 | THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
Chapter XII
THE TWELFTH [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao]-p'ing
Emperor Hsiao-p'ing was the grandson, by a concubine,
of Emperor Yüan and the son of King Hsiao
of Chung-shan, [Liu Hsing]. His mother was called
the Concubine [nee] Wei. When [Emperor P'ing]
was in his third[1]
year, he succeeded [his father] and
was established as King [of Chung-shan].
In [the period] Yüan-shou, the second year, the
Dowager [nee Wang issued] an imperial edict saying,
young and it does not accord with popular opinion
[to have him control the government], let him deliver
up his seal and cord and be dismissed [from his
office]." The same day[6] [Tung] Hsien2a committed
made Commander-in-chief and Intendant of the
In the autumn, the seventh month, [the Grand
Chariots and Cavalry, Wang Shun4b, and the Grand
Herald, Tso Hsien, as messengers bearing credentials,
to go and invite the King of Chung-shan, [Liu
Chi-tzu], to come [to the capital and take the throne].
On [the day] hsin-mao, the Empress Dowager nee
Chao was degraded and made the Empress of [Emperor]
Hsiao-ch'eng. She was made to retire and
live in the Northern Palace. The Empress nee Fu
of Emperor Ai was [also] made to retire and live in
Kuei Palace. The Marquis of K'ung-hsiang, Fu4
Yen, the [former] Privy Treasurer, Tung Kung, and
others were all dismissed from their offices and noble
titles and exiled to the Ho-p'u [Commandery].
In the ninth month, on [the day] hsin-yu, the
King of Chung-shan, [Liu Chi-tzu], ascended the
imperial throne and was presented [to the imperial
ancestors] in the Temple of [Emperor] Kao.[19] A
general amnesty [was granted] to the empire. The
Emperor was in his ninth year, so the Grand Empress
Dowager [nee Wang] attended court. The Commander-in-chief,
[Wang] Mang, controlled the government
and "the officials attended to their several
duties in obedience to"[20] [Wang] Mang.
An imperial edict said, "Verily an ordinance of
amnesty is [an instrument] for the purpose of giving
the empire [an opportunity of making] a new beginning.
It is sincerely hoped that it may cause the
people to correct their conduct, purify themselves,
and preserve their lives. In the past,[21]
the high
officials have frequently brought up in their memorials
matters previous to an amnesty, including them
[with their present charges, in order to] increase [the
severity of peoples'] greater or lesser crimes, [with
[people, which practise] is almost opposite to the
intention of emphasizing fidelity and being careful
about punishments [and to induce criminals] to
purify their hearts and renew themselves. Moreover,
in their selections and recommendations [for
appointment], if a gentleman has [already] held
various offices, has been experienced in [government]
affairs, and has acquired a reputation, then [the
high officials] consider that [such a person] would be
difficult to guarantee, hence, when [such a person has
been] dismissed, he is not recommended [again, which
practise] is quite contrary to the principle of `pardoning
small transgressions and recommending those
who are capable and able.'[25] [In the case of] whoever
has taken bribes or [has committed] hidden
evils which have not yet become known, if he is
recommended for a position, let all [such matters]
not be investigated judicially, in order that [such]
gentlemen may whet their innermost beings and endeavor
to improve themselves, and that small flaws
may not hamper great talents. From this time and
henceforth, high officials shall not be permitted to
present matters previous to an amnesty and put
them in a memorial to the Emperor. If anyone acts
contrary to this written edict, he is acting against
the [imperial] favor, [hence] it shall be judged as an
inhuman [deed. Let this order] be established and
published as a [permanent] ordinance and be published
and made known to the empire to cause it to
be clearly known."[28]
In [the period] Yüan-shih, the first year, in the
spring, the first month, the head of the Yüeh-shang
tribe, [whose speech had to be] repeatedly interpreted,
presented tribute of one white pheasant and two
black pheasants.[34] An imperial edict had the three
highest ministers use them for sacrifice in the [imperial]
ancestral temples.
Various courtiers [thereupon] memorialized, saying,
"The merits and virtuous deeds of the Commander-in-chief,
[Wang] Mang, are equal to those of
the Duke of Chou. He should be granted the title,
the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han [Dynasty]."
His enfeoffment and those of the Grand
A discussion is in the "Memoir of [Wang] Mang."
There was granted, on this special occasion, to the
common people of the empire one step in noble rank
and to the officials who [then] held positions [ranking
at] two hundred piculs and over, the full salary of
their rank, like the regular [occupant of that position].[38]
lished as King [of Tung-p'ing. Liu] Ch'eng-tu, the
son of the former Marquis Ch'ing of T'ao-hsiang,
[Liu Hsüan1d], was made King of Chung-shan [to
succeed Emperor P'ing's father]. Thirty-six great-grandsons
of Emperor Hsüan, [including Liu] Hsin4g
and others, were all made full marquises.[41]
The Grand Coachman, Wang Yün, and others,
twenty-five persons [in all], when previously there
had been a discussion about honoring the Queen
Dowager [nee] Fu of Ting-t'ao with a [higher] imperial
title, had held to classical principles, had not
flattered her desires or followed erroneous [principles];
the General of the Right, Sun Chien, was the
great official who was [Wang Mang's] military assistant;[46]
the Grand Herald, [Tso] Hsien, had previously
discussed [that matter] correctly, had not
flattered [the Queen Dowager], later he had been
sent, bearing credentials, to go and invite the King
of Chung-shan, [Liu Chi-tzu], to come [to take the
throne]; also the Superintendant of the Imperial
House, Liu Pu-o, the Bearer of the Gilded Mace, Jen
Ts'enb, the General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace,
K'ung Yung, the Prefect of the Masters of Writing,
Yao Hsün, and the Grand Administrator of the P'ei
Commandery, Shih Hsü—because all these [persons]
had previously shared in initiating the plan [whereby
Emperor P'ing came to the throne], had gone to the
east to invite him to ascend the throne, had been
perfectly adept, or had worked diligently and laboriously
in performing their duties, they were granted
the noble rank of Marquis of the Imperial Domain
with the income of estates, to each proportionately.
Noble ranks were granted to the officials in the
prefectures and towns thru which the Emperor passed
on his way to assume the throne, [ranking at] two
thousand piculs and less, down to the Accessory
Officials, to each proportionately.
It was also ordered that vassal kings, dukes, full
marquises, and marquises of the imperial domain
who had no sons but had grandsons, if [any of these
nobles] had raised as sons the sons of their full or
[these nephews] their heirs; and that for heirs of
dukes and full marquises who had committed crimes
[requiring the punishment] of shaving the whiskers
or above, [the officials] should beg [the Emperor's
permission] before [such persons were punished].
There were restored to registration those [members
of] the imperial house whose registration had not yet
lapsed [because they had become too distantly related
to the Emperor], but whose [registration] had been
cut off because of crimes.[50] Those [members of the
imperial house] who were officials were to be recommended
[for promotion] as incorrupt persons; [those
members of the imperial house] who were Accessory
Officials were to be given vacancies [ranking at] four
hundred piculs. For officials of the empire who [had
the rank of] equivalent to 2000 piculs or above and
were aged and retired, their former salary was to be
divided in three and one [third] was to be given to
them to the end of their life.
A Grandee-remonstrant was sent to inspect the
three capital commanderies and report the [names
and] registrations of the officials and common people
who in the time of haste and confusion during the
second year of [the period] Yüan-shou [had paid]
to be repaid the value [of what they had paid]. The
tombs of the common people at the Yi Tomb which
did not interfere with the interior of the Hall [at the
Yi Tomb] were not to be opened.[54] The officials
and common people[55] of the empire were not to be
articles.[59]
In the second month, there were established the
Office of the Hsi-and-Ho, ranking at two thousand
piculs, and the Clerk for the Provinces and the
Master of the Houses, [both] ranking at six hundred
piculs, to spread the [orthodox] teaching and culture,
to prohibit irregular sacrifices, and to banish the
songs of Cheng.[61]
On [the day] yi-wei, in the funerary chamber at
the Yi Tomb [of Emperor Hsiao-ai], the ghost's
garments were in their casket, and on the [day] ping-
shen at dawn the garments were outside of it on the
bed.[65] The Prefect of the Funerary Chamber reported
it as an urgent grievous vicissitude, and a
suovetaurilia was sacrificed. In the summer, the
fifth month, on [the day] ting-szu, the first day of
the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.[67] A
general amnesty [was granted] to the empire; the
ministers, generals, and [officials ranking at] fully
two thousand piculs were each to recommend one
person who was honest and sincere and able to speak
frankly.
In the sixth month, the Junior Tutor[70] and Gen-
eral of the Left, [Chen] Feng, was sent to grant to
the Emperor's mother, the Concubine [nee Wei] of
King Hsiao of Chung-shan, [Liu Hsing], a document
sealed with the imperial seal, and to install her as the
Queen of King Hsiao of Chung-shan. There were
granted to the Emperor's maternal uncle, Wei Pao
and to [Wei] Pao's younger brother, [Wei] Hsüana,
the noble rank of Marquis of the Imperial Domain.
There was granted, to all of the Emperor's three[73]
sisters, the title of Baronetess, with the income of an
estate of two thousand households for each.
Kung-sun Hsiang-ju, a descendant of the Duke of
Chou, was made the Marquis in Recompense to [theDuke of] Lu. A descendant of Confucius, K'ung
Chün, was made Marquis in Recompense for Perfection,
to uphold the sacrifices [to Confucius]. Confucius
was posthumously given the posthumous name
and title, Duke Hsüan-ni in Recompense for Perfection.[75]
Ming-kuang Palace together with the imperial
pathways in the three capital [commanderies] were
abolished. The female convicts of the empire who
had already been sentenced [were ordered] to return
home [and pay][76]
three hundred cash per month for
exempted [from taxes].
There were established one Assistant to the Privy
Treasurer [in Charge of] the Seas and one Assistant
[in charge of] Fruits,[80]
and [also] thirteen Divisional
Assistants to the Grand Minister of Agriculture,
[each] one having for his district one province, [with
the duty of] encouraging agriculture and sericulture.[81]
The Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang] dispensed
with ten prefectures of her private estate
from which she received income and confided them
to the Grand Minister of Agriculture, who was regularily
to keep separate accounts of their land-tax
and pay [this sum] out, using it to assist poor people.
granted] to the convicts of the empire.
The K'u-hsing prefecture in [the kingdom of]
Chung-shan was made the private estate of the
Queen [nee Wei] of King Hsiao of Chung-shan, [Liu
In the second year, in the spring, the state of
An imperial edict said, "The two [words in] the
utensil. Now [We] change [Our] personal name in
conformity with the ancient regulations."[91] He sent
the Grand Master, [K'ung] Kuang, to present a
suovetaurilia and give information [of the change]
in a sacrifice at the Temple of [Emperor] Kao.
In the summer, the fourth month, [Liu] Ju-yib, a
[Liu Ts'an], was made King of Kuang-tsung; [Liu]
Kung1a, a grandson of King Yi of Chiang-tu, [Liu
Fei1], and [the son of] the Marquis of Hsü-yi, [Liu
Meng-chih], was made King of Kuang-shih;[94] and
[Liu] Lun, a great-grandson of King Hui of Kuang-ch'uan,
[Liu Yüeh5a], was made King of Kuang-tê.
the former Commander-in-chief and Marquis of
Po-lu, Ho Kuang; [Chang] Ch'ing-chi, a great-great-grandson
of the Marquis of Hsüan-p'ing, Chang Ao;
[Chou] Kung, a great-great-grandson of the Marquis
of Chiang, Chou P'o; and [Fan] Chang, the son of a
great-great-grandson of the Marquis of Wu-yang,
Fan K'uai, were all enfeoffed as full marquises, so
that [these] noble titles were revived. There were
granted to Li Ming-yu, the great-great-grandson of
the former Marquis of Ch'ü-chou, Li Shang, and to
[descendants of] other [former marquises], 113 persons
[in all],[99] the noble rank of Marquis of the
Imperial Domain, with the income of estates, to each
proportionately.
In the commanderies and kingdoms there was a
great drought and [plague of] locusts;[100]
in Ch'ing
Tranquillity to the Han [Dynasty, Wang Mang],
the four Coadjutors [K'ung Kuang, Wang Mang,
Wang Shun4b, and Chen Feng], the three highest
ministers [Ma Kung, Wang Mang, and Chen Feng],
the high ministers, grandees, officials, and common
people, 230 persons [in all], presented their fields
and residences in behalf of suffering and indigent
people,[104] to be distributed among the poor people
in accordance with their number. Messengers were
sent to catch the locusts; the common people who
caught locusts and brought them to the officials
received cash in accordance with the [number of]
piculs [of weight] or tou [of measure of the locusts].
The common people of the empire whose property
was not as much as 20,000 [cash], together with those
in the commanderies which suffered from the visitation,
[whose property] was not as much as 100,000
[cash], were not to pay the land-tax or poll-taxes.
The common people who [suffered from] the epidemic
were lodged in the empty [commandery or
princes'] lodges and residences, and physicians and
medicines were provided for them. Grants were
made for the dead: for six corpses or over in one
family, five thousand cash for burial; for four corpses
or over, three thousand [cash]; and for two corpses
or over, two thousand [cash]. Hu-t'o Park in Anting
[Commandery] was abolished and made An-ming
prefecture. Government offices and buildings,
market-places and hamlets were built [there], and
poor people were solicited to remove [there]. In
the counties where they lodged [as they were moving],
they were given food, and when they reached
the places to which they were removed, they were
granted fields, residences, productive instruments,
and were made loans of oxen for plowing, and of seed
city of Ch'ang-an with two hundred residences, for
the poor people to dwell in.[109]
In the autumn, [each] commandery recommanded
one brave and warlike person possessing self-control,
who was intelligent in military methods. [They
were ordered] to go to [the office of the Major in
Charge of] Official Carriages [to await official appointment].
In the ninth month, on [the day] mou-shen, the
last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the
sun. An amnesty [was granted] to the criminals of
the empire. Internuncios and Division Heads of the
Commander-in-chief, forty-four persons [in all],
bearing credentials, were sent to inspect the border
troops. A Captain under the Bearer of the Gilded
Mace, Ch'en Mou, was sent, [with the right] to use
a bell and drum, who solicited three hundred brave
and daring officials and gentlemen from Ju-nan and
Nan-yang [Commanderies], who [in turn] remonstrated
with and persuaded the robbers on the
[Yangtze] River and lakes, Ch'eng Chung, and
others, more than two hundred persons, all to come
out voluntarily [and present themselves to the
officials]. They were sent to the places where their
homes were, and were held to do service.[114] [Ch'eng]
Chung was removed to Yün-yang and was granted
public fields and a residence.
In the winter, [the officials ranking at] fully two
thousand piculs were [ordered] yearly to recommend
one person who had equitably judged law-cases.
In the third year, in the spring, there was an
nee Wang] that the high officials should present the
proposal [of marriage][122] on behalf of the Emperor
to the daughter of the Duke Who Gives Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty, [Wang] Mang. A discussion
is in the "Memoir of [Wang] Mang." There was
also an imperial edict to the Imperial Household
Grandee Liu Hsin1a and others that they should fix
marriage rites for various [ranks], and that the four
Coadjutors, the ministers, grandees, Erudits, Gentlemen,
and officials, and [the members of] their households
must all be married according to the rites:
they must themselves go to fetch [their wives] standing
in an small chariot with [a pair of] horses yoked
abreast.[125]
In the summer, the Duke Who Gives Tranquillity
the regulations for chariots and garments and the
[various] classes [into which] officials and people
[are divided with respect to] caring for their living
[parents], accompanying [their dead] to the last
[resting-place,[127] conducting] betrothals and marriages,
and [possessing] male and female slaves,
cultivated fields and residences, vessels and utensils.
lished,[132] together with offices for schools: in the
commanderies and kingdoms they were called seminaries
(hsüeh), and in the counties, marches, [princesses']
estates, and marquises' states they were
called academies (hsiao).[133] In academies and seminaries
Classics. In districts they were called lycea (hsiang),
and in the villages they were called palestrae (hsü).
In lycea and palestrae there was established one
Master of the Classic of Filial Piety.[136]
At Yang-ling, Jen Heng with others styled himself
a general, robbed arms from the arsenal, attacked
the offices and buildings, and set free the imprisoned
convicts. A Division Head of the Grand Minister
over the Masses supervised the pursuit [of these
rebels]. They all suffered for their crimes.
[Wang] Yü3, the heir of the Duke Who Gives
Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty, [Wang Mang],
had plotted with the maternal relatives of the Emperor,
the Wei clan. [Wang] Yü3 was sent to prison
and died; the Wei clan were executed.[138]
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month,
Eminent Founder, [Emperor Kao], making him the
coadjutor of Heaven, and the sacrifice to the greatest
exemplar (tsung) was performed to [Emperor] Hsiao-wen,
making him the coadjutor of the Lords on
High.[142]
[The title of] the Duke Honoring and Continuing
[the Ancestral Sacrifices of] the Yin [dynasty, K'ung
Ho-ch'i], was changed to be Duke of Sung and [the
title of] the Duke Who Succeeds to the Greatness of
the Chou [Dynasty, Chi Tang, was changed] to be
Duke of Cheng.
An imperial edict said, "Verily when [the relations
between] husband and wife are correct, then
father and son love [each other] and human relationships
are stable. Previously an imperial edict
ordered the high officials to exempt chaste wives and
[permit] female convicts to return home, [by which
the Emperor] in truth wished to avoid depravity and
to protect chastity and faithfulness. Moreover
are not employed. [This is] what the sage-kings
have instituted.
"Harsh and oppressive officials however frequently
arrest and imprison the family and relatives of those
who violate the law, their wives and daughters, their
aged and weak, causing them to be resentful and
injuring [the imperial] cultural influence. The
people [have suffered] bitterness on this account.
Let it be clearly ordered to all the officials that
and males in their eightieth year or above or in their
seventh year or under, unless someone in their household
has been sentenced for inhumanity or [unless]
they have been ordered in an imperial edict by name
to be arrested, in all other cases all [such persons]
those who must be examined be immediately examined
and questioned.[152] Let this be established
and published as a [permanent] ordinance."
In the second month, on [the day] ting-wei, the
and a general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
The Grand Coachman, Wang Yün, and others,
eight persons [in all], were sent out. [For them]
were established Associates, to whom they lent their
credentials,[154] [which Associates were sent] to travel
about the empire separately, to examine and observe
[the people's] customs.[155] There were granted to
the nine high ministers and those [ranking] lower,
[down] to [those ranking at] six hundred piculs, and
to the [members of] the imperial house who were
Rank Grandee and above, to each proportionately.
There were granted to the common people of the
empire one step in noble rank, and to widowers,
widows, orphans, childless, and aged, silk. In the
summer, the Empress [nee Wang] was presented in
the Temple of [Emperor] Kao. There was added to
the Duke Who Gives Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty,
[Wang Mang], the title of Ruling Governor,
and there was granted to the Lady Dowager of the
Duke, [the mother of Wang Mang], the title, the
Baronetess of Apparent Merits. The Duke's sons,
[Wang] An1a and [Wang] Lin1a were both enfeoffed
as full marquises.
The Duke Who Gives Tranquillity to the Han
Dynasty, [Wang Mang], memorialized [the plans
for] and set up the Ming-t'ang and the Pi-yung.[160]
and made that of the Central Exemplar; the Temple
of [Emperor] Hsiao-yüan became that of the Eminent
Exemplar;[162] the Son of Heaven was to make offerings
and sacrifices [at these temples] from generation to
generation.
[163]
Hsi-hai Commandery was established, and those
in the empire who had violated the prohibitions were
exiled to inhabit it.
The King of Liang, [Liu] Li5a, who had committed
crimes, killed himself.[164]
The imperial capital was divided and there were
established the two commanderies of the Displayer
of Splendor in the South and the Successor to the
Magnificence in the North. The official titles and
rankings of the ministers, grandees, and eighty-one
First Officers were changed, together with the names,
divisions, boundaries, and the commanderies and
kingdoms which belonged [to each] of the twelve
provinces. The abolitions, establishings, changes,
and alterations in the empire made so much work
that the officials could not record them.[168]
In the winter, a great gale blew off almost all of
the city-wall of Ch'ang-an.
In the fifth year, in the spring, the first month, the
was performed in the Ming-t'ang;[172] twenty-eight
vassal kings,[174] one hundred twenty full marquises
house were summoned to assist in the sacrifices.
When the rites were ended, all [had a certain number
of] households added [to their estates] or they were
granted noble ranks, and [they were granted] money
and silk or their official ranks were increased or they
were given vacancies as officials, to each proportionately.
An imperial edict [from the Grand Empress Dowager]
said, "Verily, [We] have heard that when the
[ancient] lords and kings governed the common
people by their virtue, their next [principle] was to
favor their relatives, in order that [their influence
might thereby] reach to others.[178]
Anciently Yao
harmonized his nine [classes of] kindred[179]
and Shun
the Emperor's youth, We have temporarily been
directing the government of the state. [We] have
reflected that the scions of the imperial house are all
descendants of the Grand Founder, Emperor Kao, or
of his brothers, [King] Ch'ing of Wu, [Liu Chung,
and King] Yüan of Ch'u, [Liu Chiao]; that, since
the beginning of the Han [dynasty] to the present,
[they have multiplied and have become] more than
a hundred thousand persons; and that altho they
are related to [such persons as] kings and marquises,
they have been unable mutually to control each
other, and so some have fallen into punishment for
crime. The cause [for this situation is that the imperial]
teaching and instruction has not reached them.
Does not the Memoir say, `When princes are generous
to mutual kindnesses'?[185]
"For the imperial house [which has descended]
which] has inherited his surname [of Liu], let Masters
to the Imperial Clan be established in the commanderies
and kingdoms in order to control them
and bring [the imperial] teaching and instruction to
them. Let [the officials who rank at] two thousand
piculs select those who are virtuous and well-principled
to be the Masters to the Imperial Clan. They
should examine and investigate those who do not
follow [the imperial] teaching and ordinances and
those who have suffered injustice and lost their positions.
Masters of the Imperial Clan are permitted
to take advantage of the postal stations in writing
letters to ask the Elder of the Imperial House to
make requests [of Us] in order that [We] may hear
of it. Regularily every year in the first month, the
Masters of the Imperial Clan shall each be granted
ten bolts of silk."[188]
The Hsi-and-Ho, Liu Hsin1a, and others, four
persons [in all],[189]
who had been sent to prepare the
Ming-t'ang and Pi-yung, had brought it about that
the Han [dynasty] had happy presages similar to
those of King Wen [when he built] his Spiritual
built the city of] Lo; the Grand Coachman, Wang
Yün, and others, eight persons [in all], who had been
gated [the imperial] virtue and culture, so that all
the kingdoms had become harmonious;[193] all [these
The [following sorts of persons] were summoned
to the place where [the Emperor] was: those in the
empire who comprehended and understood the lost
classics, the ancient records, astrological phenomena,
astronomical calculations, the musical tubes, philology,
Shih [Chou's] Fascicles, the magical and
technical arts, materia medica, together with those
who taught the Five Classics, the Analects, the
Classic of Filial Piety, and the Erh-ya. For these
there were yoked small chariots with singly sealed
who arrived [numbered] several thousand persons.
In the intercalary month, [Liu] Yin1b, a great-
great-grandson of a great-grandson of King Hsiao of
Liang, [Liu Wu3], was made King [of Liang].[202]
In the winter, the twelfth month, on [the day]
ping-tzu,[203]
the Emperor died in the Wei-yang
The high officials discussed and said, "[According
to] the rites, `Subjects do not treat their
lord as if he had died before he reached maturity.'[206]
that, according to the rites, when he is enshrouded,
the bonnet of virility should be put upon him."
The memorial was approved. He was buried in the
K'ang Tomb.
An imperial edict [from the Grand Empress Dowager
nee Wang] said, "The Emperor was benevolent
and kindly, and there was nothing that he did not
consider or feel distressed about. [But] whenever
he became ill, his breath was blocked from coming
out, which kept him from speaking.[210]
Hence he
did not get to prepare a testamentory edict. Let
his concubines be sent away and all be returned to
their homes and be permitted to be married, as in
the former case in the time of [Emperor] Hsiao-wen."[211]
In eulogy we say: In the reign of [Emperor]
Hsiao-p'ing, the government proceeded from [Wang]
Mang, who recompensed laudable [circumstances]
and made meritorious deeds manifest, in order to
make himself honorable and prominent. When we
consider his literary compositions, [it seems that]
of the many barbarians outside the [four] quarters
[of the empire], "none failed to think of and submit
to him,"[213] happy omens, auspicious responses, and
eulogizing songs were simultaneously produced.
[But] as to the grievous vicissitudes and prodigies
that appeared [in heaven] above and the hatreds of
the common people[214] [on the earth] below, [Wang]
Mang was however unable to cover them up.
Ch'en Ching-yün (1670-1747) would emend "third" to "second" because HS 97 B:
21b reports that Emperor P'ing was born in 9 B.C. and was in his second year when his
father died, and because HS 12: 1b says he was in his ninth year when he came to the
throne. But HS 14: 23b records that his father first became King in 37 B.C. and reigned
altogether to the thirtieth year; hence his father died in 8 B.C. Emperor P'ing succeeded
his father in 7 B.C. (14: 23b) and became Emperor in 1 B.C., which was the ninth year
of his life. So there is no reason to emend the text; Ch'en Ching-yün seems not to have
understood that in Han times ages were counted by elapsed full years, not by elapsed
calendar years as at present; so that a child born just before New Year's was not then
considered after New Year's to be in his second (calendar) year, as at present. Cf.
Glossary sub Hsiao-ai, Emperor.
The Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii cent.) notes that the T'ang text (before xi cent.) does
not have the words [OMITTED]. The dates of Tung Hsien's dismissal and death and of Wang
Mang's appointment are found in 19 B: 51a.
The Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii cent.) notes that the T'ang text (before xi cent.) does
not have the words [OMITTED]. The dates of Tung Hsien's dismissal and death and of Wang
Mang's appointment are found in 19 B: 51a.
The Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii cent.) notes that the T'ang text (before xi cent.) does
not have the words [OMITTED]. The dates of Tung Hsien's dismissal and death and of Wang
Mang's appointment are found in 19 B: 51a.
Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) says that the second [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED]. The Official
ed. (1739) has that emendation.
A saying of Confucius found in Analects XIII, ii, 1. Emperor Ai had previously
issued an order to this same effect: cf. 11: 3b.
Very probably Wang Mang is thinking of Wang Chia1a, who was done to death by
Emperor Ai, because, after an amnesty, he had recommended some persons whom Emperor
Ai had previously dismissed on suspicion of crime (cf. Introduction to ch. XI,
pp. 5-6; Glossary sub Wang Chia1a). Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says, "By this [ordinance,
Wang] Mang was ensnaring and attracting people who had been rejected, discarded, and
despised, by giving them unhoped for extraordinary favors, in order that he might use
them for his own purposes." In A.D. 210, (Cf. San-kuo Chih, 1: 28b), Ts'ao Ts'ao, in his
famous "Order Requesting Worthy Persons to Come," similarily said, "If one must be an
incorrupt person and then only be given position, how could [Duke] Huan of Ch'i have
come in his epoch to be Lord Protector?" Ho Ch'uo, after quoting the above passage,
remarks sarcastically, "Usurpers and rebels always seek for their own kind."
The head of the Yüeh-shang tribe is mentioned in the Bamboo Annals (Legge,
Shoo-King, Prolegomena, p. 146). The T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, 917: 8b quotes the Hsiao-ching
Yüan-sheng Ch'i (prob. Former Han period), fragments B: 23a, as saying, "In the
time of King Ch'eng of the Chou [dynasty], the Yüeh-shang presented a white pheasant.
They are 30,000 li distant from the capital. When a true king is unsurpassed in his
sacrifices and moderate in his repasts and robes, then [these people] appear [with a white
pheasant]." Cf. Introduction, p. 51; Glossary sub Yüeh-shang.
The implications of this statement have been debated. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 198-265)
says, "When the officials in the various offices are first given new positions, they are all
tried as acting [occupants of their positions] for a year, and then made regular [occupants
of their positions] with their full salary. When Emperor P'ing took the throne, he therefore
granted to them to be regular [occupants of their positions]." Shen Ch'in-han (17751832)
moreover points out that Ho Hsiu (129-182), in a note to the Kung-yang Commentary,
2: 5b sub Duke Yin, III, Autumn, says, "At that time, altho [a person] was a
hereditary grandee, because he had the heart of a filial son, he could not endure at once
to take his father's position, hence he followed the ancient [practises] and was first tried
[in that position] for a year, and then was given a [regular] mandate [as his father's
successor] in his ancestral Temple." Shen Ch'in-han concludes, "The practise of the Han
[dynasty], follows from this principle that when [an official] was first given a new position,
he was tried as an acting [occupant of that position], and [after] a year he was made the
regular [occupant of that position]."
But Yen Shih-ku (581-645) writes, "This explanation, [that of Ju Shun], is mistaken.
At that time among the various offices there were those who were being tried as acting
[occupants of those positions], consequently [the Emperor] specially granted an unusual
act of favor and it was merely ordered that they should [be treated] the same as the
regular [occupants of those positions]. It was not that all those officials who were given
new positions must all be regarded as acting [occupants of those positions] on trial.
Yi-ch'ieh[OMITTED] [means] `temporarily,' not `regularly'." Yi-ch'ieh is also found in 76: 15a,
16a, where Ju Shun glosses that yi-ch'ieh means "temporarily [OMITTED]." Wang Ch'i-yüan
(xix cent.) approves of Yen Shih-ku's interpretation that this was a temporary favor
on this special occasion, and not a permanent enactment concerning future appointees.
Liu Pin however says, "I say that altho the officials' salaries were nominally [a certain
number of piculs per year], they all were not [paid] the full [amount of] that number [of
piculs]. When Emperor P'ing ascended the throne, favors were extended, hence he
granted and ordered that [officials should be paid] the full salary of their rank, for example,
that [an official ranking at] two thousand piculs should get double ten hundred
[piculs]. Yen [Shih-ku] in a note to HS 19 [A: 1a, concerning] the differences of officials'
salaries, speaks of these [circumstances]. His note reads, `[According to] the Han Code,
the three highest ministers were nominally [ranked at] ten thousand piculs, [but] the
salary of each [one] was 350 hu of grain per month. Those who nominally [ranked at]
fully 2000 piculs [received] 180 hu per month. [Those ranked at] 2000 piculs [received]
120 hu, and [those ranked at] equivalent to 2000 piculs [received] 100 hu,' etc. According
to the comment in the HHS, [Tr. 28: 14b, from which Yen Shi-ku has taken the above
figures], those [whose nominal salaries] were fixed at 1000 piculs or less received a certain
proportion of their nominal salary in a year. [But this payment] was added to in the
time of [Emperor] Kuang-wu [ruled A.D. 25-57], and was not an old practise of the Former
Han [dynasty]."
HS 99 A: 19b notes this last appointment in Jan./Feb., A.D. 5. But HS 15 B:
38a, b, 40a-44a, 53a-55b lists 35 appointments on Apr. 10, A.D. 1, in addition to that
of Liu Hsin4 (ibid., 50a), so that ch. 99 is mistaken. All were great-grandsons of Emperor
Hsüan; 99 A" 19b states they were [OMITTED], so that jen-sun [OMITTED] must here mean "great-grandson."
The genealogy of Liu Hsin4 in 15 B: 50a confirms this statement. Cf.
HFHD I, 176, n. 3.
Hu San-hsing (1280-1287) explains, "It means that those should have their registration
restored who were related [so that in mourning] they uncovered an arm and
wore the mourning head-dress or were more [closely related], who because of crime had
been cut off the register [of the imperial house]." Cf. 11: n. 2.2.
The Yi Tomb was that of Emperor Ai, the buildings attached to which were probably
still being erected, since Emperor Ai had not made preparations for his own demise.
Private tombs previously at that locality were not to be disturbed, unless they interfered
with the Hall at that Tomb.
The Official ed. has emended shê [OMITTED] to min [OMITTED]. It quotes the Sung Ch'i ed. as
saying that the T'ang text (before xi cent.) does not have the word li [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu
ed. (1034) has li-min; the Chi-ku Ko ed. (1642) has li-shê. Chou Shou-ch'ang (18141884)
points out that various texts have li-min, and that Yen Shih-ku (581-645) does
not explain li-shê, so that his text must also have had li-min.
Yen Shih-ku says, "According to the military law, five men make a pentad (group
of five), and two groups of five make a decade, who therefore have their implements and
articles in common. Hence [people] generally call productive implements shih-ch'i [OMITTED]
[i.e., implements belonging to a decade]. It was also like those who today are with the
army or do forced service: ten persons constitute a `fire' and share their provisions and
arrangements." This term is also found in 12: 6a.
Chia Yi, in HS 48: 27a7,8, uses chih [OMITTED] -ch'i with a similar meaning, "When people
today lay up things (chih-ch'i), if they lay them up (chih) in a safe place, they are safe,
[while] if they lay them up (chih) in dangerous places, they are in danger. The affections
of the empire are in no way different from things (ch'i)—they are where the Son of
Heaven places (chih) them."
For irregular (or unlawful) sacrifices cf. HS 25 A: 4a; Li-ki 5: 11a (Couvreur I.
100; Legge, I, 116). "Songs of Cheng" denotes licentious music; cf. Analects XV, x, 6.
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that fu4 [OMITTED] (Junior Tutor) is in some texts written as fu3 [OMITTED]
(Privy Treasurer). HS 19 B: 52a writes fu3; 97 B: 22a writes fu4. Chou Shou-ch'ang
in a note to this passage, suggests that fu4 should be amended to fu3; Wang Hsien-ch'ien
(1842-1918), in a note to 19 B: 52a, suggests that fu3 should be emended to fu4. HS 99 A:
6a records that Chen Feng was appointed Junior Tutor, one of the Four Coadjutors, so
that fu4 is certainly the correct reading.
The text says "four," but 97 B: 22a, in recounting these sisters, says there were
three and enumerates their names and titles. HS 99 A: 16a, in recounting the events at
this time, does not mention these Baronetesses. Hence "four" should be emended to
"three" (Chou Shou-ch'ang). Han-chi 30: 2a follows this passage in writing "four";
Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 35: 17b has emended it to "three."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the meaning requires the insertion of [OMITTED] before the
word [OMITTED]. Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 35: 18a has this word.
On the term `mountain hire,' Ju Shun says, "In the first section of the [dynastic]
ordinances [it was ordained] that women who had committed crimes should work as convicts
and to the sixth month should be employed [to work on] the mountains. That
[the Emperor] had them `return home' means that they ought to have been cutting trees
on the mountains, [but] he permitted them to send [a substitute] and pay cash in hire
for the value of their work. Hence it is called `mountain hire." ' Ying Shao (ca. 140206)
says, "The ancient punishment of `spiritual firewood' [cf. HFHD, I, p. 177, n. 1]
was taking firewood from the mountains for the use of the [imperial] ancestral temples.
Now [the ruler] caused female convicts to pay cash to hire [people to cut] firewood, hence
it is called `mountain hire'." Yen Shih-ku adds, "Ju [Shun's] explanation comes near
[the truth]. It means that the female convicts whose sentences for crime have already
been imposed shall all be set free, return to their homes, and not themselves do forced
labor; instead he ordered that they should pay three hundred cash per month to hire
people. He performed this [act of] grace in order to spread the virtue of the Grand Empress
Dowager [nee Wang] and accord her beneficent government to women." Shen
Ch'in-han adds, "Since in HS 66: [8b] rich Gentlemen who pay money [to gain holidays]
are called `mountain Gentlemen', [the name for] female convicts who pay money are
likewise called `mountain hire'. The meaning is similar [to that of the other name]."
Cf. Glossary, sub Yang Yün.
Yen Shih-ku explains that they were put in charge of the taxes upon sea [products]
and upon fruits, respectively.
Hu San-hsing explains, "Emperor Wu had Sang Hung-yang establish several tens
of Divisional Assistants to the Grand Minister of Agriculture, who separately had for
their districts [certain] commanderies and kingdoms, and had control of the Equalization
and Transportation and the Salt and Iron [government monopolies]. Now thirteen
persons were employed to have charge of the thirteen provinces, [respectively], as their
districts."
Yen Shih-ku explains, "The rhinoceros has the shape of a water buffalo and a head
like a pig, with four legs; it is like an elephant in its black color. It has one horn in
front of its forehead, and on its nose has another small horn." For a translation of the
passage in the HS describing trading voyages into the Indian Ocean and the location of
this place, cf. Glossary sub Huang-chih. Also cf. C. W. Bishop, "Rhinoceros and Wild
Ox in Ancient China," China Journal XVII, no. 6 (June 1933), p. 330. Wang Mang
had sent a messanger with an order to the king of Huang-chih that he should present a
live rhinoceros. Cf. HS 28 Bii: 68a, b; Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 35: 18b.
Emperor P'ing's first personal name, Chi-tzu [OMITTED], means `dustpan'; it is found
in 14: 23b. His name was changed to K'an [OMITTED], `rejoice,' in conformity with the precedent
set by Emperor Hsüan (cf. 8: 13b). This rare word would not be troublesome as a taboo.
Hsün Yüeh (148-209), in a note to 12: 1a and Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260), here furnish
the latter name.
HS 14: 14b and 53: 7a both record that Liu Kung was the son of the Marquis of
Hsü-yi; hence [OMITTED] should be in the text at this point.
The text names this kingdom as Kuang-ch'uan [OMITTED], 14: 14b names it Kuang-shih [OMITTED],
and 53: 7a names it Kuang-ling [OMITTED]. HS 14: 20b lists other kings of Kuang-ling down
to the time of Wang Mang's usurpation, so that Kuang-ling is certainly a mistake.
Kuang-ch'uan was the name of a kingdom whose name had been changed to Hsin-tua (q.v.
in Glossary) and made a kingdom, the king of which at this time was Liu Ching3b. Ch'ien
Ta-hsin (1728-1804) remarks that a piece of Liu Ching3b's territory would hardly have
been taken a way from him to make a new kingdom of Kuang-ch'uan, as must have been
done if that name had been used. Shen Ch'in-han notes that ch'uan and shih might
easily have been mistaken for each other, and says that several thousand households
might have been taken from Hsin-tua to make the kingdom of Kuang-ch'uan. Han-chi
30: 2b has copied the reading Kuang-ch'uan; so has Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 35: 19a. But
the Comment to the Shui-ching 23: 3b, sub the Ying-kou River, says, "The Kuo River
also goes east and passes north of the city of Kuang-hsiang [OMITTED]. Ch'üan Ch'eng [fl.
dur. 135-220] glosses, `In Hsiang-yi [OMITTED] there is the Shê-ch'iu [OMITTED] Commune, which
is the former Kuang-hsiang. It was changed to be Kuang-shih. Emperor Shun of the
Later Han [dynasty] in 135 A.D. enfeoffed the Palace Attendant Chih T'ien [not mentioned
in the HHS] as the marquis [of this place]. His marquisate was Kuang-hsiang.' "
Then the reading in ch. 14, Kuang-shih, is probably correct, and the text should be
emended accordingly. The error was probably caused by attraction to the following
Kuang-ch'uan.
Han-chi 30: 2b reads "130 persons"; Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 35: 19a says "117 persons,"
including the full marquises.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that [OMITTED] is omitted after [OMITTED]; the Official ed. has this word.
For the Coadjutors, cf. Glossary. For a parallel account, cf. 99 A: 7b.
HS 27 Cb: 25a says, `In Yüan-shih II, vi, (July), two meteorites fell in the Chü-lu
[Commandery]."
Yen Shih-Ku explains, "They went to their native counties and towns and performed
[the payment of] the land taxes and conscript service." Ho Chuo adds, "Shou-shih
[OMITTED] is like when at present they are enrolled in the militia of the hamlets as runners."
A phrase from Yi-li 4: 1a (Steele I, 18) and Li-ki XLI, 1 (Legge, II, 428; Couvreur,
II, 641). Cf. 99 A: n. 9.4.
Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) explains, "Yao [OMITTED] (a small chariot) . . . is a small chariot
in which one rides standing up. Ping-ma, [OMITTED] [means] yoked with two horses attached
to the same yoke." Cf. also HFHD I, 107, n. 3 for the "small chariot." Yen Shih-ku
remarks, "These regulations were [now] newly fixed."
The Yi-li (Steele, III, 8a) and Li-chi, ch. 40 (Legge, II, 429; Couvreur II, 624) direct
that the groom shall to the bride's house to fetch her; the Yi-li (ibid., 4: 6b) specifies a
quadriga [OMITTED]; neither of these classics seem to mention the "small chariot."
HS 27 Bb: 7a says, "In Yüan-shih III, i [Feb./Mar.], Heaven rained plants of a sort
like that in the period Yung-kuang [42 B.C.]." Cf. 9: n. 9.2. Cf. W. Eberhard, Beiträge
zur Kosmologischen Spekulation", p. 27.
An allusion to Mencius IV, ii, xiii (Legge, p. 322).
I do not find anywhere an explanation of these sumptuary regulations regarding slaves,
fields, etc. It may have been a reenactment of Emperor Ai's law; cf. 11: 3a.
About 205 B.C., Emperor Kao "ordered the prefectures to make public altars to
the gods of the soils [OMITTED]" (HS 25 A: 18a). HS 25 B: 22a, b says, "[Wang] Mang
said, . . . `When the sage Han [dynasty] arose, rites and ceremonies were somewhat fixed,
so that there are already official altars to the gods of the soils, [but] there are not yet
any official altars to the gods of the grains.' Thereupon behind the official altars to
the gods of the soils there were established official altars to the gods of the grains. Yü
of the Hsia [dynasty] was made the coadjutor to receive the offerings together with the
official gods of the soils; Prince Millet was made the coadjutor to receive the offerings
with the official gods of the grains. [At the] altars to the gods of the grains there were
planted paper mulberry trees." (Reference from Ju Shun.)
Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) explains that passage as follows, "Emperor Kao did away with
the Ch'in [dynasty's] altars to the gods of the soils and grains and established the Han
[dynasty's] altars to the gods of the soils and grains [cf. HS 1 A: 30b], which the Book
of Rites [IX, i, 20 (Legge, I, 425; Couvreur, I, 586)] calls the Grand Altar to the Gods
of the Soils (T'ai-shê). At this time there was also established the official altar to the
gods of the soils, Yü of the Hsia [dynasty] being made their coadjutor, which is called
[in the Book of Rites XX, 6 (Legge, II, 206; Couvreur, II, 265)] the royal altar to the
gods of the soils (Wang-shê). Cf. the Han [Dynasty's] Ordinances for Sacrifices [lost].
But official altars to the gods of the grains had not yet been established. At this [time]
they were first established. At the Restoration [of the Han dynasty, Emperor] Kuang-wu
did not establish official altars to the gods of the grains, which [situation] has been inherited
down to the present [time]."
There seem thus to have been two sets of altars to the gods of the soils and grains:
the Grand Altar, i.e. the altar of the dynasty, and the Royal Altar, i.e. the state altar.
Emperor Kao had established a dynastic altar to the gods of the soils and grains and a
state altar to the gods of the soils; Wang Mang now added a state altar to the grains,
which Emperor Kuang-wu did not reestablish.
Yen Shih-ku interprets the passage in ch. 12 to mean that the official altars to the gods
of the grains had previously been established at the rear of the altars to the gods of the
soils, and that now these altars were changed and set up at another place, not near the
altars to the gods of the soils.
Li-shih, 5: 3a-4b (by Hung Kua, 1117-1184), quotes a stele to the Chief of the
P'iao-yang county, P'an Ch'ien, found in 1143 and dated Dec. 14, 181, in which P'an
Ch'ien is praised for having opened a school at this place. In the title of this inscription,
the school is called a hsiao-kuan [OMITTED]. Shen Ch'in-han says that this inscription proves
that county schools were called hsiao.
These four names for schools were taken from Mencius III, i, iii, 10 (Legge, p. 242).
Wen Tang Weng first established schools in Shu Commandery about 140 B.C. and was so
successful in thus developing that region that Emperor Wu shortly afterwards ordered the
commanderies and kingdoms to establish seminaries and academies. In 41 B.C., Emperor
Yüan ordered the commanderies and kingdoms to establish Retainers for the Classics;
cf. 9: n. 9.6.
Wei Chao (197-273/4) says, "[Places] smaller than districts (hsiang [OMITTED]) are called
chü [OMITTED] (villages)." HS 24 A: 4b states that in hamlets [OMITTED] there were palestrae and in
districts there were lycea. Ibid. 4a defines a hamlet as 25 families and a district as
2500 households.
For the incident concerning Wang Yü, cf. 99 A: 16a, b; Introduction, pp. 47-48.
T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan (978-983) 717: 4b quotes the Ku-chin Chu (ca. 300; this passage
is not found in that book today) as saying, "In Yüan-shih III, at the funerary park west
of the Yen Tomb, [that of Emperor Ch'eng], the great mirrors in front of the door to
the imperial throne inside the funerary chamber of the divinity all [had on them drops of]
clear liquid, as if they had the appearance of having perspired."
Cf. HS 25 B: 20a-21a and 99 A: 17a. Wang Mang was imitating the examples
of the ancients as recounted in the Classic of Filial Piety, 5: 1b (Legge, ch. IX, p. 477),
"Anciently the Duke of Chou made the suburban sacrifice (chiao) to Prince Millet, making
him the coadjutor of Heaven, and made the sacrifice to the exemplar (tsung) to King Wen
in the Ming-t'ang, making him the coadjutor of the Lord(s) on High."
Yen Shih-ku says, "[Persons aged] eighty are called mao [OMITTED]. Those in their
seventh year are called tao [OMITTED]. Mao is an appellation for the aged, referring to their
dim sight; the tao are those persons who have not yet become men, and for whose death
it is proper to sorrow and feel saddened (tao)." For the classical definition, cf. Li-ki I,
i, i, 27 (Couvreur I, 9; Legge, I, 66).
Li-ki I, i, i, 27 (Couvreur, I, 9; Legge, I, 66) contains the provision that persons
in their seventh year and under or in their eightieth year and over were not to undergo
(mutilating) punishments. In 195 B.C., Emperor Hui exempted the aged and very young
from the mutilating punishments (HS 2: 3a). In 141 B.C., those in their eightieth year
and over and in the eighth (or seventh) year and younger, together with suckling babes,
blind musicians, and dwarfs, were not to be shackled in prison. In 62 B.C., those over
80 were exempted from all punishments, except for heinous crimes. In 20 A.D. Emperor
Ch'eng ordered that capital sentences for children in their seventh year or under
must be reported to the Commandant of Justice, and that they should be allowed to
ransom themselves (23: 19a, b). Now it was ordered that women and men under seven
or over eighty should not be imprisoned, except for heinous crimes. (References from
Yü Yüeh.) This enactment was modelled on the principle in the Chou-li 36: 2a (Biot,
II, 356) sub the Szu-tz'u, that the young and weak, the aged, and the stupid should be
pardoned. The Han laws thus gradually approached Confucian ideals.
Yen Shih-ku explains, "They should go to the place where they live to question
them," but Chou Shou-ch'ang replies that Yen Shih-ku is probably explaining this
ordinance by that of Emperor Kuang-wu in 27 A.D. (HHS, An. 1 A: 22b, 23a), which
repeats this order, but uses chiu [OMITTED] instead of chi [OMITTED]. These two words are different
and cannot be used to explain each other. Han-chi (by Hsün Yüëh, 148-209) 30: 4b,
writes tsê [OMITTED], which Wang Hsien-ch'ien states was anciently a synonym of chi.
The principals "bore" credentials, which they "lent" to their associates (Hu San-hsing).
These credentials enabled them to wield, temporarily and for a specific purpose,
the imperial authority.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that Wang Mang honored Emperor Yüan in order to
please the Grand Empress Dowager nee Wang, who was the wife of Emperor Yüan.
The Official ed. has at this point the word for "in the winter." It quotes the Sung
Ch'i ed. as saying that the new edition (unknown) drops the word for "winter." The
Ching-yu ed. (1034) has that word; the Chi-ku Ko ed. (1642) has excised it. Chou
Shou-ch'ang adds that since the word for "in the winter" is found below (12: 8b), that
word should be dropped here.
For the incident of the Hsi-hai Commandery, cf. 99 A: 23b-24b.
Liu Li5a had committed incest and many murders, but had avoided punishment;
he was finally sentenced to dismissal and exile for having had communication with the
Wei clan, whereupon he was forced to commit suicide. His death may have occurred in
the preceding year. Cf. Glossary, sub voce.
The only change in official titles I have found recorded for this time is from Superintendent
of the Imperial House to Elder of the Imperial House (19 B: 52b). Probably
these other titles were later changed again, so that historians did not trouble to record
such short-lived alterations.
Ying Shao remarks, "According to the rites, [every] five years there should be two
grand sacrifices, one ti [OMITTED] [a common offering to all the ancestors in the fifth year] and
one hsia [OMITTED] [a similar offering in the third year]. At the hsia [sacrifice], those shrines
which have been removed to the temple of the first ancestor, together with the tablets
of those shrines which have not yet been removed, are all jointly given offerings in [the
shrine of] the first ancestor." This remark is based on Kung-yang Commentary 13: 3b, 4a
(Dk. Wen, II, viii). Cf. Maspero, La Chine Antique, pp. 249-250.
Ch'ien Ta-hsin finds that only 22 vassal kings were reigning at this time: the King
of Ch'eng-yang, Liu Li4 (14: 6b), the King of Tzu-ch'uan, Liu Yung3b (14: 7b), the King
of Ho-chien, Liu Shang4b (14: 13b), the King of Lu, Liu Min3a (14: 14b), the King of
Chao, Liu Yin6a (14: 15a), the King of Ch'ang-sha, Liu Lu-jen (14: 16a), the King of
Kuang-p'ing, Liu Kuang-han (14: 16b), the King of Chiao-tung, Liu Yin2 (14: 18a),
the King of Liu-an, Liu Yü5a (14: 18b), the King of Chen-ting, Liu Yang (14: 19a), the
King of Szu-shui, Liu Ching5 (14: 19b), the King of Kuang-yang, Liu Chia1b (14: 20a),
the King of Kuang-ling, Liu Shou3a (14: 20b), the King of Kao-mi, Liu Shen (14: 21a),
the King of Huai-yang, Liu Yin4b (14: 21b), the King of Tung-p'ing, Liu K'ai-ming (14:
21b), the King of Chung-shan, Liu Ch'eng-tu (20: 22a), the King of Ch'u, Liu Yü1a (20:
22b), the King of Hsin-tua, Liu Ching3b (14: 22b), the King of Kuang-tsung, Liu Ju-yib
(14: 13a), the King of Kuang-shih, Liu Kung1a (14: 14b), and the King of Kuang-tê, Liu
Lun (14: 18a). The King of Liang, Liu Yin1b (14: 12a), was not appointed until the
second or the intercalary month of this year, so is not included.
An allusion to ibid. II, iii, 1 (Legge, p. 69; Couvreur, p. 44). Karlgren, BMFED,
20, 106f, gl. 1297, does not express the full force of "giving thin proper order to" a king's
kindred.
Ho Ch'uo remarks, "At that time the vassal kings were all like ordinary common
people, not worth being afraid of. Yet because [the imperial clan] was a multitude of
more than a hundred thousand [persons, Wang Mang] thought that [the members of]
the Liu [clan] might join together and start trouble. Hence he secretly appointed those
of them who were closely leagued with the Wang clan and would injure the imperial
house, in order secretly to restrain and repress the imperial clan, not to teach and instruct
them." Such comments appear to be unsupported suspicions.
These four were Liu Hsin1a, P'ing Yen, K'uang Yung, and Sun Ch'ien, according
to HS 18: 29a, b.
These eight were Wang Yün, Yen Ch'ien, Ch'en Ch'ung, Li Hsi, Ho Tang, Hsieh
Yin, Lu P'u, and Ch'en Feng, according to HS 19: 30a-31b. This passage is probably
composed of quotations from the imperial edicts making these enfeoffments.
HS 99 A: 19a dates the summoning of these persons in A.D. 4. The dating A.D. 5
here probably is that of their arrival.
Ju Shun remarks, "[According to] the Code, those who are required [to ride] riding
quadrigae (sheng chuan [OMITTED]) together with those who [ride] equipages [specially] sent
out [for them] (fa-chia [OMITTED]) or post-quadrigae (chih-chuan [OMITTED]) [cf. HFHD I, 107,
n. 3 for these types of chariots] must all hold wooden passport credentials (mu-chuan-hsin
[OMITTED]), [cf. I, 252, n. 2] one foot five inches [long], sealed with the seal of the Grandee
Secretary. Those who [ride] riding quadrigae have [their passports] sealed thrice. When
there is a set convocation, the two ends [of the passports] are repeatedly sealed, each
end having two seals, [making] altogether four seals. For riding post quadrigae (chih
[OMITTED] -chuan) and galloping quadrigae (ch'ih-chuan [OMITTED]) there are five seals: each of the
two ends has two [seals] and in the center there is one [seal]. For small chariots (yao-chuan
[OMITTED]) with two horses, [passports] are sealed twice; for [small chariots] with one
horse, [passports] are sealed once." Han Chiu-yi A: 6b (by Wei Hung, fl. dur. 25-57)
says, "For those who in accordance with an imperial edict are sent to dispose of some
matter, the [Grandee] Secretary has yoked [a small carriage and their passports are sealed
with] one seal; [for those who] transmit an ordinance of amnesty, he has yoked [a small
carriage and their passports are sealed with] two seals." (Reference from Shen Ch'in-han.)
Yao Nai (1732-1815) suggests that "equipages [specially] sent out" may be
equipages like the comfortable carriage (an-ch'e [OMITTED]) sent for his excellency Shen, to
bring him to the capital, who was accompanied by two disciples riding small chariots
(cf. 88: 16a).
"Shih Chou's Fascicles" is the famous word list attributed, in Han times, to a clerk of
the eighth century B.C., cf. HS 30: 22b.
For Han materia medica cf. HS 25 B; 15a, 92: 7b. The latter passage mentions a
work containing several hundred thousand words.
HS 14: 12a dates this appointment in the second month on the day ting-yu (Mar. 1).
HS 27 A: 16a says, "In Yüan-shih V, vii, on chi-hai [Aug. 30], there was a visitation
[of fire] to the doors of the Hall in the Second Temple of Emperor Kao, and they were
reduced to ashes."
The text reads ping-wu, but Hoang places no such day in that twelfth month.
HS 99 A: 24b also reads "twelfth month." Han-chi 30: 6b reads, "the twelfth month,
[the day] ping-tzu," which seems to be correct, for that day occurred in that month.
Yen Shih-ku comments, "A Han commentator says, `When the Emperor became older
and grew up, he had a grudge on account of his mother, the Queen Dowager [nee] Wei,
[who had wept day and night for her son, but was nevertheless not allowed to come to
the imperial capital to care her child, and all of whose relatives had been killed by Wang
Mang], and was unhappy. [Wang] Mang himself knew that [the Emperor] was becoming
increasingly estranged from him, and [Wang Mang's] plot to usurp [the throne] and kill
[the Emperor] arose from this circumstance. Hence when the la day [which that year
was Jan. 20, A.D. 6] arrived, [Wang Mang] presented to the Emperor the peppered wine,
and put poison into the wine.' Hence Chai Yi sent about a message which said, `[Wang]
Mang assassinated Emperor Hsiao-p'ing by poison.' " HS 84: 11a records that when in
A.D. 7 Chai Yi rebelled against Wang Mang, he sent urgent messages thru the empire
with the foresaid words. Wang Ch'ung (Lun-heng, Forke's trans., I, 485) repeats this
charge. Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks, "[Emperor] Hsiao-p'ing was poisoned by [Wang] Mang,
[but a historian] does not record an assassination, [according to] the principle of the
Spring and Autumn, that one should keep silent about great evils [that occur] within
[the court. Pan Ku] merely did not record the day of the burial, in order to point out
that it was to be classed with grievous vicissitudes." Kung-yang Commentary 3: 8b (Dk.
Yin, X, vi) says, "Great evils within [the court] are not mentioned; small evils are recorded";
cf. ibid. 2: 2a (Dk. Yin, II, v). The HS records the dates of burial for all the
rulers except for those of Emperor P'ing and the Empress nee Lü. For the latter it is
not even mentioned that she was buried. For a discussion of the evidence for this poisoning,
cf. Introduction to this chapter, pp. 57-60.
Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh (1813) 1250: 27b quotes the Wu-ching Yi-yi by Hsü Shen
(d. 121; a lost book; fragments collected by Ch'en Feng-ch'i, 1771-1834), as saying, "In
accordance with the rites, Mr. Hsü said, `Subjects do not treat their lord as if he had died
before he had reached maturity (the twentieth year); a son does not treat his father as
if he had died before he had reached maturity. When a lord dies without children and
no temple is established for him, this [act] is contrary to moral principles and disdainful
of the rules of proper conduct, the greatest of crimes.' "
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