet [deep].
The bamboos and arbor vitae trees all[1905] withered.
The Grand Minister of Works, Wang Yi5, presented
to the eighth year, and my efforts have not been
successful. In my duties as [Grand] Minister of
Works, I have [moreover] been more especially useless,
so that recently there has even been the grievous
vicissitude of an earthquake. I wish to beg to
retire."
[Wang] Mang replied, "Verily, Earth has movements
and has quakes. The quakes cause injury,
[but] the movements do not cause injury. The
Book of Changes, in the "Great Appendix," [says]
that [the hexagram] k'un, [representing Earth], moves. When [Earth] moves it opens, and when it
rests, it closes, and [in this way] all things are
brought to birth.[1908] Each grievous vicissitude of
visitation or prodigy has its message and action, so
Heaven and Earth move majestically in order to
warn me. What crime have you, Duke, committed
that you beg to retire? [This] is not the way to
assist me. I send the Inspector of Officials, Cavalryman
Without Specified Appointment, Director of
vating Tranquillity, Tsun2, to inform you of my
will."
In the fifth month, [Wang] Mang issued regulations
for the salaries of officials, saying, "I have met
with the distresses of the nine dry years and the
[untoward] occurrences in the 106 [years.[1914] The
revenues for] the expenses of the state have been
insufficient, so that the common people are in disturbance.
For the ministers and those of lower
[ranks], the emolument for one month has been two
rolls of 800-thread linen cloth[1916] or one roll of silk.
Every time I think of it, I never fail to be sad.
"Now that the distresses and [untoward] occurrences
have already been overpassed, although the
government treasuries have not yet been able to be
filled, [yet] something can be taken out to supply
[what is needed]. On the first day of the sixth
officials be for the first time distributed all according
to the regulations. The four coadjutors, the ministers,
the grandees, the officers, and on down to the
lower officials [constitute] altogether fifteen grades.
The salary of the lower officials for one year shall be
66 hu. [This amount] shall be gradually increased
by steps up to [the rank of] the four Coadjutors, [for
whom] it shall be made 10,000 hu."
Wang Mang also said,
There can be nothing but the King's lands.
Must not fail to be subjects of the King.'[1920]
Heaven.'[1921] The Chou-li [says that] in the imperial
cuisine, `one hundred and twenty kinds of meat dishes
[are furnished].'[1923]
"The nobles shall now each receive the income of
vassals shall receive the income of their estates;
ministers, grandees, and first officers shall receive the
income of the territory allocated to them. There are
regulations for all the differences in the amount of
their [revenues]. When the harvests are abundant,
the rites [regarding the amounts given them] shall be
fully carried out; when there are visitations or disasters
[to the crops, their revenues] shall be decreased,
so that they shall suffer and rejoice along with the
people. Let it be that at the time when the [yearly]
accounts [from the commanderies] are presented,
[there shall be made] a general account for the
empire. If there happily have been no visitations or
disasters, the Grand Provisioner [shall provide] the
complete number of imperial dishes. [But] if there
have been visitations or disasters, the amount shall
be calculated in percentages, and the dishes [at the
imperial table] shall be reduced [proportionately].[1926]
"[The Chief of] the Eastern [Sacred] Peak and
Grand Master and the General Establishing the
State shall act as guarantors for twenty-five commanderies
of three provinces and one regional division
in the eastern quarter; [the Chief of] Southern
Sacred Peak and Grand Tutor and the General of
the Van shall act as guarantors for twenty-five commanderies
of two provinces and one regional division
in the southern quarter; [the Chief of] the Western
[Sacred] Peak and State Master and the General of
a Peaceful Beginning shall act as guarantors for
twenty-five commanderies of one province and two
regional divisions in the western quarter; [the Chief
of] the Northern [Sacred] Peak and State General and
the General of the Guard shall act as guarantors for
twenty-five commanderies of two provinces and one
regional division in the northern quarter. The Commander-in-chief
shall act a guarantor for ten commanderies
in the eastern and southern [parts of] the
central regional divisions [subject to] the Communicator
and high minister, the Deciding Judge and high
minister, the Capital Commandant [Grandee], the
Sustainer Commandant [Grandee], the Metropole
Neighboring Commandery, and the Western Neighboring
Commandery.[1933] The Grand Minister over
the Masses shall act as guarantor for five commanderies
in the central regional divisions and western regional
division [subject to] the Director of Music and
high minister, the Arranger of the Ancestral Temples
and high minister,[1934] the Supporter Commandant
the Eastern Neighboring Commandery, and the
Southern Neighboring Commandery. The Grand
Minister of Works shall act as guarantor for ten commanderies
in the central regional divisions and northwards
[subject to] the My Forester and high minister,
the Provider of Works and high minister,[1937] the
Master Commandant [Grandee], the Commandant
of Magnificence [Grandee], the Imperial Domain
Neighboring Commandery, and the Northern Neighboring
Commandery. The directors and high ministers[1938]
shall all join with the highest ministers to
whom they are subordinate in acting as guarantors
against visitations and disasters [in the regions for
which] their [superiors act as guarantors].
"If there have been calamities or injuries to the
the amount shall also be calculated in percentages,
and their salaries shall be reduced [proportionately].
Gentlemen, the Imperial Retinue, and officials of the
imperial capital offices, who receive their salaries
from the receipts within the [imperial] capitals, shall
take the amount of the imperial dishes [provided by]
the Grand Provisioner as the measure [for their
salaries]. Nobles, princesses, baronesses, vassals,
and minor officials shall also each act as guarantors
against visitations and disasters [in] their [districts].
I hope that [thus] superiors and inferiors will be of
the same mind and will encourage the advancement
of agriculture and tranquillize the great multitude."
[Wang] Mang's regulations were as complicated and
detailed as the foregoing.
The calculations of the taxes could not be made
out, so that the officials did not eventually obtain any
salaries. Each one took advantage of the duties of
his office to do evil, receiving and exacting bribes and
presents in order to support himself.
bank of the Ch'ang-p'ing Lodge collapsed, blocking
up the Ching River, so that it could not run, was
cut off, and flowed northwards.[1948] [Wang Mang]
sent the Grand Minister of Works, Wang Yi5, to
inspect it. When he returned and memorialized a
description [of the occurrence], the courtiers offered
congratulations, considering that it was what the
upon water is a happy auspice of the Huns being destroyed.
[Wang Mang] thereupon sent the Shepherd
of the Ping Province, Sung Hung, the Scouting and
Attacking Chief Commandant, Jen Meng,[1951] and
others, leading troops, to attack the Huns. They
went to the border, and stopped to garrison it.
In the seventh month, on [the day] hsin-yu, there
among the common people is called the Cerulean
Gate, and on [the day] mou-tzu, the last day of the
month, there was an eclipse of the sun. A general
amnesty [was granted] to the empire, and [Wang
Mang] again ordered the ministers, grandees, nobles,
and [officials ranking at] 2000 piculs each to recommend
one person with the four [types of virtuous]
conduct.[1954] The Commander-in-chief, Ch'en Mou,
was dismissed because of the eclipse of the sun, and
the Earl Establishing Military Power, Chuang Yu,
was made the Commander-in-chief.
In the tenth month, on [the day] mou-hsü,[1956]
the
out for a day and night without ceasing. Ts'ui Fa
and others said, "The Lord of Yü, [Shun], `opened
the gates to the four [quarters] to hear with the ears
in the four [quarters].'[1959] The crying out of the gate
makes plain that you ought to cultivate the rites of
the four quarters." Thereupon [Wang Mang] ordered
that the courtiers should all felicitate him.
Those who were recommended for the four [types of
virtuous] conduct entered by way of the Vermillion
Bird Gate in order to take the examinations.
The General Tranquillizing the Southern Barbarians,
Feng Mou, had attacked Kou-t'ing, and six
As a levy for military purposes upon the common
people's wealth he had taken five-tenths, so that
the Yi Province was empty and waste, yet [the rebellious
barbarians] were not vanquished. [Wang
Mang] summoned him to return and sent him to
prison, where he died.
In his place, [Wang Mang] sent the General of a
Peaceful Beginning, Lien Tan, together with the
[Provincial] Shepherd of Yung Regional Division,
Shih Hsiung, to attack Kou-t'ing.[1964]
When they
had cut off a considerable [number of] heads and had
had a victory, [Wang] Mang summoned [Lien] Tan
and [Shih] Hsiung [to come to the capital. Lien]
Tan and [Shih] Hsiung wanted [instead] to increase
the taxes, [whereupon] they would be certain to conquer.
Thereupon they returned and again made a great
levy for military purposes. The Grand Governor of
Chiu-tu [Commandery], Feng Ying, was not willing
to furnish [anything], and sent [a memorial] to the
throne, saying, "From the time that Chou Niu of
Sui-chiu [county] and Hsieh-tou of T'ung Commune
and the like in Yüeh-sui [Commandery] revolted, it
has been almost the tenth year, in which [time] the
commanderies and counties have been resisting the
attacks of [the barbarians] without cessation. When,
in succession to [Ch'eng Lung], Feng Mou was employed,
policy, which was that, altho south of P'o-tao
the mountains are high and defiles are deep, [Feng]
Mou many times expelled their bands from distant
places, so that the expense has been counted by the
hundred-thousands [of cash] and officers and soldiers
have suffered from poisonous emanations,[1968] seven-tenths
of them dying.
"Now [Lien] Tan and [Shih] Hsiung are afraid
that they themselves would be reprimanded [for not
and [seek to] levy and mobilize the troops and grain
of the commandery, to re-appraise [the property of]
the common people and take four-tenths of it. They
have impoverished and ruined Liang Province, but
their efforts will not eventually meet with success.
It would be proper to dismiss the troops and garrison
farms and openly offer rewards [for the rebels]."
[Wang] Mang became angry and dismissed [Feng]
Ying from his office. [But] later he awakened considerably
to [the truth] and said, "[Feng] Ying
should not however be severely condemned," and
rewarded [Feng] Ying by making him the Leader of
the Combination in Ch'ang-sha [Commandery].
Wang-sun Ch'ing, [who belonged to] the faction of
sent the Grand Physician and the Master of Recipes,
with a skilled butcher, all together to dissect and flay
[Wang-sun Ch'ing], to measure and examine his five
viscera, and to use fine bamboos to trace out his
arteries, so as to find out their beginnings and ends,
saying that [thereby] they would know how to cure
illness.[1972]
In this year, [Wang Mang] sent as the Chief
Wang Chün4c, with the Protector General of the
Western Frontier Regions, Li Ch'ung2, leading the
Mou-and-Chi Colonel, [Kou Ch'in], to go out to the
Western Frontier Regions. All the various states
welcomed [the envoys] at their suburbs and offered
tribute.
The state of Karshahr (Yen-ch'i)[1977] had previously
murdered the Protector General Tan Ch'in, so
[Wang] Chün4c wanted to make a surprise attack
upon it. He ordered his Associate Lieutenant, Ho
Feng, and the Mou-and-Chi Colonel, Kuo Ch'inb, to
separate their commands [from his]. Karshahr
(Yen-Ch'i) made a pretense of surrendering, and
and ambushed troops, who attacked [Wang] Chün4c
and the others, so that all [his company] died.
[Kuo] Ch'inb and [Ho] Feng reached [Karshahr
shortly] after [Wang Chün4c had been killed, before
the troops had returned], and made a surprise attack
upon its aged and weak [people, massacring
them]. They returned by way of Turfan (Chü-shih)
and entered the [Chinese] barrier. [Wang] Mang
installed [Kuo] Ch'inb as the General Maintaining
Order in Foreign Parts, and enfeoffed him as the
Viscount Exterminating Northwestern Barbarians.
Ho Feng was made the Baron Quieting the Northwestern
Barbarians. From this time on, the Western
Frontier Regions were cut off [from China].
Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) points out that in the parallel passage, 98: 14a12, the
term fu1 [OMITTED] is written fu2 [OMITTED]. Seemingly the Grand Empress Dowager's ceremonial apron
was made of silk instead of leather, as befits a lady, and the word for this article, when the
article is made of silk, could be written with the silk radical as early as the time of Wang
Mang or of Pan Ku; cf. 99 A: n. 18.3.
The Grand Empress Dowager bitterly opposed Wang Mang's usurpation of the imperial
title; she possessed the Ch'in dynasty's imperial seal, which Chao Tzu-ying had
surrendered to Emperor Kao, and which was called "The seal whereby the Han dynasty
transmits the state [OMITTED]." When Wang Mang asked for this important seal, she refused
to give it up, saying that Wang Mang was worse than a pig or dog. She was however
compelled by threats to give up this seal and she accepted the Hsin dynasty's seal.
But secretly she continued certain of the Han dynasty's practises, which Wang Mang had
abolished. Cf. 98: 13a-15a; Glossary sub Wang, Grand Empress Dowager nee.
Wang Mang made her his Empress Dowager, i.e., instead of being the grandmother of a
Han emperor, she became the (adopted) mother of the Hsin emperor. Wang Mang later
wore mourning for her as for his own mother; cf. 99 B: 21b.
The Wang clan of Yi-ch'un was not related to the Wang clan of Yüan-ch'eng, to
which Wang Mang belonged, so that this marriage was considered quite proper; cf. 99 B:
6a & n. 6.4.
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that Chin Shao's HS Yin-yi reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. Wang Hsien-ch'ien
says that the Southern ed. (poss. x cent., or the Southern Academy ed., 1531) reads
[OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. agrees with our text.
Hu San-hsing explains, " `A clerk to a Prefect of a City-gate' served a Colonel of a
City-gate. He had charge of writings."
The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) has not the word [OMITTED], but
the New ed. (unknown) inserts it. The Ching-yu ed. lacks it.
Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) asserts that the word pao [OMITTED] should be inserted after
the o [OMITTED], in accordance with Han-chi 30: 10b. He declares that pao and o are always
used together, that without pao the phrasing would not be good and the meaning (merely
"wet-nurses," omitting the other nurses) would not be complete. In HS 75: 26a, a
similar phrasing, pao-o, is read.
Yang Shu-ta, in his "Examples of Historical Method in the HS," Yenching Jour. of
Chin. Studies, no. 3, June, 1928, p. 441 f, states that the phrase, "a child of [Wang] Yü,"
is an example of Pan Ku's use of author's explanatory notes—a practise first used by him
in a historical work. Since the practise of writing annotations in smaller characters was
not invented until a generation later (Ma Jung is said to have first used it in his edition
of the Chou-li, A.D. 138-40; cf. Maspero, "Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques," Inst.
Belge des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, I [1931-32], p. 183), Pan Ku had to insert such an
annotation into the text as a phrase in apposition with the term explained, which appository
phrase accordingly interrupts the sentence. Yang Shu-ta instances seven other
examples from different parts of the HS. Perhaps this use of explanatory notes was taken
by Pan Ku from official documents such as the edict of Wang Mang to be found on
99 B: 25b.
This and the next three paragraphs constitute four series of correspondences between
(a) four planets (and the corresponding powers or elements), (b) personal qualities,
(c) quarters of the compass, (d) ministers, (e) types of weather, (f) colors, (g) the activities
of nature during the four seasons, and (h) measuring instruments:
1. (a) Jupiter (wood), (b) respectfulness, (c) the east, (d) the Grand Master, (e) timely
rain, (f) cerulean, (g) rising (spring), (h) the sun-dial.2. (a) Mars (fire), (b) wisdom, (c) the south, (d) the Grand Tutor, (e) timely warmth
(f) red, (g) enlarging (summer), (h) the musical tubes.3. (a) Venus (metal), (b) orderliness, (c) the west, (d) the State Master, (e) timely cool
sunshine, (f) white, (g) taking form (autumn), (h) weighing instruments.4. (a) Mercury (water), (b) deliberation, (c) the north, (d) the State General (because
executions [war] were set for the winter), (e) timely cold, (f) black, (g) harmony
(winter), (h) the clepsydra.
timely wind, (f) yellow, (g) (no season), is omitted, because this series corresponds to
(d) the King, Wang Mang.
Among these correspondences, (b) and (e) are quoted from the "Great Plan," Book
of History V, iv, verses 6 & 34 respectively (Legge, 327, 340; Couvreur, 198, 207), as
Prof Duyvendak points out. The powers or elements, colors, and directions are those
assigned to these planets, but their order is not the same as that of the corresponding
powers or elements in op. cit. V, iv, 5 (Legge, 325; Couvreur, 197), probably in order to
enable the imperial virtue, sageness, to be coupled with Wang Mang's elemnet, earth
Liu Hsiang wrote a "Discussion of the Tradition Concerning the Five Powers in the
`Great Plan' [of the Book of History] [OMITTED]," which is lost, and most of these
correspondences may have come from that book, SC ch. 27, or one of the various other
works of this sort written in Han times. Cf. the correspondences in Couvreur, Dict.
Classique, iii ed., p. 1059.
The planet Jupiter was supposed to punish injustice and disrespectfulness; cf. Mh
III, 356.
Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) explains, "All things are brought to birth in the eastern
quarter [spring], hence he warned the Grand Master."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien declares that [OMITTED] is an error; the Ching-yu ed., the Official ed. and
the Southern Academy ed. read [OMITTED] at this point and below.
Fu Chien declares that [OMITTED] is pronounced the same as [OMITTED] (hui). Ju Shun explains,
"[It is] the brilliance of the cerulean [springtime] emanation," and Chin Shao adds, "It
means that cerulean is the emanation of the yang principle, which first rises and goes
upwards in order to complete all things. At the vernal and autumnal equinoxes a
gnomen is set up to determine [due] east and west. East is where the sun first rises [at
the equinoxes], hence `its shadow is examined by the sun-dial' belongs to [the planet
Jupiter]."
Mars was supposed to punish violations of the rites by unusual heat; cf. Mh III,
364. Ying Shao glosses, "[Mars] punishes [lack of wisdom] by prolonged heat."
Chin Shao explains, "Yung [OMITTED] is [OMITTED] (enlarge, be liberal, pardon). [Yen Shih-ku
explains yung as [OMITTED]. These two words are interchanged.] Summer [OMITTED] [archaic pronunciation
g'å] [means] [OMITTED] (to enlarge [archaic pronunciation kå; an assonance]. Things
grow large, whereupon they manifest their tranquillity. The sixth month [is the time
for] the beginning of the yin emanation, hence the earth is made to rule. `The middle
number of earth is six. Six is the musical tube, [huang-chung]. The musical tube has a
shape and a color. Its ruling color is yellow.' [A quotation from HS 21 A: 5b]. Hence
`investigating the sounds by the musical tubes' belongs to [the planet Mars]."
Ying Shao explains, "When [a person's] words are not in accordance [with the Way],
this is what is meant by not-yi [OMITTED]. Yi makes peaceful [OMITTED]. The punishment for [failing
to do] this is always [a superabundance of the principle] yang. Yang brings drought."
Instead of yang [OMITTED], Book of History V, iv, 34 has [OMITTED], cool sunshine. Yen Shih-ku adds,
"Yi should be read as [OMITTED]." Mh III, 371 states that Venus presides over killing and
punishes murder.
Ying Shao explains, "The measures of capacity [OMITTED] are the tou and hu. [OMITTED] are the
steelyard and balances [OMITTED]." Chin Shao adds, "All things perfect their forms in the
western quarter [autumn, so that] their size and weight may all be known. Hence scales
and `measures of capacity' belong to [the planet Venus]."
Ying Shao explains, "To listen to a person [but] without attentiveness, this is what
is meant by not deliberating well. Mou [OMITTED] is [OMITTED]. The punishment [for failing to do]
this is prolonged cold." Chin Shao adds, "North is to be prostrated. When the yang
emanation is prostrate underneath [the earth], the yin principle has charge of killing.
Hence he has the State General guard against it." Mh III, 379 says that Mercury
punishes for incorrect punishments.
Ying Shao explains, "We investigate the courses and degrees of the five planets by
the clepsydra and its divisions." Chin Shao adds, "Ho [OMITTED] is to unite [OMITTED]. All things
are all united and stored in the northern quarter [winter]. Mercury is also in charge of
peace, hence he said, `harmonizes tranquillity.' The regulations for the calendar arise
from [the constellation] Tou [the Bushel, Ursa Major], which distinguishes the revolutions
of the sun and moon by [the constellation] She-t'i [η, τ, ν; ο, π, ζ Bootes]. She-t'i occupies
the place where the handle of the Bushel points, and is used to establish the seasons and
the [twenty-four] solar terms, hence `investigating the planets' belongs to [the planet
Mercury]."
The earth was thought to be square and heaven round; both the moon and the
earth are yin; hence heavenly phenomena that concern the earth (astrology) belong to
the commander-in-chief.
"Virtue" is to be taken in its ancient meaning of "power." "Arm" denotes "executive";
cf. n. 3.6.
Chin Shao explains, "The arms [can be made into the shape of] a circle, [as the
limbs form right angles]. When `the five [things that must be] taught are [taught] with
gentleness' [a quotation from Book of History II, i, v, 19 (Legge, p. 44; Couvreur, p. 26)],
then a filial attitude of submission influences creatures and things and the four supernatural
animals [probably: unicorn, phoenix, tortoise, dragon] appear. Hence `auspicious
presages [concerning] civil [matters]' belongs to [the Sun]."
Yen Shih-ku explains, " `The five [fundamental] teachings (wu-chiao [OMITTED])' [a
phrase from Book of History II, i, v, 19 (Legge, p. 44)] means the justice (yi) of a father,
the kindliness (tz'u) of a mother, the friendliness (yu) of an elder brother, the respectfulness
(kung) of a younger brother, and the filial piety (hsiao) of a son. [This interpretation
comes from Tso-chuan, Dk. Wen, XVIII (Legge, 2808, 283a). Mencius III, i, iv, 8
(Legge, p. 251f) has a slightly different list.] The five grades (wu-p'in [OMITTED]) are the
five social usages (wu-ch'ang [OMITTED]), which means benevolence (jen), righteousness (yi),
proper conduct (li), wisdom (chih), and trustworthiness (hsin)." The K'ung An-kuo
interpretation of the above passage from the Book of History (Shang-shu Chu-su 3: 13a)
however states that the five grades are the five social usages and K'ung Ying-ta (ibid., 3:
13b) explains that the five grades are "the differences of honor within one family, namely,
father, mother, elder, younger brother, and son, who are taught by justice, kindliness,
friendliness, respectfulness, and filial piety"—the same list as that for the five fundamental
teachings, which accordingly fits better here than Yen Shih-ku's list (which comes
from Wang Ch'ung).
SC 27: 6 = Mh III, 341 states that the constellation Po-tou (the Northern Bushel)
is the jade balance.
"Canon" is part of the title to Book of History I, bk. i and II, bk i; "Announcement"
is similarly part of the title to op. cit. V, bks. vii, ix, x, xii, and xiii.
These titles for the grades and the number of officials in each grade are taken from
Tung Chung-shu's Ch'un-ch'iu Fan-lu, 7: 10a, ch. 24, "Kuan-chih Hsiang-Tien."
Li Tz'u-ming, HS Cha-chi, 7: 15b, suggests that the first word in [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] was
originally [OMITTED], as in [OMITTED] (Grand Keeper of the Robes) and [OMITTED] (Grand Governor).
The Ching-yu ed. at this point and on the next page and Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text of
HS 99 B: 28a actually read [OMITTED].
The text reads,` `the Commandant of the Capital [OMITTED]," but that title had been
changed in 104 B.C. to Bearer of the Gilded Mace, so that it is out of place here. Liu
Pin suggests that the text should read [OMITTED], the two middle characters of which
have dropped out. I have followed this emendation.
The text reads,` `the Commandant of the Capital [OMITTED]," but that title had been
changed in 104 B.C. to Bearer of the Gilded Mace, so that it is out of place here. Liu
Pin suggests that the text should read [OMITTED], the two middle characters of which
have dropped out. I have followed this emendation.
The text reads, "Minister over the Masses [OMITTED]." Liu Pin suggests emending the
last character to [OMITTED], and Ch'i Shao-nan points out that this latter term harmonizes with
the rest of this passage, for these titles are taken from Book of History V, iv, 6, (Legge,
p. 326), the same one from which come the correspondences in n. 2.6.
Li Tz'u-ming, in his HS Cha-chi 7: 15b suggests that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED]; in the Book
of History (loc. cit.), the latter character is used. The former character has previously
been used for the Director of Palaces, so would not be used here.
The "five activities" are, according to ibid.: demeanor, speech, seeing, hearing, and
thinking, the virtues of which are those mentioned in the first five titles of the preceding
paragraph.
The text reads [OMITTED]; Wang Nien-sun says it should be [OMITTED] in accordance with the
Ching-yu ed. (1035) and the parallel phrase in HS 48: 23b.
The "drum for those who dare to admonish" is mentioned in the Ta-Tai Li (compiled
i cent. A.D.) 3: 3a, ch. 48 (Wilhelm, Li Gi, p. 219), and Liu Pien (fl. 520-557) glosses,
"Shun established it. He had those who would admonish, beat it in order that he might
himself hear of them." Chia Yi mentions it in a memorial which alludes to that passage
(HS 48: 23b). K'ung Kuang-sen (1752-1786) adds, "The ordinance of Yü said, `Those
who would teach Us concerning the Way should strike the drum.' " Chou-li 31: 7b, 8a
(Biot, II, 226) declares that the T'ai-p'u "places the drum for the royal apartments
outside the gate to the main part of the royal apartments and has charge of controlling
it [beating it to announce the time]. It awaits those who would communicate their misfortunes
and those who transmit ordinances. When [the T'ai-p'u] hears the sound of
the drum, he then quickly receives [the report of] the Yü-p'u or the Yü-shu-tzu [which
two officials were in attendance upon the drum, to take the complaint or report of the
person who had struck the drum]." Cheng Chung (ca. 5 B.C.-83 A.D.) comments, "It
is like when those beat a drum who at the present time report matters of grievous vicissitudes
to the emperor." Wang Mang, in establishing this drum, is following the teaching
of the Chou-li.
Evidently this rule was not always consistently carried out. Wang Yi5's title,
Duke Prospering the Hsin Dynasty (Lung-hsin Kung) and Liu Fen's title, Marquis
Prospering the Majestic Principles (Lung-wei Hou) contained the word lung, although
they were men; Wang Mang's daughters by concubines, Wang Chieh6 and Wang Yeh6,
were entitled the Baroness of Attained Concord (Mu-tai Jen) and the Baroness of Cultivated
Concord (Mu-hsin Jen), respectively. Wang Mang's grandson, Wang Ch'ien2 was
the Duke whose Merits Prosper (Kung-lung Kung). Cf. Glossary sub vocibus. Wang
Mang's enactments were so multifarious that many were probably forgotten, since card
files had not yet been invented. Mu and Lung were not interchanged, as Stange (p. 126,
n. 2) suggests, for Yao Hsün was made Marquis of Original Concord (Ch'u-mu Hou),
Kuei Ch'ang was made Marquis of the Beginning of Concord (Shih-mu Hou), Ch'en
Ch'ung was made Marquis of Ruling Concord (T'ung-mu Hou), and T'ien Feng was
made Marquis of Hereditary Concord (Shih-mu Hou), all of whom were considered as
imperial relatives, since they were considered descendants of Wang Mang's mythical
ancestor, the Yellow Lord.
A quotation from Mencius V, i, iv, 1 (Legge, p. 352), where it is said to be a saying
of Confucius.
According to SC 1: 45 = Mh I, 71, Shun was a descendant of Chuan-hsü; according
to SC 1: 21 = Mh I, 41, Yao was the son of K'u. Wang Mang is following a different
tradition.
Weis is here probably an anachronism; the title, Duke of Weis, was bestowed in
A.D. 37 upon Chi Tang's grandson, according to HS 18: 10a; HHS, An. 1 B: 9b. Chi
Tang was at this time Duke of Cheng, according to 18: 10a.
Yen Shih-ku remarks, "K'o1 [OMITTED] is to be respectful. It means that he treated him
ith added respect, also like a guest. The Chou [dynasty] took the descendants of
hun, together with [the princes of] Ch'i and Sung, [the descendants of the Hsia and Yin
dynasties], and made them the three Respected Guests (K'o)." The Tso-chuan, Dk.
Hsiang, XXV (Legge, 516) states that the Chou dynasty treated the descendants of
Yü (Shun), the Hsia, and the Shang dynasties as Respected Guests. Cf. also Mh I, 239.
On the meaning of k'o1, Wu Ta-cheng (1844-1902), in his Ku-chuan Pu, sub Sh
Chou K'o-ting, (also included in Shuo-wen Chieh-tzu Ku-lin Pu-yi 7 B: 494 b, sub k'o)
remarks that k'o1 was a different writing for k'o2 [OMITTED], and that k'o2 is merely a different
writing of k'o3 [OMITTED], which means guest, so that the meaning of k'o1 was originally "guest."
In the Book of Odes, no. 278; IV, i, [ii], iii, (Legge, p. 585), these Respected Ones of the
former dynasties are called k'o3, and Mr. Mao (ii cent. B.C.) explains, "The k'o3 are
the descendants of the two [dynasties] of kings." The K'ung-tsung-tzu ch. 21, 6: 18a
(prob. iii cent.), in a discussion of the three Respected Ones, says, "K'o1 is to respect.
These [three Respected Guests] were treated with rites like those for a guest k'o3." Of.
Tz'u-hai, sub [OMITTED] k'o1.
Liu Feng-shih remarks that the passage in parentheses interrupts the account, and
also that since the persons to whom sacrifices were made all had descendants enfeoffed,
the sentence is not appropriate at this point. Furthermore the matter is referred to later.
He said that this sentence is therefore an interpolation. Yang Shu-ta however replies
that these sacrifices are mentioned in connection with the enfeoffment of the descendants
of the persons sacrificed to, and says that the passage seems genuine. The four dynasties
were the Hsia, Yin, Chou, and Han dynasties.
A quotation from the "Modern text" of the Book of History, V, i, now a fragment
Cf. Legge, p. 298; also HHS, Mem. 30 B: n. 14.4.
This portent to the Chou dynasty was then understood as a portent denoting the Han
dynasty, which dynasty was believed to have succeeded to the divine powers upholding
the Chou dynasty.
Li Tz'u-ming, ibid., suggests that [OMITTED] is a copyist's error for kao [OMITTED]. But there is
no grammatical necessity to change the text. If kao-tsu [OMITTED] had been originally in the text,
it would have preceded "King Po" as it does on 99 B: 9a and Wang Mang's temple name
for the Yellow Lord would also have been used, and if Yen Shih-ku's text had read kao-tsu,
be would not have explained in his note that King Po of Chi-nan was Wang Mang's name
for the Eminent Founder (kao-tsu) of his house. This person was named Wang Sui, cf.
Glossary, sub voce.
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Nan ed. (x-xii cent.) had [OMITTED] before the [OMITTED], which
seemingly a partial dittography. The Ching-yu ed. lacks it.
The distinction is between the shrines to the founders of houses [OMITTED], which were
not changed, and the personal shrines to the immediate ancestors [OMITTED], which were
altered as each new generation elevated its father and mother to a place in the ancestral
temple. Cf. 99 C: 9b; STange, 129, n. 5. "Temple" [OMITTED] is ambigious, here as elsewhere,
denoting sometimes a particular shrine in a temple building, and sometimes the temple
building or buildings themselves. Wang Mang was following the rule in Li-chi XIII, ,
9 (Legge, II, 42) = Li-chi Cheng-yi 32: 4b.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "Mei [OMITTED] is [OMITTED] (a sacrifice [for descendants]). He established
this great temple [OMITTED] to sacrifice yearly and seasonally to his ancestors regularily." Mei
is usually used to refer to the god of marriage and birth; here it is the clan temple where
sacrifices are made for descendants to continue the clan.
Yen Shih-ku glosses, "It means that the state had already established its great clan
temple to sacrifice to its deceased founders. Each [ancestor] whom the families of the
common people esteem should be given ancestral sacrifices and [these sacrifices] should
not be interrupted. All under heaven should follow the same principle." But Lin
Feng-shih argues, "This [sentence] refers to the sacrifices for posterity [to those whom
Wang] Mang's family esteemed. He ordained that the empire should transmit them
and make them its sacrifices for posterity and that they might not fail to be upheld in
sacrifice. It was like the mound to the gods of the soils at the Fen-yin (White Elm)
[District in Feng] at which [Emperor] Kao of the Han [dynasty sacrificed]." Cf. 25 A: 17b.
The Yuan-ch'eng Wang clan was that of Wang Mang's own kindred. He had
married the daughter of Wang Hsien2a, who was of another Wang clan, and wanted to
show that other members of the large groups of persons surnamed Wang could intermarry,
yet also to make plain that he disapproved of the intermarriage of persons of the same
surname. He was thus led to distinguish among those surnamed Wang; cf. n. 1.3.
Meng K'ang remarks, "He posthumously gave the title of King to Duke Hu of
Ch'en," who founded the state of Ch'en at the Chou conquest.
Meng K'ang remarks, "He posthumously gave the title of King to Ch'en [Wan]
Ching-chung," who founded the T'ien clan.
The Official ed. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] to accord with the reading in 99 A: 1b. The
Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.
Liu Pin asserts that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED], which statement is confirmed by 28 Bi: 26a,
Yang-chou.
Yen Shih-ku remarks that Wang Mang was imitating the action of Shun, who
"received Yao's retirement from the imperial duties in the Temple of the Accomplished
Ancestors," a quotation from Book of History II, i, iii, 4 (Legge, p. 32).
Emperors Kao, the Eminent Founder; Hsiao-wen, the Great Exemplar; Hsiao-wu,
the Epochal Exemplar; Hsiao-hsüan, the Central Exemplar; Hsiao-yüan, the Eminant
Exemplar; Hsiao-ch'eng, the Dynastic Exemplar; and Hsiao-p'ing, the Supreme Exemplar.
The last three titles had been conferred by Wang Mang.
The Official ed. reads, "Exemplars or Founders," but the Ching-yu ed. does not invert
thus.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that after a change in the dynasty the members of
the former imperial house should not continue to be subordinate to the Superintendent
of the Imperial House.
Fu Ch'ien explains, "The metal knife-[money] was the cash cast by [Wang] Mang."
Yen Shih-ku comments, "Because in the word Liu [OMITTED] there is above `mao [OMITTED],' below
metal [OMITTED],' and on the side there is also `knife [OMITTED],' [Wang] Mang prohibited the kang-mao
mulets] together with the metal-knife-[cash]." The metal knife-money was supposed by
the magic of its rebus to strengthen the Liu house, hence Wang Mang did away with it.
The Spring and Autumn ends with the fourteenth year of Duke Ai, although he
reigned for 13 years more; Chang Yen remarks that Emperor Ai reigned to his sixth year,
Emperor P'ing to his fifth year, and Wang Mang acted as Regent to the third year, which
makes fourteen years.
For the Kang-mao amulets, cf. App. I.
In a note to the History of the Three Kingdoms (San-kuo-chih) 57: 6a, Pei Sung-chih
(372-451) quotes a memorial of Yü Fan (164-233), in which the latter states that in the
ancient seal character, mao [OMITTED] was written for liu [OMITTED] (willow). Chou Shou-ch'ang concludes
that the words [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] were interchanged with and were written the
same as mao, although distinguished by different pronunciations. Hence the Kang-
amulets also connoted the Liu house, so were forbidden.
These two denominations were later (A.D. 10; 99 B: 15a) supplemented by 26 others,
all of which were still later discontinued, except for these two; cf. HS 24 B: 21b-23b (in
App. I), Chin-shih So, "Chin," 4: 28b.
Before the words for "the fourth month," the present text has the words "[OMITTED] in
this year." The Ching-yu ed. lacks them; the Sung Ch'i ed. declares that the Yüeh ed.
(xi-xii cent.) lacked them. I have not translated this interpolation.
Prof. Duyvendak points out that the common phrase, "suffered for their crimes"
is taken from Book of Odes, no. 194; II, iv, x, 1 (Legge, p. 326).
For this system, cf. Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang, p. 41 f; Eberhard, "Z
Landwirschaft d. Han-Zeit," MSOS 35: 78ff.
A saying attributed to Confucius in the Classic of Filial Piety 5: 1a; ch. 9 (Legge,
SBE III, p. 476).
Book of History III, ii, i, 5 (Legge, p. 155). That Book reads "wives & children [OMITTED]"
instead of the HS's "enslave [OMITTED]"; Yen Shih-ku attacks that interpretation of this word
in this passage, saying that in view of ibid. V, i, iii, 3 (Legge, p. 295), "He has imprisoned
and enslaved upright gentlemen," the meaning "wives & children" cannot be maintained.
Wang Mang certainly took it to mean "enslave." Cf. Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 170f, Gl.
1403.
In a note to 24 A: 21a, Chin Shao explains, "Although they might be old or ill,
all had yet to pay the poll-tax (suan)."
This figure for the rate of rentals was taken from a memorial by Tung Chung-shu,
now in HS 24 A: 16b.
In Mencius V, i, iv, 2, (Legge, p. 352), Mencius quotes from Book of Odes II, vi,
i, 2; no. 205 (Legge, p. 360), the phrase "[OMITTED] the king's (or sovereign's) land," which
is the source of this term:
Is the king's land."
A quotation from Tso-chuan, 20: 10b, Dk. Wen, XVIII (Legge, p. 28013.14, 283a).
Yen Shih-ku explains, "Ch'ih [OMITTED] are the mountain spirits and mei [OMITTED] are the essences
of aged things." Cf. App. I, HS 24 B: 23a. "Being made to resist the elves and goblins"
was a circumlocution for a death sentence. In 24 A: 21b, the punishment for violating
the ordinance establishing the ching system is said to have been death. Stange (140, n. 1)
suggests that it meant banishment to frontier military colonies, but Tu Yü, in a note
to the Tso-chuan passage, explains "t'ou [OMITTED], to be thrown out" as "ch'i [OMITTED], to be executed"
(cf. HFHD, I, 319, n. 6.4) and K'ung Ying-ta adds that t'ou-ch'i means "[OMITTED] the
extreme penalty."
A quotation from Tso-chuan, 20: 10b, Dk. Wen, XVIII (Legge, p. 28013.14, 283a).
Yen Shih-ku explains, "Ch'ih [OMITTED] are the mountain spirits and mei [OMITTED] are the essences
of aged things." Cf. App. I, HS 24 B: 23a. "Being made to resist the elves and goblins"
was a circumlocution for a death sentence. In 24 A: 21b, the punishment for violating
the ordinance establishing the ching system is said to have been death. Stange (140, n. 1)
suggests that it meant banishment to frontier military colonies, but Tu Yü, in a note
to the Tso-chuan passage, explains "t'ou [OMITTED], to be thrown out" as "ch'i [OMITTED], to be executed"
(cf. HFHD, I, 319, n. 6.4) and K'ung Ying-ta adds that t'ou-ch'i means "[OMITTED] the
extreme penalty."
HS 99 B: 11a mentions five Lieutenant Generals for each of these twelve Generals;
99 B: 12b states that "the Generals . . . and their Lieutenants, seventy-two persons [in
all], returned." Hence the Lieutenant Generals should also be mentioned here.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien asserts that the words [OMITTED] should be interchanged, to conform
to the usual writing of his name. He is probably correct, but this reading is also found
in 27 Bb: 6a, where this event is dated in 45 B.C., the year Wang Mang was born. Lin
Hsiang is said to have declared that it symbolized the replacing of the Liu by the Wang
clan on the throne.
Erh-ya [OMITTED] has here the same meaning as in SJ 121: 117 = HS 88: 5a8, which
quotes from a memorial by Kung-sun Hung, flattering Emperor Wu for his edicts, "Whose
literary beauty is like the classics (erh-ya) and the expressions whose instructions are
extremely effective." Yen Shih-ku explains, "Erh-ya [means] approaching the classics
[OMITTED] chin-cheng. It means that the expressions in his edicts are elegant (ya) and classical
(cheng) and are extremely effective." (Reference from Prof. Duyvendak.)
Wang Hsien-shen remarks that this book has not been transmitted, and that HS
27 Bb: 6a, b quotes a few sentences from it, concerning the catalpa pillar.
Yen Shih-ku comments, "Wu-ming [OMITTED] means the order in which the five (wu)
powers or elements succeed each other and in which the mandate (ming) [of Heaven] is
transmitted."
Ho Ch'uo explains, "[Emperors] Hsiao-hui and Hsiao-wen were of the same generation
and [Emperors] Ai and P'ing were of the same generation." The Empress of
Emperor Kao is also omitted in this count of nine generations in the Former Han Dynasty.
For "three sevens of decades," cf. A: n. 34.4.
Shuo-wen 10 A: 2a, sub wen [OMITTED] (Chin Shao quotes this passage in a summary form)
says, "A horse with a red mane, a white body, and eyes like actual gold is named wen.
It is auspicious for the chariot of the emperor. In the time of King Wen of the Chou
[dynasty], the Dog Jung presented one. . . . The comment on the Spring and Auturm
[Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsüan, II, (Legge, p. 289b)], says, `The hundred quadrigae of wen horses',
which are horses with more than one color [OMITTED]. The Chief of the West, [later King
Wen], presented Chou with one in order to save himself."
The Yi-wen Lei-chü (compiled by Ou-yang Hsün, 557-641), 93: 3b, quotes the Grand
Duke's Liu-t'ao (prob. iv or v cent. B.C. or later) as saying (this passage is not found
in the present Liu-t'ao), "When the King of Shang arrested the Chief of Chou, [Chi]
Ch'ang, [later known as King Wen], at Yu-li, the [Foreseen] Grand Duke, [Lü Shang], with
San Yi-sheng, took a thousand yi of gold and sought for the [most] precious things in the
world to ransom the crime of their lord. Thereupon they obtained from the clans of the
Dog Jung wen horses with fine hair, red manes, and eyes like actual gold, and named
[the chariot drawn by] them, `The quadriga with chi-szu [OMITTED]' [the name of a
supernatural variety of horse; Huai-nan-tzu 12: 12b (Morgan, p. 125) states that San
Yi-sheng "secured a quadrigae with tsou-yü (herbivorous white tigers with black stripes)
and chi-szu"] and presented it to the King of Shang."
Meng K'ang says that this letter refers to the written charter fabricated by Ai
Chang (cf. 99 A: 35a) and that mien [OMITTED] means to urge, with which Yen Shih-ku agrees.
But Ai Chang's "metal casket, design, and charter" is referred to later as another portent
(99 B: 10b). Chin Shao asserts that mien should be kuei [OMITTED] (tortoise), and Li Tz'u-ming,
ibid., 7: 16a, points out that kuei is similar to min [OMITTED] and that anciently mien and min
were interchanged, so that kuei was misread as min, and min exchanged for mien.
The Sung Ch'i ed. notes that other editions lack the three words [OMITTED], and that the
Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) has not the last of these, ch'i. Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that
the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. have [OMITTED] after the ch'i. Li Tz'u-ming
suspects the ch'i to be an interpolation, probably from the same word in Meng K'ang's
comment. The Ching-yu ed. reads as the text does, but its ch'i is plainly a correction,
being substituted for two words.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "[OMITTED] means that the heavenly gods of the five quarters had
united in their plans and agreed in their colors. The word should perhaps be pao [OMITTED]
Pao means that Heaven as a whole had wrapped up the crowds of people of the world
and had given them to [Wang] Mang. Both these interpretations are meaningful."
According to 99 A: 35b, Wang Mang received the mandate on the next day,
mou-ch'en; cf. A: n. 35.12; B: n. 7.2.
The written character Liu [OMITTED] is formed by adding mao to the word chao [OMITTED], to
round off.
Ma Hsü-lun, p. 18b, suggests that [OMITTED] be read as [OMITTED], which latter word is said by
Yü-p'ien 8: 2a (by Ku Ye-wang; preface dated 543; reconstructed 1013) to mean [OMITTED].
Yen Shih-ku states that [OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED]. Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks
that [OMITTED] is accordingly superfluous and could not have been in Yen Shih-ku's text; Yang
Shu-ta suggests that it is dittography for the [OMITTED].
Book of Odes, [OMITTED] 249; III, ii, v, 1 (Legge, p. 481). In translating the last line I have followed the interpretation of Cheng Hsüan (A.D. 127-200).
Mr. Cheng (fl. dur. 220-317) remarks that six is the number of Earth. The word
used for heaven, ch'ien, is the name of the first hexagram in the Book of Changes; the word
used for mares, k'un, is the second hexagram. This equipage represented Heaven and
Earth.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "Pieh-niao [OMITTED] is of the pheasant family and is the [OMITTED]
(golden pheasant). Today it is commonly called the [OMITTED], which is erroneous."
Yen Shih-ku explains, "Their colors were: in the eastern quarter, cerulean, and in
the southern quarter, red, [etc.]. Their numbers were: as the number of [the power]
wood is three, the number of fire is two, and the like." A polychrome painting on silk,
dated 897, representing a Buddha seated on a chariot surrounded by the deities of the
five planets (which may be equated with the five directions) is reproduced in A. Stein,
Serindia, vol. IV, pl. LXXI, with an inadequate description in ibid. II, 1059, liv. 007.
A much better description with a key is found in W. C. White, Chinese Temple Frescoes,
p. 99 & fig. 26.
A quotation from Analects XVI, iii. Ho Ch'uo remarks, "[Wang] Mang feared
deeply and took precautions against his subordinates, hence [wrote] this sixth sentence."
Ch'ien Ta-chao suspects that before the words [OMITTED] there have dropped out the
words [OMITTED], and Chou Chou-ch'ang adds that Ch'en Ch'ung had previously been a
Director of Justice, so was newly established as Director of Mandates of the Five Majestic
Principles. Hence the full title must have been in the original document, whether Pan Ku
copied it out in full or not.
Prof. Duyvendak remarks that the use of yü [OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED] is an imitation of the
style in the Book of History.
Fu Ch'ien remarks, "A narrow and important road," and Yen Shih-ku adds, "Its
location is in the present Shang Province, where the `seven coils and twelve twists' is that
place." The Ch'ang-an Chih (by Sung Min-ch'iu, 1019-1079) 16: 4a, sub Lan-t'ien, says,
"The Cheng [OMITTED] slope is southeast of the prefectural city. What the T'ung-tien [by Tu
Yu, 735-812 (I have not been able to find this passage)] calls, `The seven coils and twelve
bends' is the difficult road of the Lan-[t'ien] Pass," so that Yen Shih-ku probably wrote
`bends [OMITTED]' for the `twists [OMITTED]' at present in his note. Shen Ch'in-han declares that the
T'ai-p'ing Huan-yü Chi preserves Yen Shih-ku's note with the former word (we have
not been able to find it). He quotes a note to Yi-li, chap. 12, saying that cheng [OMITTED] means
[OMITTED]. (I have not been able to find it.) The reference seems to be to the road from Lan-t'ien
south through the Yao Pass and Wu Pass.
Shui-ching Chu (by Li Tao-yüan, d. 527) 14: 19b, sub the Ju River, says, "The precipitous
and rocky slopes of Lu-lung [OMITTED] [which Yang Shou-ching (1839-1915), in his
Shui-ching-chu T'u, N. 1, E. 1, b, locates in the present Jehol, on the Luan River, just
north of the Great Wall] are sinuous and broken, hence they have the name of `the nine
bends,' " so that there was another place with this name. (Reference from Shen
Ch'in-han.)
"Ching-Ch'u" is a phrase used in Book of Odes IV, iii, v. 1, 2, no. 305 (Legge, 643,
644), so that in Han times this term was eminently classical. The ancient state of Ch'u
had its best-known capital at Ying, near the present I-chang. But this state spread until
it included the lower Yangtze region and extended northwards along the sea-coast to
the present Shantung. The legendary province of Ching was smaller, being supposed to
have included roughly the present Hupeh, Hunan, and Kiangsi. "Ching-ch'u," i.e.,
"the part of Ch'u in Yü's province of Ching," was then a classical phrase denoting the
middle Yangtze region below the gorges.
Wang Nien-sun observes that t'ang [OMITTED] is here a copyist's error for ch'ang [OMITTED], which
latter word is found at the end of this paragraph. The Sung Ch'i ed. however thinks both
should be t'ang. Cf. Glossary sub voce.
Ju Shun glosses, "They put out a hundred cash and gave it to common people
to use, and collected three cash interest for it per month." For these controls, cf., App. I,
HS 24 B: 23a-25b. That passage however says that interest was not to be more than
10% of the borrower's income.
Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 37: 9a has at this point the words [OMITTED], which Wang Hsien-ch'ien
thinks have dropped out of the HS text.
Cf. HS 94 B: 17b = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 268, 269, where the Hun raid on
So-fang Commandery is dated in A.D. 9. It is mentioned here to introduce the incident
at Turfan.
The text reads kuei-yu, but there was no such day in that month. Yu might easily
have been mistaken for ch'ou. It seems the only plausible and suitable emendation.
Yen Shih-ku glosses, "Low-[class] wife hsia-ch'i [OMITTED] is like saying that she was an
inferior wife [OMITTED]." But Hung Yi-hsüan (1765-ca. 1830/1840), in his Tu-shu Ts'ung-lu
21: 18a, objects that an inferior wife is a concubine [OMITTED], while a low-class wife is not an
inferior wife. He notes that HHS, An. 1 B: 4b quotes an order of Emperor Kuang-wu stating
that slaves and low-class wives who have been kidnapped may leave freely, that ibid. 1 B:
10b quotes another order to the effect that people who have been kidnapped and made
slaves are to be freed, and those who have become people's low-class wives and want to
leave shall be freely permitted to go, that Shuo-wen 12 B: 4a, defines hsü [OMITTED] [which is used
to denote a wife or a concubine] as follows, "Weak; it also denotes a low-class wife," and
that HHS, Mem. 2: 1a states that Wang Ch'ang later pretended to be the real Liu Tzu-yü,
"saying that his mother was a singer of the former Emperor Ch'eng." Hence Hung Yi-hsüan
concludes that a low-class wife was not a regular concubine but a slave-woman who
was used as a mistress. The mothers of Wang Mang's illegitimate sons (99 C: 11b) were
then low-class wives.
Such a distinction between a concubine and a slave-woman mistress is likely to be
blurred in practise; Chang Yi (fl. dur. 227-232), in his Kuang-ya ["Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh"
672 B: 5b), says, "A wife [OMITTED] is called a hsü," and Tuan Yi-ts'ai (1735-1815)
identifies "low-class wife" and "inferior wife." Cf. also Wang Nien-sun's Kuang-ya Su-cheng
Pu-Cheng: 34b ("Kuang-ts'ang Hsüeh-kuan Ts'ung-shu" ed.)
The Sung Ch'i ed. suggests emending [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the
former. I have not followed this suggestion.
These four articles are enumerated in HS 94 B: 15b, 16a = de Groot, Die Hunn
264, as follows: "[1] Chinese who escape to the Huns, [2] Wu-sun who escape and surrender
to the Huns, [3] those in the various states of the Western Frontier Regions who have
worn Chinese seals and cords [officials] and surrender to the Huns, and [4] Wu-huan who
surrender to the Huns shall all not be permitted to be received."
At this point the text has [OMITTED]; Liu Feng-shih (1041-1113) declares that it is
inexplicable and probably an interpolation. I have omitted it.
This expedition was planned on so grandiose a scale, (the armies were to take along
provisions for three hundred days) that its requirements could not all be collected and
never set out. Cf. Chuang Yu's admonition against the plan in HS 94 B: 18b-19b
de Groot, Die Hunnen, 273-5.
Cf. App. I, HS 24 B: 21b-23a. This passage enumerates six kinds of money, of
denominations altogether. In the present passage, round cash and spade-money are
grouped together because they were made of the same material, bronze, hence there are
said to be only five kinds. The peculiarity of this bronze coinage was that as the denominations
of the coins became greater, the proportionate amount of metal became progressively
less, so that while the one-cash coin contained 1 shu of bronze, the thousand-cash
spade coin contained only 24 shu of bronze, 0.024 shu per cash. Cf. 24 B: n. 22.11. No
wonder Wang Mang had to compel people to use them! His purpose seems to have
been to facilitate the transport of large sums of money, as well as to profit from the
depreciation of the coinage.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "[According to] the old laws, those who travelled carried
passport credentials and were then not delayed or detained. Now [Wang Mang] changed
[the law] and ordered that they should carry spade-money to be with their credentials,
and thus only were they permitted to pass."
Yen Shih-ku explains, "The kitchens ch'u [OMITTED] were the places for eating and drinking
in traveling along the roads. The chuan [OMITTED] were the hostelries established at the posts.
Ho [OMITTED] is to question [OMITTED]."
HHS, Mem 2: 8b, quotes Chu Fou as saying, "When Wang Mang was Ruling
Governor, Chen Feng went in to him at dawn and at dusk to plan and discuss [matters].
At that time, people said, `The midnight guest is Chen [Feng] Chang-po.' " (Reference
from Yang Shu-ta.)
Li Tz'u-ming, ibid. 7: 6a, suggests that [OMITTED] is here an interpolation. It interrupts
the sentence.
In SC 84: 24, where this phrase is written mo-mo [OMITTED], Ying Shao interprets it
[OMITTED].
SC 34: 2 (Mh IV, 133 f) recounts that at the time of King Ch'eng of the
dynasty, the Duke of Shao supervised the country west of Shan and the Duke of
that east of Shan.
Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED] to accord with the phrase on 99 B:
12a. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter. Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that the Official ed.
and the Southern Academy ed. read likewise.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED] to agree with the reading on
B: 12a.
The Official ed. reads t'ien [OMITTED] for ta [OMITTED], with the note, "The Sung Ch'i [ed.] says,
T'ien should perhaps be ta.' " But the Ching-yu ed. (1035) reads ta.
Chen Hsün was said to have had on his hand the words [OMITTED]. Wang Mang said
they were [OMITTED]. Another person said they were [OMITTED]. The words `[OMITTED] (six)' and `[OMITTED]
(put to death)' must have then been pronounced alike; cf. Karlgren, Grammata Serica,
#1032a & 1069v; Analyt. Dict. #546 & 563.
He was imitating Shun's treatment of his four criminals as related in the Bk. of
Hist. II, i, 12 (Legge, p. 39 f). Wang Mang evidently interpreted this passage, not as
Yang Shu-ta and Legge do, but as the K'ung An-kuo tradition did, which says, "[OMITTED]
[OMITTED] and [OMITTED] all [mean] execution [OMITTED]. Their difference is in the character of the language
used." Even if the K'ung An-kuo commentary is a later forgery, yet it probably
contains early statements. Mencius V, A, iii, 2 (Legge, p. 349), repeating this passage
from the Book of History, states that Shun "slew [OMITTED] [the prince of] the San-miao,
of these four criminals], on [Mt.] San-wei." Han Fei-tzu 13: 7b, 8a; ch. 34, further
states, "Yao, . . . using military weapons, executed [OMITTED] K'un in the wilderness of
Yü, . . . and, using military weapons, executed [OMITTED] the Provider of Works at the
tal of Yu Province." There is thus ample evidence to substantiate the K'ung An-
interpretation as ancient. Wang Mang certainly understood this passage to
execution. Cf. Chung Feng-nien, "The Four Banishments in the Shu-ching," in
ching Journal of Chinese Studies, no. 27, June 1940, pp. 211-232, Karlgren, BMFEA
91ff, Gl. 1272; Shang-shu Chu-su 3: 8b.
The Bk. of Hist. records the punishment of four criminals; Li Tz'u-ming, ibid., 7:
accordingly suggests that a clause has dropped out of the text. After [OMITTED] I accordi
insert the words [OMITTED]. (Li Tz'u-ming's own emendation does not follow
Book of History closely enough.)
For the shoes and hats, cf. Eberhard, Die Mode der Han-und Chin-Zeit, pp.
49-55. Erh-ya (Han period) 3: 5a, says, "Li [OMITTED] is chi [OMITTED] (wool or felt)," and
Ping (932-1010) says, "People of honorable clans say that li means felt (mao [OMITTED]
The Hu connect sheep's hair and make clothes. Then chi is made of woven hair like
present hairy rug [OMITTED]." K'ung Ying-ta (574-648), in a note to Book of Histo
11a (in "The Tribute of Yü"; cf. Legge, p. 122), quotes Sung Yen (fl. ca. 220) as say$
"Mao-li becomes wool (chi), which is woven hair."
Stange, p. 165, translates differently, "Selbst wenn er (scheinbar) abgewandt
behielt er doch, von oben sehend, seine Umgebung im Auge."
At this point the text has the words "and in the P'ing Province [OMITTED]." Hu
hsing remarks that P'ing Province did not exist until the third century, when the kingdom
of Wei divided P'ing Province off of Yu Province and says that the word "P'ing" in
error. He notes that at the end of the Later Han period, Kung-sun Tu set himself
as the Shepherd of P'ing Province, which was in the southern part of the present M
churia.
Ch'ien Ta-hsin however remarks that HS 55: 19b states that Lu Po-tê was a man
"P'ing-chou1 [OMITTED] in Hsi-ho [Commandery]," so that "P'ing-chou1 was the name of
county belonging to Hsi-ho Commandery within the section [called] Ping depart
(chou)." (A chou contained 2500 families; cf. 24 A: 4a). HS 28 Bi: 29a writes this
P'ing-chou2 [OMITTED], so that probably chou1 and chou2 were anciently interchanged.
Shen Ch'in-han suggests that P'ing Province was probably established by Wang M
out of part of Yu Province, so that Kung-sun Tu took his title from this occurrence,
that if P'ing-chou was merely the name of a county, disorder confined chiefly to part
one department would hardly have been worth mentioning.
This latter remark seems quite conclusive as a reply to Ch'ien Ta-hsin's suggesting
There is moreover no classical precedent for the name "P'ing Province" and no
notice of Wang Mang having established it, so that this name is itself very dou
HS 16: 53b and 17: 20b list a Marquisate at P'ing-chou1, but this place was in the
Shantung, not where these disturbances would be expected. Perhaps the best
of the difficulty is that of Hu San-hsing; I have consequently omitted this name, sin
uncertain what province was originally mentioned instead of P'ing Province.
Hu San-hsing remarks that the "seven highest ministers" were the four Coad
with the previous "three highest ministers"; the "six high ministers" were the Hsi-an
the Deciding Judge, the Arranger of the Ancestral Temple, the Director of Mu
Provider of Works, and the My Forester.
Ju Shun explains, "Powerful officials illegally used the law to do injustice to good
, making them slaves by putting a seal upon their necks in order to distinguish
. When they secured cash for the hire [of these condemned persons], they then took
their seals." According to this passage, some sort of a sealed cord about the neck
to have been used instead of the iron collar also used in the Former Han period to
slaves and criminals; cf. 99 C: 12b. If merely a seal-mark had been used
of branding, there would have been little reason for putting it on the neck.
HS 94 B: 18b, 20a = de Groot, Die Hunnen p. 272, 276 states that Lüan-ti
brother, Lüan-ti Tsu, was first made Shan-yü Shun and was taken to Ch'ang-an
Lüan-ti Teng, where Lüan-ti Tsu died, and then Wang Mang appointed Lüan-ti Teng
Shan-yü Shun in place of his brother.
The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Old text (before vi cent.) writes ch'uan
chi [OMITTED]. Wang Nien-sun accordingly concludes that this passage originally read
words, ch'uan-chi. These two words are unlike, so that they would not be confused
each other; probably the Old text and later editions had each dropped out one of
two words. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan (978-983) 741: 4a, quotes this passage with both
Wei Chao, in a note to HS 90: 15a, says, "When in one's heart he pants and sighs (
[OMITTED]), it is called chi." Stange, p. 169, n. 2, suggests angina pectoris.
This practise was in imitation of that in the ancient state of Lu, where the
posts were held hereditarily by the descendants of Duke Huan and were
relatives of the ruler.
Ch'ien Ta-chao notes that the Southern Academy ed. and the Fukien ed. read [OMITTED]
for [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu and Official ed. read similarly.
In 99 B: 14b and 94 B: 20a this man's given name is written [OMITTED] so that [OMITTED] is
error here.
For the "search," cf. HFHD, II, 113, n. 36.6. Wang Mang changed its name from
[OMITTED] to heng-sou [OMITTED].
The Sung Ch'i ed. states that after [OMITTED] there should be the word [OMITTED]. But its
would break the rhythm.
The nine provinces are mentioned, not in the present "Canon of Yao," but in the
chapter, where Shun is said to have made this division. (Anciently these two
chapters formed one.) Cf. Book of History II, i, iii, 10 (Legge, p. 38). The five
are mentioned in ibid. II, iv, i, 8 (Legge, p. 85).
Yen Shih-ku enumerates these fifteen as follows: Chou and the south, Shao and
the south, Wei, the Chou kingly state, Cheng, Ch'i, Weih, T'ang, Ch'in, Ch'en, ,
Ts'ao, Pin, Lu, and Shang; and alternatively as Chou and the south, Shao and the south,
Pei, Yung, Wei, the Chou kingly state, Cheng, Ch'i, Weih, T'ang, Ch'in, Ch'en, ,
Ts'ao, and Pin. The second list is taken from the names of the "Lessons from the
States"; cf. Legge, She-king, I, vii ff.
The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED].
Book of History III, i, i (Legge, pp. 92-151).
The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shun-hua ed. (994-997) omitted the words [OMITTED].
Chou-li 33: 6a-8b (Biot, II, 265-275) contains this list of provinces, which
enumerated sub the Chih-fang-shih, a subordinate of the Commander-in-chief. The
three different lists of the nine provinces are discussed in the Tz'u-hai, tzu, p. 106 sub [OMITTED]
The Official ed. has mistakenly emended t'ung [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed.
reads the former.
Chou-li 42: 1b, sub the Chiang-jen (Biot, II, 566) defines a t'ung as "a square of a
hundred li." This term is also found in the Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XXV, (Legge,
51211, 516b).
HS 23: 2b elaborates this passage from the Chou-li and says, "A territory one li square
is a ching [OMITTED]; ten ching make a t'ung1 [OMITTED]; ten t'ung1 make a ch'eng [OMITTED] (a ch'eng is ten li
square); ten ch'eng make a chung [OMITTED]; ten chung make a t'ung2 [OMITTED] (a t'ung2 is a hundred li
square); ten t'ung2 make a feng [OMITTED]; ten feng make a ch'i [OMITTED] (a ch'i is a thousand li square)."
The Chi-chung Chou-shu (the lost Book of History; possibly written after Han times
and taken from earlier material) 5: 8b, 9a, chap. 48, "Tso-Lo Chieh," says, "For those
who received a mandate [enfeoffing them as nobles] from the Chou [dynasty, the Chou
King had] established a large altar to the gods of the soils in the center of their states
[read [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]] . . . and for the nobles who were about to be established, [the King] dug
into and took of its soil from the side in the direction of their [territory], covered it with
yellow earth, enveloped it with white quitch-grass, and used it for the earth [given them
for] their enfeoffment. Hence it is said that they received tsê [OMITTED]-earth from the House
of Chou." (One text reads [OMITTED] [cut off] instead of tsê). Shen Ch'in-han suggests that
the term used by Wang Mang for the estates of viscounts and barons is taken from the
above passage. The reception of a tsê is mentioned as the fifth appointment in Chou-li
18: 11b, sub Ta-tsung-po (Biot I, 429); cf. 99 A: n. 21.2. This passage of the Chou-li also
mentions a kuo as the seventh appointment.
Ju Shun explains, "Ten li [square] make a ch'eng [OMITTED]," which is quoted from HS 23:
2b; cf. n. 19.4.
Wang Wen-pin (xix cent.) explains that it means estates of 9, 7, 5, 3 and 1 ch'eng.
This passage is reminiscent of Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XXVI, (Legge, 51914, 524b), `It
is the regulation that from the greatest to the least, [rewards] should be increased
diminished by two." The areas of these five ranks of Sub-Vassals were, respectively, 900,
700, 500, 300, and 100 square li, the sum of which is 2500 square li, which is the area of
a tse (50 li square).
Ch'ien Ta-hsin comments, "These fourteen persons were: [1] the Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Yen2, [2] the Duke Advancing the Hsin Dynasty,
P'ing Yen, [3] the Duke Honoring the Hsin Dynasty, Liu Hsin1a, [4] the Duke Beautifying
the Hsin Dynasty, Ai Chang, [5] the Duke Serving the Hsin Dynasty, Chen Han, [6] the
Duke Ornamenting the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Hsün3, [7] the Duke Prospering the Hsin
Dynasty, Wang Yi5, [8] the Duke Upholding the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Hsinga, [9] the
Duke Perfecting the Hsin Dynasty, Sun Chien, [10] the Duke Exalting the Hsin Dynasty,
Wang Sheng, [11] the Duke of Manifest Peace, Chi Tang, [12] the Duke Promulgating
the Majestic Principles, Lin Pao, [13] the Duke Spreading the Majestic Principles,
Chi, and [14] the Duke of Established Tranquillity, Liu Ying1a. The Duke Extending the
Hsin Dynasty, Chen Feng, had committed a crime, and his state had been abolished,
he is not in this number. The dukes of [Wang] Mang's imperial house, like the
Recommended by [the Marquis of] Hsin-[tu], [Wang] An1a, the Duke in Recompense to
[the Marquis of] Hsin-[tu], [Wang] Lin1a, the Duke of High Merits, [Wang] , the
Duke of Brilliant Merits, [Wang] Shou, the Duke of Perfected Merits, [Wang] Chi5b, the
Duke of Eminent Merits, [Wang] Tsung, the Duke of Shining Merits, [Wang] Shih, and
the Duke of Apparent Merits, [Wang] Li4 are also not among these fourteen persons."
T'ung-tien (by Tu Yu, 735-812) 1: 13b, quotes this sentence with the word ch'ou
[OMITTED] instead of yüan [OMITTED]. (HS 24 A: 21b, in repeating this sentence, also uses ch'ou)
Wang Nien-sun declares that someone who did not understand the ancient meaning of
ch'ou changed the ch'ou originally in the text of the HS to yüan, and that ch'ou and yüan
meant the same. Shou-wen 10 B: 8a defined wen [OMITTED] as yüan, meaning to hate. (The
present text of the Shou-wen writes nu [OMITTED] for yüan, but that is an emendation; in the
Shih-san Ching Chu-su, Book of Odes, no. 238; 16 ii: 13b, K'ung Ying-ta [574-648], quotes
the Shuo-wen as saying that wen means yüan. The Yi-ch'ieh Ching Yin-yi in 25 chapters,
written by the monk Yüan-ying [737-790], 5: 6a, 13: 8a, 19: 11a, however quotes
Shuo-wen as defining wen by nu.) Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi; in "Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh"
668A: 8a) defines both wen and ch'ou as hui [OMITTED], to hate. HHS, An. 2: 3b uses
ch'ou-yüan as a phrase. The Ching-yu ed. however here reads yüan and I see no need
to change the text.
HS 24 A:21b (cf. App. I), in quoting this edict, adds that it applied also to `
adherents,' i.e., slaves.
Yen Shih-ku explains that wei [OMITTED] means "many, heavily," but Wang Nien-sun,
in a note to HS 47: 9a, asserts that wei means suddenly, ts'u [OMITTED]. "In a note to Li-chi
17: 2a (quoted in the Shih-san Ching Chu-su; the same passage as in Couvreur, I, 386),
Cheng Hsüan says, "Tsung is like wei-ts'u [OMITTED]" (the last word should be read as
[OMITTED]), so that wei and ts'u were used to form a binom. The Kuang-ya ("Huang-ch'ing
Ching-chieh" 671 B: 23b) defines wei as "suddenly [OMITTED]," which word means the same
as ts'u. Ho Hsiu (129-182), in a gloss to Kung-yang Commentary 18: 8b, Dk. Ch'eng
XVIII, says, "Duke Li wei killed four grandees," where wei means "suddenly."
Yung's (79-166) "Fu on the Long Flute" (Wen-hsüan 18: 3a) likewise says, "The water
from the mountains wei arrived," with the same meaning of wei.
The reference is to the twelve divisional generals who were to attack the Hun
empire simultaneously, as is made plain by 94 B: 20a8, 18b10 = de Groot, 276, 273;
cf. 99 B: 14a.
Chang Yen comments, "In this [year], the year-star [Jupiter] was in jen-shen [the
cyclical notation for A.D. 12], so punishments were in the eastern quarter." SC 27:
33 = Mh III, 356 says, "When there are deficiencies in fealty, the punishment comes
from the Year-star." SC 27: 36 = Mh III, 360 notes that when Jupiter is in shen, "It is
favorable for military [enterprises]."
Quotations from Book of History II, i, iii, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 (Legge, pp. 32, 33, 34, 35, 37).
There are certain differences in the HS text: For the Book of History's [OMITTED] (also read by
the Official ed. of the HS), the HS reads [OMITTED]; for [OMITTED], it reads [OMITTED]; the sixth clause, concerning
"the mountains and streams," is quoted at the place given it in the Book of History's
v. 6, but has the additional word now in the doublet of that clause in v. 7. On the
lei sacrifice, cf. Karlgren, BMFEA 20, pg. 80, Gl. 1256. For the "exemplars," cf. ibid.,
81f, Gl. 1257.
In Wang Mang's time, there were two interpretations for the phrases from the Book
of History, hsüan-chi [OMITTED] or [OMITTED] (translated here as "the Beautiful Jade [Turning] Mechanism")
and yü-heng [OMITTED] (translated as "the Jade Balance"). Legge, in his translation
(Shoo King, p. 33) adopts the interpretation by the pseudo-K'ung An-kuo, as does
Couvreur (Chou King, p. 14-15). It interpreted these two phrases as denoting an armillary
sphere and its viewing tube, respectively, the whole forming a spherical astrolabe. If
such is the correct interpretation, this chapter of the Book of History cannot be very
ancient, for the armillary sphere was quite probably a late important into China.
W. Eberhard, "Das Astronomische Weltbild im alten China" (Die Naturwissenschaften,
1936, 24 Jahrg., Heft 33, p. 518) states that this instrument was known in China about
100 B.C. Ma Jung (A.D. 79-166), in his comment to this passage (preserved in Shang-shu
Chu-su 3: 3b, 4a), describes a spherical astrolabe.
There was also a quite different interpretation. The Wen-yao-kou [OMITTED] Woof Exposition
to the Spring and Autumn (fragments collected in the Yü-han-shan-fang Chi-yi-shu;
this passage is also quoted by Wang Hsien-ch'ien in a note on HS 26: 5a) said, "The
Bushel [OMITTED] [the Dipper in Ursa Major] is the throat of Heaven. From ancient [times], the
Jade Balance (yü-heng) has belonged with Piao [OMITTED] [the three stars in the tail of the Dipper:
ε, ξ, η Ur Ma, or, as here, only one of them, η, cf. MH III, 341, n. 5; i.e., the Jade Balance
has been the tail of the Dipper] and K'uei [OMITTED] [the four stars in the body of the Dipper,
α, β, γ, δ Ur Maj, or merely α] has been the Beautiful Jade [Turning] Mechanism (hsüan-chi)."
In HS 21 A: 19b, Pan Ku quotes Liu Hsin concerning "the weights [used with] the
balance (heng):" "The one [i.e., the balance] in heaven assists the Beautiful Jade [Turning]
Mechanism (hsüan-chi). [The ruler] consults where it points `in order that he may [discover
whether he] brings into accord the Seven Governors (ch'i-cheng).' Hence it is called
the Jade Balance (yü-heng)."
SC 27: 6 = MH III, 341 (this passage is also quoted in HS 26: 4b by Ma Hsü, a
brother of Ma Jung, who compiled this chapter of the HS) says, "The seven stars of the
Northern Bushel [the Dipper] are what are referred to [in the passage of the Book of
History which says, `He examined] the Beautiful Jade [Turning] Mechanism (hsüan-chi)
and the Jade Balance (yü-heng), so that he might bring into accord the Seven Governors
(ch'i-cheng).' " These passages make clear that Wang Mang interpreted the Beautiful
Jade Turning Mechanism and the Jade Balance as the stars of the Dipper and not as
any human astronomical instrument (cf. Chavannes' translation in MH I, 58-65 and
48, n. 2; Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 77ff, Gl. 1255).
The Seven Governors (ch'i-cheng), according to both schools, were the Sun, the Moon,
and the five planets. The K'ung An-kuo gloss (Shang-shu Chu-su 3: 3a) states (this
interpretation was accepted by both schools): "When Yao did not permit Shun to refuse
[the rule] and had him take the throne as regent, Shun examined the Ornaments of Heaven
[the stars] and inspected and brought into accord the Seven Governors. When he [found
that he had] suited the mind of Heaven, he hence performed his [governmental] duties."
The underlying conception was that the sun, moon, and planets moved correctly or incorrectly
in harmony with the good or evil character of the government, so that Shun,
by observing the motion of the stars, was able to determine whether his assumption of
the throne did or did not please Heaven. It did, and so his virtue harmonized the stars.
The two "constellations" sometimes placed on their court robes by the Ch'ing emperors
as symbols of imperial rank are almost surely the Beautiful Jade Turning Mechanism
and the Jade Balance. According to the passage in the Book of History, these constellations
were the means whereby Heaven confirms the right of an emperor to occupy the
throne. The Jade Balance is the "pointer"—the direction in which it points at dusk
is supposed to move around the horizon one-twelfth of the circumference each month, so
that it points out the months of the year, and, with the months, the duties of the ruler
in each month (given in the "Yüeh-ling," ch. IV of the Li-chi). The Jade Balance reminded
the emperor of his governmental duties. It was sometimes worn just below the
collar in front.
Liu Hsin, in his San-t'ung-li, calculated that the first 106 years in a yüan of 4617
years would contain nine years of drouth; cf. HS 21 A: 42a ff.
Fu Ch'ien asserts, "The Azure Dragon [OMITTED] is the T'ai-sui [OMITTED] [the hypothetical
dextrorotary correlate of the planet Jupiter]." Chang Yen declares, "When the T'ai-sui
arises in the chia and yin [parts of the ecliptic], it is the dragon. The eastern quarter is
the Azure [part]. In kuei its virtue is in the central palace [i.e., the circumpolar stars]."
Chin Shao however explains, "Shou-hsing is [the constellations] Chio and K'ang. `The
Eastern Palace [the eastern part of the ecliptic] is the Azure Dragon. Of [the constellations]
Fang and Hsin, Hsin is the [heavenly] Ming-t'ang.' [A quotation from HS 26: 7a.
`Hsin' here is an allusion to the Hsin dynasty, Wang Mang]. Wherever [the planet]
Saturn is located, that state will be prosperous. [Wang] Mang himself said [he ruled
through the virtue of the element] earth. The lord of the element earth is [the planet]
Saturn. In kuei, the [ruling] virtue is in the central palace. The palace is also [the
element] earth."
For an account of the position of Jupiter and its Chinese hypothetical dextrorotary
correlate, cf. Chavannes, Mh III, App. III. He remarks that because the revolution of
Jupiter is accomplished in 11.86 years, instead of in exactly 12 years (in which latter period
the Chinese dextrorotary correlate of Jupiter was supposed to make its revolution, thereby
generating the cyclical date for a year), for Spring and Autumn times two years must be
added to the date as given by the position of Jupiter to get the position of its dextrorotary
correlate. From the above dating, it is evident that for Wang Mang's time, two years
are similarily to be subtracted.
This seems to have been one of the first cases in which the cyclical terms were used
to denote a year. Previously they had been confined to the days.
Meng K'ang explains, "He observed (kuan [OMITTED]) the advance and retreat of the
sun, moon, stars and their controlling lords." He would translate this clause: "Observation
of their advance [reading chin [OMITTED] as [OMITTED]] will control the year." Chin Shao adds,
"The observation [i.e., imitation of Duke Wen of] Chin [kuan-Chin; a phase used in
Kuo-yü 10: 1a] is to find out where the T'ai-sui is, in what degree and constellation of the
Zodiac it is located." He also declares that Wang Mang was imitating Duke Wen of
Chin in that his movements were timed to those of the T'ai-sui (cf. Kuo-yu, 10: 1a, b).
But Ch'ien Ta-hsin points out that Meng K'ang is mistaken, for Kuan and Chin are
both hexagrams (nos. 20 & 35 respectively). In HHS, Mem. 20 A: 3b, Su Ching (
A.D. 1-29) is quoted as saying that the hexagram Pi controlled a certain year. The
Yi-wei Chi-lan T'u (anonymous, annotated by Cheng Hsüan, 127-200) and the
Ch'ien-k'un Tso-to (prob. Han period) discuss what hexagrams control what years.
Wang Mang is following the procedure in Li-chi III, ii, 13-16 (Legge, I, 216-8;
Couvreur I, 275-8) and the practise of Shun (Book of History II, i, 8, 9; Legge, 35-37).
The change was from Hsin1 [OMITTED] the name of Wang Mang's original marquisate,
to Hsin2 [OMITTED] (heart), and from Hsin2 to Hsin4 [OMITTED] (faithful). Anciently hsin1 and hsin2
were interchanged; the name of the Hsin dynasty was indifferently written hsin1 or hsin4.
Ju Shun explains, "She was buried within the Major's Gates [at the tomb] and a
ditch was made to separate her [from her husband's grave]."
Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks, "This was an omen that [Emperor] Kuang-wu would
establish his capital [there]."
This is no. 54 in Williams, Observations of Comets. Dion Cassius (Hist. Roman.,
lvi, 29) also mentions comets at this time. Cf. Chambers, Descriptive Astronomy, p. 557.
The Han-chi mentions Wang Mang's first year-period, Shih-chien-kuo, but it
neglects the others entirely, continuing the enumeration of years from the first to the
fifteenth year of Wang Mang's reign. Sub 20 A.D., it merely mentions that every six
years the year-period was to be changed, but does not give the name of the next year-period.
Sung Hsiang (996-1066) in his Chi-yüan T'ung-p'u (lost) remarked that he suspects
that there had been a happy auspice of phoenixes, from which this reign-period was taken.
(Noted by Wang Hui [1321-1373] in the HS P'ing-lin 99 B: 24b.)
The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shun-hua ed. (997) omitted the word nei [OMITTED],
and that the New ed. (unknown) omits nei-[OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads these words.
Wang Mang is following teh procedure in the Li-chi, IV, i, 13 (Legge, I, 254f;
Couvreur, I, 335). The Sung Ch'i ed. asserts that the word [OMITTED] (plowshare) should be
added after the word [OMITTED] (plow-handle), to agree with that passage in the Li-chi, but Wang
Hsien-shen (1859-1922) replies that this remark is mistaken, for the insertion would
break the rhythm of 4-character phrases.
These phrases are taken from the Book of History, I, ii, 4, 5, 6 (Legge, pp. 18-20);
cf. also HFHD II, 392, n. 8.2.
Yen Shih-ku points out that [OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED]; Ch'ien Ta-chao adds that
the former character was anciently written [OMITTED]. Cf. also Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 52, gl.
1219.
These phrases are taken from the Book of History, I, ii, 4, 5, 6 (Legge, pp. 18-20);
cf. also HFHD II, 392, n. 8.2.
These phrases are taken from the Book of History, I, ii, 4, 5, 6 (Legge, pp. 18-20);
cf. also HFHD II, 392, n. 8.2.
The text reads su [OMITTED], grain, and Yen Shih-ku declares it means [OMITTED], to thresh.
Li Tz'u-ming however objects that this interpretation does not fit in with the last words
of the sentence, "covering up and storing [the harvest]," and states that su is probably a
copyist's mistake, made before the T'ang period, for [OMITTED], which in ancient times was used
for [OMITTED] (to store in granaries), since the latter character did not exist in ancient times.
Shu-yin [OMITTED] is a phrase from the Book of History, II, iv, iii, 10 (Legge, p. 89),
where the pseudo-K'ung An-kuo explains it as [OMITTED].
For [OMITTED], the Official ed. mistakenly reads [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu and Mao. ed. read
the former.
The text now reads, "A man of Li-miao, Hsin," and Ju Shun declares that Li-miao
is the name of a town. It is listed in the Tung Commandery. But Li Tz'u-ming (7: 16b)
remarks that, from the previous mention on B: 14b and the subsequent notice of
dismissal from the post of Commander-in-chief on B: 26a, this name is undoubtedly Miao
Hsin; the surnames of Wang Mang's officials are always given; when he enfeoffed people
or gave them titles, he always picked lucky names and did not employ the names of towns.
Hence [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] have probably been interchanged, and after [OMITTED] a word or words have
probably dropped out. This textual error then antedates the third century, for it was
in Ju Shun's text. Nan or nan-tzu [OMITTED] is occasionally used with the meaning, "a man,"
cf. SC 6: 161 = MH II, 118, HS 8: 10b, 10: 10a, 99 A: 18b, 30b.
The text reads [OMITTED] (to reprimand); Liu Pin remarks that this official had previously
been beheaded and so the word should probably be [OMITTED] (to cut). Stange (p. 187 & n. 4),
and Duyvendak prefer not to emend the text. But Wang Yi plainly wanted to inflict
additional punishment upon his Officer. After the Emperor, Wang Mang, had condemned
the Officer, a posthumous reprimand by a minister could add nothing. "Cutting,"
i.e., mutilating the body, was a severe additional punishment, quite in harmony
with the practises of the age.
Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that Ai Chang came from Tzu-t'ung in Kuang-han Commandery
(in the present Szechuan), hence Wang Mang said, "in the western provinces."
The suggestion that Provincial Governors (the title previously given to Shepherds)
should rank higher than Commandery Administrators had been made by Ho Wu,
represented it as a conception of the Spring and Autumn; cf. HS 83: 14b, 15a.
The text is difficult to understand as it stands. After chou-mu [OMITTED], I insert tentatively
[OMITTED], at the suggestion of T'an Ch'i-hsiang (K'ai-ming Bookstore's Erh-shih-wu-shih
Pu-p'ien, I, p. 1747), to parallel the next clause, pu-chien erh-shih-wu jen [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. I also place these last six characters after the clause chien-li ju san-kung [OMITTED],
and drop the word chien [OMITTED] that now comes after this kung. (Chien is superfluous as a
result of the last change. It is not in the quotation of this passage in Han-chi 30: 13b).
The ranking of san-kung, the three highest ministers, can hardly refer to the pu-chien,
the Superintendents of Regional Divisions, for they are here stated to have had a lower
rank. In HS 99 C: 10b, it is moreover stated that the Provincial Shepherds (chou-mu)
had the rank of highest ministers (san-kung). In the transfer of these six characters, I
follow Wang Nien-sun.
He would emend more drastically, following Han-chi 30: 13b, and reading, "He established
Provincial Shepherds, the formalities for whom (ch'i-li [OMITTED]) were to be like those
of the three highest ministers, and twenty-five Superintendents of Commanderies (chün
[OMITTED]-chien). The rank of the Superintendents (chien) was to be that of Upper-ranking
Grandees. Each was to have charge of five commanderies."
Wang Nien-sun eliminates any mention of Superintendents of Regional Divisions (pu-chien)
and changes the chien-li of the HS text to ch'i-li as in the Han-chi. As evidence
for his emendations he has only the Han-chi's text. Chu Yi-hsien (1846-1894) however
protests that it is quite unnecessary to change chien-li to ch'i-li; chien-li is often found
in the HS [as in 99 A: 3a], so that there is no reason for emending it. Yang Shu-ta
approves this refusal to emend.
T'an Ch'i-hsiang (op. cit., pp. 1746-47) argues that Wang Nien-sun is furthermore
mistaken in emending pu-chien, Superintendents of Regional Divisions, to chün-chien,
Superintendents of Commanderies. For (1) the Regional Divisions (pu) are mentioned
again in HS 99 B: 29a. (2) In HHS, Mem. 3: 2a, Wei Ao: is quoted as having sent
out in A.D. 23 a broadcast to Wang Mang's "Shepherds of Provinces (chou-mu), Superintendents
of Regional Divisions (pu-chien)," and minor officials. (3) T'an Ch'i-hsiang
also quotes Chang Hsüan's (fl. 1582) Hui Erh-ya (also called the Hui-p'ien) as listing an
impression of an ancient seal with the five words: "[OMITTED] pu-chien [OMITTED]. The Seal of the
Superintendent of the Eastern Regional Division." There is then ample evidence that
Wang Mang actually had Regional Divisions (pu) with Superintendents (chien). T'an
Ch'i-hsiang however finds it difficult to explain how twenty-five regional divisions could
have been arranged into nine provinces and how the word pu could have also been used
with the title of Shepherd (mu), as in the phrase, "the Shepherd of Yung Regional Division"
(99 B: 30a & C: 4b).
The word pu, in addition to its other meanings, had, in Han times, certain technical
uses. For example, it denoted a "regiment" of 1000 men and 111 officers (HS 69: 11b).
It was also used for the administrative areas assigned in 106 B.C. to each of the twelve
Inspectors of Regional Divisions (pu [OMITTED]; HS 19 A: 27a, b). After this title had been
changed to that of Shepherd (mu) in 1 B.C., the term pu or regional division naturally
still clung to these Shepherds. In a memorial dated A.D. 5, Wang Mang remarks (HS
99 A: 24b), "When the Shepherds of Provinces (chou-mu) go to inspect their regional
divisions (pu)," and 99 C: 18a states that K'ung Jen was sent in A.D. 22 "to be in charge
of the division (pu), Yü Province."
Something of Wang Mang's districting of China may be inferred from the way he had
his highest ministers "guarantee" the empire (HS 99 B: 29a). The four Chiefs of the
Sacred Peaks in the four quarters guaranteed 100 commanderies, which were grouped
into a total of eight provinces plus five regional divisions. The other three highest ministers
guaranteed twenty-five commanderies in the central and neighboring regional divisions.
These commanderies were not however assigned to them by regional divisions.
The Grand Minister over the Masses guaranteed five commanderies from two different
regional divisions. Each of these three highest ministers was assigned commanderies
from the areas about both the two imperial capitals, Ch'ang-an and Yi4-yangb (Lo-yang).
There were in the empire or kingdom (Wang Mang used both the titles of "emperor"
[99 B: 22b] and "king") nine provinces, 125 commanderies (99 B: 25a), making twenty-five
regional divisions (99 B: 24a). A regional division was composed of five commanderies
(99 B: 24a). How many commanderies were there in a province? The three
provinces guaranteed by the Grand Master averaged less than seven commanderies each.
The two guaranteed by the Grand Tutor and the two guaranteed by the State General
averaged ten commanderies each. The province guaranteed by the State Master contained
fifteen commanderies. Then a province might have from five to fifteen commanderies
or more. In addition to these eight provinces there were five other regional
divisions (making twenty-five commanderies) guaranteed by these four ministers, plus
twenty-five more commanderies guaranteed by the three other ministers. How could the
remaining fifty commanderies form only one province?
In the former Han empire, the commanderies about the imperial capital had formed
an administrative area under the Colonel Director of the Retainers (Szu-li-hsiao-wei),
which was not entitled a province (chou), altho it actually functioned as one. Wang
Mang almost surely followed this precedent, both for security reasons and in order to
exalt the majesty of his arrangements. He had two capitals, Ch'ang-an and Lo-yang,
about each of which he would accordingly have established a group of commanderies not
included in any province. This arrangement is implied by the edict concerning the areas
neighboring the two capitals quoted in 99 B: 24a, b and is practically stated in Wang
Mang's enactment of two "royal domains" (99 B: 19a). We know the names of twelve
commanderies in these royal domains (the Western Capital had about it the six Commandants'
commanderies and the Eastern Capital had about it the six Neighboring commanderies
mentioned in 99 B: 29a; cf. also 99 B: 24a, b, 25a, 99 C: 16a, and T'an Ch'i-hsiang
op. cit., pp. 1734-1737). It is moreover not likely that Wang Mang could have
considered an area of only seven commanderies, about the size of a small province, adequate
to express the dignity of the Son of Heaven. His two royal domains might well
have each been larger than any province, being composed of twenty commanderies each,
leaving ten commanderies for the ninth province. His kingdom then contained nine
provinces plus two large royal domains.
It is unlikely that a single regional division included parts of two provinces, since it
would be difficult for a single superintendant to investigate two different .
Then the number of commanderies in a province was five or a multiple thereof—as
arrangement that was justified by the current doctrine of "five powers (wu-hsing)" accepted
by Wang Mang. The actual size of commanderies could be adjusted to such a
rigid arrangement by varying the number of counties in a commandery. This supposition
is substantiated by the size of the province guaranteed by the State Master (fifteen
commanderies) and by those guaranteed by the Grand Tutor and the State General
(either ten commanderies to each province or else five to one and fifteen to the other).
The three provinces guaranteed by the Grand Master totalled twenty commanderies.
Then some provinces contained only five commanderies and were identical with a single
regional division. This conclusion explains and is justified by the phrase, "the Shepherd
of the Yung Regional Division" (99 B: 30a). Meng K'ang (fl. A.D. 220-280) glosses
(HS 95: 7a), "[Wang] Mang changed Yi Province to be the Yung Regional Division."
(He probably economized by appointing the same person concurrently Shepherd and
Superintendent.) Such an area could be called by the name of either the province or
the regional division, as in Ch'ing times a city could be called by its name as a prefecture
(fu) or as a county (hsien).
There is then no reason to follow Wang Nien-sun in his latter two emendations. Some copyist of the Han-chi may not have understood Wang Mang's districting of the
country, so changed pu to the more familiar chün, whereupon Wang Nien-sun was misled.
San-fu Huang-t'u (iii-vi cent.) 1: 2a describes this division: "Wang Mang divided
the neighborhood of the city of Ch'ang-an into six districts and established one Leader
for each [district]. He divided the capital districts and made them into six [Commandant's
Commanderies] with Chief Commandants. The ten prefectures: Wei-ch'eng and An-ling,
and northwest to Hsün-yi and Yi-ch'ü, were put under the Capital Commandant Grandee,
with his yamen at the former Ch'ang-an official building. The ten prefectures, Kao-ling
and northwards, were put under the Metropolis Commandant Grandee, with his yamen
at the former Commandant of Justice's yamen. The ten prefectures, Hsin-feng and
eastwards to Hu were put under the Supporter Commandant Grandee with his yamen at
the east of the city. The ten prefectures, Pa-ling, Tu-ling, and eastwards to Lan-t'ien,
and westwards to Wu-kung and Yü-yi, were put under the Commandant of Splendor
Grandee, with his yamen at the [south] of the city. The ten prefectures, Mou-ling,
Huai-li, and westwards to Ch'ien, were put under the Sustainer Commandant Grandee,
with his yamen at the west of the city. The ten prefectures, Ch'ang-ling, Ch'ih-yang,
and northwards to [Yün-yang and] Tai-hsü, were put under the Commandant of Magnificence
Grandee, with his yamen at [the north of the city]." (The words in square
are not in the present text of the San-fu Huang-t'u, and are supplied from Yen Shih-ku's
quotation of this passage, which represents a superior text.) In addition to the six Commandant's
counties, the city of Ch'ang-an formed a separate administrative district
"The Western Capital of the House of Hsin" (99 B: 19a).
Liu Feng-shih (1014-1113) asserts that the "Ho-nan" in the text should be Jung-yang,
for on this page a little farther on, the title of the Grand Governor of Ho-nan
changed to a different title. Lo-yang (renamed Yi-yang), the headquarters of the Ho-nan
Commandery, was to be an imperial capital, hence Jung-yang and other
of the Ho-nan Commandery were separated to be a Neighboring Commandery. The
Jung-yang Commandery is mentioned on 99 B: 25b.
Chou Shou-ch'ang points out that in this passage Wang Mang is following in general
and with changes the account in the Chou-li, according to which the region within 100
of the capital was called the suburbs, chiao [OMITTED], in which were established six districts,
hsiang [OMITTED], and the region beyond the suburbs was called the neighborhood, sui [OMITTED],
which were established six administrations over the six Neighborhoods. In a note to
Chou-li 9: 1b (Biot, I, 172, n. 2), sub the Hsiang-lao, Cheng Chung (ca. 5 B.C.-A.D. 83)
says, "Within 100 li [from the capital] are the six hsiang: without it are the six Neighboring
[Commanderies] (sui)."
The Chou-li 15: 8a (Biot, I, 336 ff) has an official called the Sui-jen [OMITTED]. The term
sui seems to come from the Book of History V, xxix, 5 (Legge, p. 625) where Po-ch'in
made to say, "You men of Lu, from the three chiao and three sui, prepare forage."
and tui [OMITTED], the word in the text, were anciently interchanged; SC 33: 20 (Mh IV, 103),
which quotes the above passage from the Book of History, reads [OMITTED] (actually written
HS 99 B: 25b), of which tui (here pronounced sui4, according to Yen Shih-ku), is a
cursive writing. The six neighboring commanderies were the Capital, Western, Eastern,
Southern, Ch'i, and Northern Neighboring Commanderies. Cf. 99 B: 29a.
Ch'ien Ta-hsin remarks that many of these new names are listed in HS ch. 28,
the "Treatise on Geography," but the new delimitations of commanderies are not all
indicated there.
"Three hundred sixty" has an astrological significence, being the number of days in an
ancient Chinese solar year.
Hsien-t'ien [OMITTED] is a term taken from Li-chi, III, i, 8 (Couvreur, I, 268; Legge,
I, 212), of which pseudo-K'ung Ying-ta (quoted in the Shih-san Ching Chu-su, Li-chi 11:
5b) says, "If [fields in nobles estates] are not given in enfeoffment to people [who will be
their vassals], they are called reserved fields (hsien-t'ien)."
Liu Feng-shih remarks that chou [OMITTED] (Department) should be [OMITTED] (Suburb). According
to 99 B: 24b, however, chou is correct, for Wang Mang entitled the heads of the
commanderies nearest Lo-yang (then named Yi4-yangb) Chiefs of Departments.
Book of History III, i, ii, 18 (Legge, p. 144) says, "From the fourth [hundred li
from the capital, they contributed] grain in the husk, and from the fifth [hundred li,
they brought] cleaned grain." The first five hundred li from the capital constituted the
royal domain.
The terms, ts'ai, jen, chu-hou2 [OMITTED] are taken from Book of History III, i,
ii, 19 (Legge, 144-45), except that it uses nan [OMITTED] instead of jen. Yen Shih-ku
ts'ai as "the ts'ai domain," i.e., the region allotted for the estates supporting
and grandees. Jen he interprets as "the domain of the barons (nan)." Wang Mang had
however given the title of jen to baronesses (99 B: 4b). The K'ung An-kuo gloss to the
above passage (Shang-shu Chu-su 6: 18a) says, "Nan is jen." K'ung Ying-ta explains,
"The pronunciation of nan is near to that of jen, hence [the former] is explained by jen."
He interprets jen as "to be employed on the king's business," seemingly denoting
who hold office. The archaic pronunciation of nan (Grammata Serica, # 649) was
and that of jen (ibid. # 667f) was . The K'ung An-kuo gloss may have been a
explanation by an assonant word, so that K'ung Ying-ta interprets it correctly. But by
using this gloss, jen may be exchanged with nan. Indeed in a note to HS 99 B: 4b,
Shih-ku says, "Nan is also jen." This circumstance explains Wang Mang's use of
as his title for baronesses. Wang Mang here however uses jen instead of the nan in the
Book of History. Did he mean something slightly different? He may have meant ()
baronesses, (b) barons, or (c) those who hold office. I have preferred the first meaning,
for he very likely included the barons along with the nobles in the preceding .
The words ts'ai jen are also used on 99 B: 19a, where I have interpreted them likewise.
Chu-hou2 may denote "the nobles." But Wang Mang's nobles were located elsewhere,
so that this meaning would introduce disorder into his architectonic scheme. The K'ung
An-kuo gloss says, "Hou2 is hou4 [OMITTED]. They patrol (ch'ih [OMITTED] -hou4) and serve. . . . In
their 300 li they all alike patrol (ch'ih-hou4) for the king." K'ung Ying-ta explains,
"Ch'ih-hou4 means that they patrol [OMITTED] strategic places, watching for bandits." (Ch'ih-hou4
today means "sentry.") Wang Mang almost surely had this Han
in mind.
The Sung interpreters were probably correct about this passage in the Book of History
the greatest nobles were said to have been located farthest from the king and the
ones nearer him, in order to have powerful defenders at the borders, ready to repel
invasion. This passage probably reflects the actual situation during the latter part of
the Chou period: Lo-yang was the capital and the large feudal states were at the periphery
of the Chinese orbit. Wang Mang established a feudal nobility, because it was in accordance
with classical precedents. He ennobled the members of his clan. But he was an
who intended to rule the whole country, instead of depending upon his nobles
for defence. He turned the classical scheme upside down, placing the greatest noble
estates nearest the ruler. This arrangement he doubtless felt was more in accordance
with the Confucian principle of exhibiting a due gradation of affection as between his
closer relatives (the great nobles) and the more distantly related ones (the minor nobles),
by placing his closest relatives nearest himself.
The "domain of submission" is not in the usual lists of domains; this term is taken
from the brief list in Kuo-yü 1: 2a, b. Yen Shih-ku asserts it is the same as the domain
of garrisons [OMITTED] in Chou-li XXXIII, 52 (Biot, II, 276).
A quotation from Book of History III, i, ii, 20 (Legge, p. 145), where, in discussing
the region constituted by the five hundred li beyond the domain of the nobles, which
former is the second domain beyond the innermost one, it says, "In the first three hundred
they cultivated the lessons of learning and moral duties; in the other two hundred li
they showed the energies of war and defence."
The six phrases, "constituting fortified walls," "securing repose," "constituting
buttresses," "constituting screens," "constituting walls," and "constituting fences" are
taken from the Book of Odes, III, ii, x, 7 (Legge, II, 503), where they refer to the king's
relatives, the cherishing of virtue, great families, great states, the multitudes of people,
and good men, respectively. This stanza is quoted in full in HS 14: 1a. Wang Mang
is using this stanza as the authority for his own system of domains which shall harmonize
the two systems in the Book of History and the Chou-li.
Li-chi, IX, i, 20 (Legge, I, 424; Couvreur, I, 586) says, "For the day, a chia [day]
is used [for the sacrifice, in order to] employ the first of the days [in the cycle]."
and chi are the stems corresponding to the power earth, which Wang Mang considered
to be the ruling power during the time of his dynasty. To the names of his year periods
there seem to have been added the phrase shang-mou [OMITTED] (exalting [the stem] mou);
cf. C: n. 17.5.
Ch'ien Ta-hsin remarks, "In the decade [beginning with] mou-yin there is no
[day (tzu means son)], hence it is avoided."
HS 94 B: 21a = de Groot, Die Hunnen, 281 says, "[Wang] Mang created the
punishment of burning fan-ju [OMITTED], and burnt to death Ch'en Liang and the others."
The term fan-ju is a quotation from the Book of Changes, Hexagram 30, 4 (Legge, p. 121;
Wilhelm I, 89). Ying Shao says that Wang Mang made this punishment in accordance
with that passage of the Classic, which reads, "How sudden is his coming; it is burning,
dying, and being done away with [in execution]." Ju Shun adds, This line "refers to
unfilial children, who do not care for their parents and do not maintain a proper deportment
to their friends, hence they are burnt to death and done away with. [Wang] Mang
made the name of the punishment in accordance with this [passage]."
Hu San-hsing explains that Wang Mang had established at each of the four
a Chief Commandant of the Post, with garrison soldiers.
Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED], to agree with HS 95: 7a and 99 B:
30a. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter; Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that the Official ed.
and the Southern Academy ed. also read it.
If "at this time" refers to the second month of this year (Feb. 8 to Mar. 9, A.D. 15,
Julian), this "star" must have been a nova or comet, not Venus. It is not likely that it
was an imaginary object, since its appearance was considered a portent sufficiently great
to require one of the high ministers to be dismissed.
Mr. R. B. Weitzel of Washington, D.C. reports: "From experimental observations
made under favorable conditions, I would assign for daylight visibility of Venus without
optical aid a limiting value of 110 days before inferior conjunction, the planet having
then a magnitude of -3.7 and on elongation approximately 42° east. On Mar. 9, A.D.
, 160 days before inferior conjunction, Venus with magnitude -3.4 and elongation 31°
east evidently was not visible to the unaided eye at midday." It did not attain its
greatest brightness until June 11th, when its magnitude was -4.25, before and after
which date, during a period of several weeks, it was visible at noon to anyone who knew
where to look.
Unfortunately, we cannot be sure that "at this time" refers to the second month.
Pan Ku does not in this chapter furnish the month for any of the events in this year,
except for the banquet and amnesty, which are mentioned immediately before the "star."
Very likely most of the records for this year perished when the palace was burnt in A.D. 23.
"At this time" may mean "in this part of the year," in which case this "star" may indeed
have been Venus.
Chinese astronomers may however not, in Han times, have been aware that Venus may
regularly be seen crossing the sky. SC 27: 53 = Mh III, 374 states: "When it [Venus]
appears, it does not cross the sky. When it crosses the sky, the country changes its government."
The above statement is repeated in HS 26: 23a and much later in Sui-shu 20: 14b.
Thus the appearance of Venus in daytime was considered a great sign, portending a change
in the dynasty. It was accordingly expected to occur only once every few centuries.
Meng K'ang glosses the above passage: "[`Crossing the sky'] means when [Venus] rises in
the east and sets in the west or when it rises in the west and sets in the east. Venus is a
[weak] star, so that when it rises in the east [as a morning star] it is due to disappear
in the east, and when it becomes visible in the west [as an evening star] it is due to set in
the west. [The text is emended, following the suggestion of Dr. A. Pogo, to fit the facts
of observation. This last clause reads in the present text, "When it rises in the west it is
due to disappear in the west."] Going across the meridian [i.e., being visible at noon]
is `crossing the sky'." Chin Shao adds: "The sun is yang [strong]. When it rises, the stars
are due to be submerged. When Venus is visible in daytime on the meridian, it is `crossing
the sky'."
The facts of observation are the following: When Venus is a morning star, it rises in
the east, either when the sky is still dark, if its western elongation (the apparent
between it and the sun) is sufficient, or, if not, just at dawn. Then it disappears in the
rays of the sun soon after sunrise before reaching the meridian, or even at sunrise, depending
on its elongation. When Venus is an evening star, it becomes visible in the west
shortly before sunset, while the sky is still illuminated, or just at sunset, depending on
its elongation. Then it sets in the west soon (possibly three hours) after sunset, depending
upon its elongation. These two phenomena are stated correctly in Meng K'ang's
gloss (with the emendation mentioned above).
Venus is also visible in daylight at the time of its maximum brilliance, which circumstance
occurs about five weeks before and after inferior conjunction, twice in each revolution
of the planet, in each case lasting for a period of a few weeks. Venus is not conspicuous,
because of the sun's light. But anyone who has noted the distance of Venus
from the sun at its previous morning (or evening) appearance (which distance is 39° at
its maximum brightness) can easily pick it out in the daylight sky. At such times, in
addition to its setting, when an evening star (or rising, when a morning star), Venus has
also a real and visible rising (or setting), so that Meng K'ang is quite correct in saying
that Venus may rise in the east and set in the west.
It is not easy to understand how the ancient Chinese could have failed to
this daylight visibility of Venus or to identify this "star visible in daytime" with the
planet. By following such a star for a few hours, it will be found to be identical with the
"evening star" Venus, which will be very conspicuous in the evening sky by its
brightness. Or the unusually brilliant "morning star" Venus will be found, when followed,
to be identical with this "star visible in daytime." So all doubt about the identity of a
"noon star" can easily be dissipated. These periods of daylight visibility recur regularly
at intervals of 584 days. In Han times, such a "star visible in daytime" was recorded in
182 B.C. (cf. HFHD, I, 198; II, 425), but is not identified with Venus, although that
planet was then visible in daytime.
The reason that Venus was not recorded under that name when it was visible in daytime
is very likely the astrological interpretation given that visibility. Anyone identifying
this "noon star" with Venus thereby proclaimed himself a revolutionist, so that his
life might be seriously endangered. When however a revolution was expected by powerful
persons in the imperial court at the time that the Chou dynasty was being replaced by
the Sui, Venus is recorded as appearing in daytime. Sui-shu 1: 14a, b, 21a states, "Venus
appeared in daytime" on the dates, March 24, 25, May 21, 581 and on Nov. 2, 584.
Jupiter is also said to have been visible in daytime on May 21, 581. During the next
decade, however, although periods of Venus' daytime visibility occurred almost every
year, there is no notice of that fact. The dynastic revolution had been completed, so
that Venus as a portent was no longer useful.
These appearances have been checked by calculation from the tables in K. Schoch,
Planeten-Tafeln für Jedermann. The records for Venus on May 21, 581 and Nov. 2,
are probably correct, for that planet then had a magnitude of -4.0 and -4.40 respectively.
But the times of Venus' greatest brightness were on June 18, 581 and Nov. 8, 584, on which days Venus had a magnitude of -4.23 and -4.44, respectively. Then this
planet was not reported when it was brightest. We may infer that, on the days Venus
was reported, someone in the court bethought himself of the astrological significance to
the appearance of Venus, asked some astrologer about this planet, and reported Venus'
daytime visibility to the throne, whereupon this entry was placed on the records.
The reported appearances of Venus in daytime on Mar. 24 and 25, 581 are doubtful.
While the planet had an elongation of 39°, its magnitude was only -3.6. Jupiter's
magnitude on May 21, 581 was only -1.6. It is not a noon object, but its elongation
was 101°, so that it could have been seen when the sun was very low in the west.
We may conclude that, while some time during or after the Han period, Chinese
astronomers became aware of the fact that Venus is occasionally visible in daytime, the
astrological interpretation of this circumstance prevented it from becoming known to the
public, except at times when the court wished a portent known presaging a change in the
dynasty.
Meng K'ang's statement that Venus sometimes "rises in the west and sets in the east"
raises the interesting question whether he knew that this unusual phenomenon may
actually happen. It does not occur at Chinese latitudes, but only near or within the
Arctic (or Antarctic) Circles. At the infrequent times when the greatest brightness or
the inferior conjunction of this planet occurs in the months of April or May, if an observer
far enough north, he will sometimes see Venus traverse the northern sky from west to
east. For example, on May 30, B.C. 85, when Venus was at its greatest brightness with a
magnitude of -4.3, an observer north of China in latitude 65.3° could have seen Venus
due north on the horizon, 2 hours 45 minutes before midnight, while the sun at midnight
was just 3.3° below the horizon. On May 1 of that year, Venus, with a magnitude of
-4.1, was on the northern horizon 3 hours 7 minutes before midnight for an observer at
63.2° north, and at midnight the sun was 12.7° below the horizon. The famous Chinese
envoy, Su Wu, was in captivity of the Huns during 100 to 81 B.C., for most of which
time he was near Lake Baikal, which extends from about 52° to 56° north. It is possible
that some nomad told Su Wu or some other Chinese traveler of having seen Venus at
midnight and that this report was taken to China.
The word [OMITTED] seems to have dropped out at this point; Han-chi 30: 14a and Tzu-chih
T'ung-chien 38: 1a both have this word. Wang Nien-sun remarks that without it
the meaning is not complete, and that the ancients did not avoid such repetitions as the
use of this word here and [OMITTED] in the next clause.
Yen Shih-ku remarks that since Wang Mang held he ruled by virtue of the yellow
principle, this evil auspice was directed against him.
Liu Pin remarks that the existing text does not make sense, so proposes to emend
shao [OMITTED] to ch'ao [OMITTED] and invert, reading so [OMITTED] ch'ao-lio [OMITTED]. Duyvendak agrees. He also
reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], a common interchange of characters, which latter reading I adopt. But
Chou Shou-ch'ang objects to Liu Pin's emendation, "[The text is] not in error. This was
just Wang Mang's `grand talk,' that the Huns had not dared to rob recklessly and had
merely kidnapped `a few' of the people at the borders." P. van der Loon agrees, so do I.
Liu Pin asserts that chih [OMITTED] is an interpolation. But if we accept Chou Shou-ch'ang's
interpretation (n. 26.10), this chih is needed (here meaning "them," referring to
the people and live-stock).
The date of Wang Hsien2c's return is found in HS 94 B: 21b = de Groot, op. cit., 283.
Liu Pin asserts that chih [OMITTED] is an interpolation. But if we accept Chou Shou-ch'ang's
interpretation (n. 26.10), this chih is needed (here meaning "them," referring to
the people and live-stock).
The date of Wang Hsien2c's return is found in HS 94 B: 21b = de Groot, op. cit., 283.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed.
have inverted to read [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. does not invert.
The Sung Ch'i ed. declares that at this point there should be the words [OMITTED],
"at this time."
The Official ed., for [OMITTED] reads [OMITTED] and quotes the Sung Ch'i ed. to the effect that the
former word should be read. But the Ching-yu ed. reads the former and Chou Shou-ch'ang
remarks that this word should be read as [OMITTED] and that a little further on this
page there is the phrase [OMITTED] and on 99 C: 15b there is [OMITTED] so that
former word is here both the original and correct.
Hu San-hsing explains, "Anciently when matters were presented to the Emperor
in sealed [envelopes], they first went to a Master of Writing, who then memorialized [the
matter] to the Emperor. [Wang] Mang feared that the Masters of Writing would block
or hide things, so ordered the eunuchs and his entourage to break the seals and [then]
he himself examined them."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that [OMITTED] is an error; the Ching-yu ed., the Southern
Academy ed., and the Official ed. all read [OMITTED].
Yen Shih-ku declares that hsieh [OMITTED] means [OMITTED]. Wang Nien-sun replies that
this meaning does not fit into the passage, and asserts that hsieh means chih [OMITTED]. In a
note to Book of Changes, Hex. 48, 3 ("Yü-hen Shan-fang Chi-yi-shu," Chou-yi Hsün-shih
Chu B: 14a), Hsün Shuang (128-190) says, "Hsieh had the meaning of doing away
with dirt and turbidity and making it clear and clean." Lu Tê-ming (ca. 560-627), in
his Ching-tien Shih-wen 2: 19a, "Chou-yi," quotes Huang Ying (fl. iv cent.), as saying,
"Hsieh is to chih." In SC 84: 9, sub the above line from the Book of Changes, P'ei Yin
quotes Hsiang Hsiu (d. ca. 280) as saying, "Hsieh is to dig (chih) deeper and do away
with mud and turbidity."
Wang Nien-sun says, "[OMITTED] must be an error for hsien [OMITTED]. Han-chi 30: [14b] and
Po-t'ang Shu-ts'ao [152: 3b, (completed ca. 618)] "Section on Heaven," [ch.] 4, quote this
"Memoir" and read correctly, `hsien.'"
A free quotation from Book of Changes, App. III, ch. VI, i, 2(34), (Legge, p. 358;
Wilhelm, I, 229).
Meng K'ang explains, "A trung [OMITTED] is [cloth woven with] 80 threads [in the
of a standard 50 cm. width]." (The Southern Academy ed. and the Chi-ku Ko ed. [1642]
read, "is 80 tsung," but the Ching-yu ed. [1035] and the Official ed. read "is 80 threads [OMITTED]).
Shou-wen 13 A: 1b defines tsungb [OMITTED] as "the threads in [the warp on] a loom." The
Yen-tzu Ch'un-ch'iu (iv cent. B.C.; fundamentally retouched in xiii cent.), "Tsa-p'ien, B,
par. 18; 6: 17a, says, "Ten-tsungc (800 thread) [OMITTED] linen cloth and one tou of food are
enough to cause a person to escape inner [cold or hunger]." (From Shen Ch'in-han.)
Mencius V, A, iv, 3 (Legge, p. 353), where the clause refers to a filial son. Filial
piety includes the duties of a subject to his lord.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "It means that dukes received the income of t'ung, marquises
and earls received the income of kuo, and earls and barons received the income of tse."
For these terms, cf. 99 B: 19a.
The Official ed. has emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED], which I have adopted.
The practise of reducing the imperial table and official salaries in time of poor
harvests had been inaugurated by Emperor Hsüan (8: 6b), but had not been systematized,
as Wang Mang now proposes. This practise seems first to have been suggested by Mo-tsu;
cf. Mei's trans., p. 18 f.
The text has been disarranged. Liu Pin suggests omitting the first and third [OMITTED],
and inverting to read [OMITTED], thus obtaining known title of officials. Liu Feng-shih
(1041-1113) suggests emending the second [OMITTED] to [OMITTED] to agree with the other sentences.
Wang Nien-sun suggests emending [OMITTED] to [OMITTED] to make up the full number of 25 commanderies
for these three officials.
Liu Pin suggests omitting the first and third [OMITTED] and inverting the others to read
[OMITTED] thus obtaining known titles of officials.
Liu Pin suggests omitting the first and third [OMITTED] to obtain known titles of officials.
This passage seems to have been disarranged in the time of Yen Shih-ku, for his comment
misunderstands it; Hu San-hsing in the xiii cent. quotes it in its present form in a note to
Tsu-chih T'ung-chien 38: 3a.
The text says, "The six (liu [OMITTED]) directors (szu [OMITTED]) and the six (liu) high ministers
(ch'ing [OMITTED])." But there are only three directors (szu) mentioned in Wang Mang's central
bureaucracy, cf. 99 B: 3b. Liu Feng-shih remarks, "This [passage] should say merely
-ch'ing, which were those called `the high ministers who were directors (szu-ch'ing) to
the three highest ministers' [a phrase quoted from 99 B: 3b], namely the Director of Confidence
[in the Commander-in-chief], the Director of Justice [to the Grand Minister over
the Masses], and the Director of Obedience [to the Grand Minister of Works, all of whom
are mentioned on 99 B: 3b]. Later persons did not understand [this reference] and
erroneously interpolated the two characters liu." Hu San-hsing however declares that the
"six directors (liu-szu)" are the "six superintendents" mentioned on 99 B: 4a. He does
not emend the text. But he leaves unexplained who were the "six high ministers."
The exact denotation of the phrase liu szu liu ch'ing is not clear, but Wang Mang's
intention is plain: the reduction in salaries consequent upon disasters was to be spread
among the whole bureaucracy. I have therefore followed Liu Feng-shih in dropping the
two characters liu, but have differed from him in interpreting the words szu and ch'ing,
making them refer to all officials of those grades without attempting to indicate particular
ones.
There was no mou-ch'en day in the fifth month, according to Huang. He
follows that month by an intercalary fifth month, which has such a day. I have assumed
that this was the month concerned.
Hu San-hsing explains, "The Ch'ang-p'ing Lodge was on the plain south of the
Ching River. The Ching River flows southeastwards and enters the Wei [River].
was blocked by the bank, hence was cut off and flowed northwards." The
actions, interpreting as a happy portent what was actually an indication of a very serious
and irretrievable irrigation failure, indicates well the inaccessibility of Wang Mang to
unpleasant facts and their own sycophancy and deception of their ruler (cf.
to this chapter, p. 113-114).
Liu Feng-shih remarks that these four types of conduct were probably those
mentioned in 99 B: 16b and taken from the Analects: moral character, gifts in speaking,
administrative ability, and scholarship.
The mention of "[officials ranking at] two thousand piculs" is probably an anachronism
for the sake of clearness; Wang Mang had renamed this rank the Upper-ranking Grandees;
cf. 99 B: 4a.
There was no mou-ch'en day in this month; seemingly the only servicable emendation
is from ch'en to hsü (also made in 11: 8a).
A quotation from Book of History II, i, 15 (Legge, p. 41; Couvreur, p. 23), cf.
Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 94ff, Gl. 1274.
Hu San-hsing remarks that previously there were Shepherds of Provinces and
Superintendents of Divisions; here a Division and a Province seem to have been the
same; cf. n. 24.1, paragraph 9.
No more official dissections seem to be recorded until A.D. 1106; cf. Maspero in
JA 229 (Apr.-June, 1937), p. 188.
Chu [OMITTED] is very probably a copyist's error for ch'i [OMITTED]. Ch'i was misread as che [OMITTED]
and the following kuo [OMITTED] caused che-kuo to be transcribed as chu-kuo. I emend accordingly.
There is no reason for a final particle yen [OMITTED] at the end of the preceding
HS 96 B: 35b states, "The state of Karashahr (Yen-ch'i-kuo) was nearest the Huns and
revolted first, murdering the Protector-General Tan Ch'in." Then the other states had
nothing to do with this murder. Here there is moreover the same group of three
that almost surely originally stood in this passage—yen-ch'i-kuo. Pan Ku probably used
the same original document in writing both passages. A cursively written ch'i in
original draft could easily have caused this mistake. Chu is found in the Ching-yu
so that this mistake occurred early.
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