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 A. 
 B. 
 C. 
PART C
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367

C. THE HISTORY OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]

C. [Chapter] XCIX
THE SIXTY-NINTH [MEMOIR]

C. The Memoir of Wang Mang

C. PART C

In [the period T'ien-feng], the fourth year, in the

A.D. 17,
fifth month, [Wang] Mang said [in a message], "The
May/June.
Libationer for the Masters and Companions [to the
Enfeoffments

Made
Heir-apparent] Guarantor of His Perfection, T'ang
Lin, and the former Libationer for the Remonstrants
and Consultants, Chi Ch'ün, ([a man] from Lang-yeh
[Commandery), have shown] filial devotion, brotherly
respectfulness, loyalty, and reciprocity; they
have been respectful to their superiors and have loved
their inferiors; they have been extensively learned in
ancient traditions; their upright characters have
been excellent and perfect; and even to old age they
have not committed any errors. Let [T'ang] Lin be
enfeoffed as the Marquis Established Through Virtue
and [let Chi] Ch'ün [be enfeoffed as] the Marquis
Enfeoffed Through Virtue; the rank of both shall be a
Specially Advanced and they shall be received in
audience with rites like those of the three highest
ministers. They are [each] to be granted one residence,[1982]
three million cash, and are to be given
stools and canes."

In the sixth month, when [Wang Mang] changed

June/July
[the rites, removing to] the Ming-t'ang the bestowal
of earth [enveloped in] quitch grass to nobles [as a
token of enfeoffment], he said [in a message], "I
have instituted the geographical arrangements and
have established and enfeoffed [nobles] in five grades.

368

A.D. 17, June/July

I have examined them by the canonical books and

99 C: 1a,


harmonized them with the written traditions [concerning
the classics] and the records, and pervaded
them by the principles of right relationships.

"I have discussed them and pondered over them
again and again, from the beginning of the first [year]

A.D. 9
in [the period] Shih-chien-kuo down to the present,
[which is] the ninth year. Now they have however
been indeed fixed upon. I have myself established
the [inclined] plane of ornamented stones,[1989] I have
arranged the three-ribbed quitch-grass and the four-colored
earth,[1994] and have respectfully given information

369

99 C: 1b

[of the enfeoffments] to Mount T'ai,[1996] to the

A.D. 17


Grand [Imperial] Mound Altar to the Gods of the
Soils, to Sovereign Earth, to my deceased male and
female ancestors, in order to publish and transmit
[these classical practises. Let] each [noble] go to
his state to care for and shepherd his common people
in order to accomplish meritorious achievements.
For those whose [estates] are on the borders or in
Chiang-nan, except for those who are summoned by
an imperial edict to be sent to wait upon [the Emperor]
in the imperial capital, the Grandee in Charge
of Goods [subordinate to] the Communicator shall
temporarily collect the old [style] cash from the
capital treasuries [in order to] pay them their allowances:
to dukes, 800,000 [cash] per year; to marquises
and earls, 400,000 [cash per year]; to viscounts and
barons, 200,000 [cash per year]."[1998]

Yet even then they could not receive the full
amount. [Wang] Mang loved bombastic speeches
and admired ancient practises. He enfeoffed very
many people as nobles, [but] in his nature he was in
reality niggardly. He took as a pretext that the
geographical arrangements had not yet been determined
upon, hence temporarily in advance distributed
clods with quitch-grass [in token of enfeoffment], using
them to console and delight those whom he enfeoffed.

In this year, [Wang Mang] again published ordinances


370

A.D. 17

The Six
Monopolies
for the six controls.[2001] For each control he

99 C: 1b,


established regulations to restrain violators [of the
monopoly]; the penalties were as great as capital
[punishment. Yet] the officials and common people
2a
who suffered for crime became increasingly[2004]
numerous.

Tax on
Slaves
He moreover temporarily made a levy [even] upon
the highest class of the highest ministers [and those
ranking] lower, that whoever possessed male or female
slaves should pay a tax of 3600 cash per [slave], so
2a
that the empire became even more discontented and
thieves and robbers arose.[2007]

When the Communicator, Feng Ch'ang, remonstrated
against the six controls, [Wang] Mang became
furious and dismissed [Feng] Ch'ang from office.

Supervisors
for
Commandery

[Wang Mang] established Administrators of the
Laws at [the Emperor's] Right and Left for the
Extirpation of Wickedness, and selected for employment
[in this office] capable officials, Hou Pa and
2a
others, dispersing them to supervise the six Commandants'
Officials
[Commanderies] and the six Neighboring
Commanderies, like the Inspectors of the Han [dynasty],
with one Officer of the three highest ministers
for a commandery as an Attendant official [to the
Administrator of the Laws for the Extirpation of
Wickedness].

Bandit
Bands
Kua-t'ien Yi of Lin-huai [Commandery] and
others became thieves and robbers, relying upon [the
fastnesses in] Ch'ang-chou of K'uai-chi [Commandery].
Mother Lü, a woman of Lang-yeh [Commandery],
also arose. Previously, Mother Lü's son had
been an official of the county and had been killed on
a false charge by its Ruler. His mother dispersed the
wealth of her household on [the pretext] of dealing

371

C: 2a, b

in liquor, by purchasing arms and crossbows, and

A.D. 17


privately treating poor youths liberally. When she
had obtained more than a hundred men, she thereupon
attacked the county-seat of Hai-ch'ü and killed
its Ruler. She used [his corpse] as a sacrifice at the
grave of her son. She led her troops into the sea.
These bands gradually became greater. Later both
[bandit bands] were numbered by the ten-thou-sands.[2014]

[Wang] Mang sent commissioners to go to and
pardon the thieves and robbers. When [the commissioners]
returned, they said, "Whenever the
thieves and robbers disperse, they immediately
reunite." When he asked them the reason for this

2b
[action], they all said, "They are grieved at the laws
and prohibitions, which are vexatious and tyrannous,
so that they can do nothing, and what they obtain by
hard work is insufficient to pay the taxes, while if
they close their doors in order to guard themselves,
they are moreover sentenced because their group of
five neighboring [families] might be casting cash or
possessing copper. Wicked officials take advantage
of that to afflict[2016] these common people. When
2b
common people are improverished, they all arise and
become thieves or robbers." [Wang] Mang [became]
furious and dismissed them.

Some of them fell in with his ideas and said that
the common people were perverse and crafty and
ought to be executed and also said that the revolution
of the seasons was opportune and [the robbers] would


372

A.D. 17, Aug./Sept.

before long be annihilated, [whereupon Wang] Mang

99 C:


was pleased and immediately promoted them.

Aug./Sept.
In this year, in the eighth month, [Wang] Mang in
person went to the place for the suburban sacrifice
at the south [of the Capital] to have the majestic tou
[measures] cast.[2021] For making the majestic tou

373

99 C: 2b

[measures], five [colors of] minerals were used with

A.D. 17, Aug./Sept.


bronze.[2024] They were like the Northern Bushel [in
2b
shape], two feet five inches long. [Wang Mang] intended
The
Majestic
Tou
Measures
to use them to repress various military forces
by incantations. When they were completed, he ordered
the Directors of Mandates [from the Five

374

A.D. 17/18

Majestic Principles] to carry them on their shoulders.

99 C: 2b,


When [Wang] Mang went out, they went before
him; when he had entered [the palace], they waited
upon him at his sides.[2029] On the day that these tou
[measures] were cast, there was a severe cold [spell],
so that some men and horses of the various offices
froze to death.

V
In the fifth year, the first month, on the first day
3a
of the month, there was a visitation [of fire] to the
█A.D. 18
southern gate of the Northern Army [Encampment].

Jan. 6
Fei Hsing, the Director of Confidence in the Commander-in-chief,
The
Monopolies
Upheld
was made the Shepherd of Ching
Province. When he was asked at an audience what
would be his plans of action when he reached his
3a
regional division, [Fei] Hsing replied, "The common
people of Ching and Yang[2036] [Provinces] generally
take advantage of their mountains and marshes in
making fishing and the picking [of wild fruits] their
occupations. Recently the state has set up the six
controls, which tax [the products of] the mountains
and marshes and have interfered with and taken away
the profits of the common people. For a long time
in successive years there have been droughts, so that
the people are hungry and impoverished. Hence
they have become thieves or robbers.

"When I, Hsing, reach my regional division, I intend
to order and to make it clearly known and
inform the thieves and robbers that they should return
to their homes and I will lend them oxen for
plowing, seed, and food, and exempt them from the
land and capitation-taxes. I hope that thereby I
may be able to disperse and tranquillize them."


375

99 C: 3a, b

[Wang] Mang became incensed [at this proposal] and

A.D. 18


dismissed [Fei] Hsing from his office.

Because the officials of the [whole] empire did not

Rich
Officials
Mulcted
receive their salaries, they all did evil for profit.
The personal property of [Grand] Governors of commanderies
and Rulers of counties [amounted to] a
thousand [catties of] gold. [Hence Wang] Mang
issued an imperial edict which said, "Investigate
carefully [the deeds of] the military officials and the
officials of the borders, from the grandees and upwards,
beginning with the second year of [the period]
Shih-chien-kuo, when the northern barbarian (Hu)
A.D. 10.
caitiffs troubled China.[2041] If any, have done evil
for profit, so that they have increased their property
and have become rich, [let] four-fifths of the property
in their families be taken and used to aid the
distress of the borders." Officers from the highest
ministers' yamens [rode] galloping quadrigae [all
over] the empire, examining and investigating avaricious
[persons]. They persuaded officials to inform
on their generals, and male and female slaves to
3a
inform on their masters, hoping thereby to stop the
3b
evil, [but] the evil became very much more serious.

An Imperial Grandson, the Duke of Eminent

An
Ambitious
Imperial
Grandson
Executed
Merits, [Wang] Tsung, was sentenced for having had
a picture of himself painted, wearing the robes and
bonnet of the Son of Heaven, and having had three
seals engraved. One read, "Because of celestial
blessings, my official hat is prepared and ready. In
the summer [I] dwell in the Southern Mountains,
where there is stored up thin ice."[2045] The second
3b

376

A.D. 18

read, "Revering the Sages and holding precious the

99 C: 3b


heritage."[2049] The third said, "[To be] enfeoffed because
of virtue and made glorious by the [imperial]
documents."[2050]

The household of [Wang] Tsung's maternal uncle
Lü K'uan, which had previously been exiled to Ho-p'u


377

99 C: 3b

[Commandery], had moreover privately communi-

A.D. 18


cated with [Wang] Tsung. When [this matter] became
known, an examination was made and [Wang]
Tsung committed suicide.

[Wang] Mang said, "[According to] his relationship,
[Wang] Tsung was an Imperial Grandson;
[according to] his noble rank, he was [among] the
highest of the dukes. He knew that [Lü] K'uan and
the others belonged to rebellious clan, but communicated
with them. He had three bronze seals
engraved whose inscriptions and intentions were extremely
pernicious. He did not know how to be
contented, and was watching for and desiring what
he should not have hoped for.

"[According to] the principle in [the Kung-yang
Commentary
on] the Spring and Autumn, `A relative
of the prince should not have had such an intention,
[but] since he had that intention, he should have been
executed,'[2053] [Wang Tsung] was deluded and went
astray, so that he brought this punishment upon
himself. Alas! It is sad!"

[Wang] Tsung's personal name was originally
Hui-tsung; according to the [imperial] institutions, he
had done away with there being two words in his
personal name [and used only Tsung as his name].[2054]
He was now again named Hui-tsung, and his noble

4a
rank was degraded and his title was changed. He
was granted the posthumous name of the Erring Earl
of Eminent Merits, and was buried with the rites of
an earl in his former t'ung in Ku-ch'eng Commandery.

[Wang] Tsung's elder sister, [Wang] Fang, who
was the Lady (wife) of the General of the Guard,


378

A.D. 18

3b
Wang Hsinga, had made [magical] imprecations

99 C: 3b, 4a


against her mother-in-law and had killed a slave-woman
in order to stop up her mouth. The matter
became known and [Wang] Mang sent the Regular
Palace Attendant Tai Yün to interrogate [Wang]
Fang under torture and also to flog [Wang] Hsinga.
Both committed suicide.

The matter also involved the wife of the Director
of Mandates [from the Five Majestic Principles],
K'ung Jen. She also committed suicide. [When
K'ung] Jen had audience with [Wang] Mang, and
doffed his bonnet in acknowledging [his fault, Wang]
Mang had a Master of Writing impeach [K'ung] Jen
[saying that the fact of his] "having ridden in a
heavenly chariot [drawn by] earthly mares, `having
on his left the Azure Dragon [Standard], on his right
the White Tiger [Standard], in front the Vermillion
Bird[2059] [Standard], and in his rear the Dark Warrior
[Standard],' in his right hand grasping the majestic
credentials and on his left [shoulder] bearing the
majestic tou [measure], and being called the Red

4a
Planet, was not in order to make [K'ung] Jen proud,
but to honor the majestic mandate of the Hsin house,
[and yet K'ung] Jen has presumed to doff his astrological
bonnet, which constitutes [the capital crime]
of being extremely disrespectful." [Then] there was
an imperial edict [ordering that K'ung Jen] should
not be impeached and exchanging his bonnet for a
new one. [Wang Mang's] love for marvels was like
the foregoing.

The Marquis of the Straight Path, Wang Shê, was
made the General of the Guard. [Wang] Shê was
the son of the Marquis of Ch'ü-yang, [Wang] Ken.
In the reign of Emperor Ch'eng, [Wang] Ken had


379

99 C: 4a

been Commander-in-chief, and, [when he had been

A.D. 18/19


4b
about to retire], he had recommended [Wang] Mang
Wang
Ken's
Title
Changed
to take his place [as Commander-in-chief,[2065] so that
Wang] Mang was grateful to him. [The latter] had
considered that Ch'ü-yang (crooked phallus) was not
a good designation, so had posthumously [granted
Wang] Ken the posthumous name, Duke Jang
(Ceding) of the Straight Path. [Wang] Shê had
inherited this noble title.

In this year, Li Tzu-tu, Fan Ch'ung, and others of

The Red
Eyebrows
Arise
the Red Eyebrows gathered together because of the
famine and arose in Lang-yeh [Commandery]. They
moved about and robbed. Their bands all numbered
in the ten-thousands. [Wang Mang] sent commissioners
to mobilize the troops of the commanderies
and kingdoms to attack them, [but these troops]
were unable to vanquish [the robber bands].

In this sixth year, in the spring, [Wang] Mang saw

VI
that the thieves and robbers were so many, hence
A.D. 19
ordered the Grand Astrologers to calculate a calendar
Spring
for thirty-six thousand years, with one change of the
year-period [every] six years, and to publish it to
4a
the empire.

[Wang Mang] issued a message, saying, "The
Tzu-ko T'u[2071] says, `The Supreme One and the Yellow
Lord both [became] immortals and [then][2072] ascended
to heaven, [where they] made music on top of the
K'un-lun and Ch'ien Mountains.[2073] A sage lord who


380

A.D. 19

is of their later generations and is to secure auspicious

99 C: 4a, b


presages is due [similarly] to have music made upon
the top of the Chung-nan Mountains in [the state of]
Ch'in.'

4b
"Because of my lack of penetration, my performance
of [Heaven's] commands has not been intelligent,
yet now I have been informed [of the correct
procedure]. I restore [a former title, changing] the
General of a Peaceful Beginning to be the General of a
New Beginning, in order to conform to the Mandate
[of Heaven given through] portents. Does not the
Book of Changes say, `The daily renewing [of nature]
is what is called the flourishing of its virtue; its production
5a
of what is produced is what is called its
change.'[2078] May I receive [Heaven's protection]."
He wished thereby to deceive and dazzle the people
and to scatter and disperse the thieves and robbers,
[but] the vulgar all laughed at him.

The Hsin
Dynasty's
Music
Previously when the music of the Hsin [House]had
been offered in the Grand [Ancestral] Temple of the
Ming-t'ang, when the courtiers had first worn the
female unicorn-skin caps,[2080] someone who heard the
sound of this music said, "It is limpid and inspiring,
but plaintive,[2081] not the music that will make a state

381

99 C: 4b

flourish."

A.D. 19

At this time, east of [Han-ku] Pass there had been

A
Grand
Levy
a famine and drought for several years, so that the
partizan bands of Li Tzu-tu and the others became
gradually larger. When the General of a New Beginning,
Lien Tan, had attacked [the rebels] in Yi
Province, he had not been able to vanquish them,
hence he was summoned to return in order that someone
might be sent in his place. He was [however]
restored to his [former] position [as General of a New
Beginning]. Afterwards when Kuo Hsing, [the
Commissioner Over] the Army [subordinate to] the
Commander-in-chief, and the Shepherd of the Yung
Regional Division, Li Yeh, [were sent to] attack the
barbarian Jo Tou and others, and the Third Brother
Hsi, Sun Hsi, a higher subordinate official of the
Grand Tutor, [was sent to] purify the Yangtze valley[2085]
from thieves and robbers, and when moreover
the Huns raided the borders very seriously, [Wang]
Mang made a great solicitation of the empire's freemen
together with those imprisoned for capital crimes
and the slaves of the officials and common people.
4b
[Those who responded] were called "Boar braves who
are porcupines rushing out,"[2087] and were considered
as ardent troops.

[Wang Mang] temporarily taxed the officials and

Special
Taxation
common people of the empire, taking one-thirtieth of
their property. Their close-woven waterproof and
other silks were all transported to Ch'ang-an. It was
ordered that the ministers and those of lower [rank
5b

382

A.D. 19

down] to the [officials] in the commanderies and

99 C: 4b, 5a


counties who wore yellow seal-cords[2092] should all
5a
guarantee[2094] the rearing of horses for the army, the
number of which [horses] should be proportionate to
each [official's] rank.

[Wang Mang] also made a wide solicitation for
those who possessed extraordinary skills that could
be used to attack the Huns, [saying that] they would
be treated [extraordinarily by being given a high]
ranking [at once and] not be [promoted only] by
degrees. Those who said that [their arts] would be
advantageous were numbered by the ten-thousands.
One said that he was able to cross streams without
using boats or oars; that by joining horses and connecting
their riders he could cause an army of a
million to ford [rivers]. One said that without carrying
a measure of grain and by taking drugs, the three
[divisions of] an army would not become hungry.

Aviation
One said that he was able to fly a thousand li in a
day and so could spy out the Huns. [Wang] Mang
immediately had him try out [his invention]. He
took the quills of a large bird to make his two wings;
on both his head and his body he stuck feathers. He
connected them by pivots.[2096] He flew several hundred
double-paces [and then he] fell.

[Wang] Mang knew that these [people] could not
be useful, [but] he merely wished to make use of
their fame, so he installed them all as Directors of


383

99 C: 5a, b

the Army and granted them chariots and horses

A.D. 19


while they waited [until the army should] set out.

Previously, the Hun Ku-tu Marquis of the West,

Hsü-pu
Tang
Brought to
Chang-an
Hsü-pu Tang, whose wife, [Lüan-ti Yün], was the
daughter of Wang [Ch'iang] Chao-chün, had been
attached to [the Chinese. Wang] Mang sent the
Marquis of Peace and Alliance By Marriage, Wang
Hsi6, the son of [Wang Ch'iang] Chao-chün's elder
brother, to allure and summon [Hsü-pu] Tang[2100] to
the foot of the barrier and by force made him go to
Ch'ang-an, where he was compelled to be set up as
6a
the Shan4- Hsü-pu and the Duke of Future Peace.[2102]

[When Wang Mang] first wanted to allure and
receive [Hsü-pu] Tang, the Commander-in-chief,

5a
Chuang Yu, had remonstrated, saying, "[Hsü-pu]
Tang is in the western section of the Huns where his
troops do not invade [the Chinese] borders. Whenever
the Shan-yü moves or remains quiet, he immediately
[sends] word [of it] to China. [Thus] he
is of the greatest assistance in this quarter. If now
you receive [Hsü-pu] Tang and establish him on
Kao Street[2104] in Ch'ang-an, he will be merely an
individual northern foreigner (Hu) and would not be
as helpful as if he were among the Huns." [But
Wang] Mang did not listen [to him.

When Wang Mang] had secured [Hsü-pu] Tang,
he wanted to send [Chuang] Yu with Lien Tan to
attack the Huns. He granted both of them the surname

5b
Cheng (to make a military expedition), entitling
them the Two Generals Making a Military

384

A.D. 19

Expedition. They were required to execute the

99 C: 5b


Shan-yu [Lüan-ti] Yü, and set up [Hsü-pu] Tang to
take his place. They were to start out[2108] from the
Kuang Stables at the west of the city.

Chuang Yu
Dismissed
Before they started out, [since Chuang] Yu had
usually had wise plans and had opposed [Wang]
Mang's [project of] attacking the barbarians in the
four [quarters],[2110] and had remonstrated several
times, but [his advice] had not been followed, he
composed [a work] in altogether three fascicles,
[dealing with] the conception that ancient famous
generals, [such as] Yo Yi and Po Ch'i, were [eventually]
not employed [by their lords] and also discussing
matters [concerning the Chinese] borders,
and memorialized [the book] in order to remonstrate
with [Wang] Mang. When they were due to start
out, in a conference at court, [Chuang] Yu said
firmly that the Huns could be temporarily considered
as secondary and that the most important concern
6b
[of the ruler] should be the thieves and robbers east
of the mountains [of Kuang-chung].[2112]

[Wang] Mang became furious and [wrote] a dismissal
notice for [Chuang] Yu, which said, "You have
overseen affairs to the fourth year, [but when] `the
barbarians became troublesome to the Chinese,' you
have not been able to stop or destroy them; when
`robbers and brigands have caused disorder outside
and inside [the government]',[2113] you have not been


385

99 C: 5b, 6a

able to extirpate them; you have not been awed by

A.D. 19


the majestic [mandate] of Heaven and have not carried
out my mandates in imperial edicts. Your
visage has been harsh, [yet] you have approved of
yourself. You insist that what you think is right and
never change. In your bosom you have cherished
inclinations toward rebellion, so that you have condemned
and ruined [my plans] in the deliberations on
military [matters]. I cannot bear to apply the law
to you. You shall deliver up your seals and aprons
of the Commander-in-chief and of the Earl Establishing
5b
Military Power and return to your former
commandery. [Let] the Earl Making Portents Descend,
Tung Chung1b, become the Commander-in-chief."

T'ien K'uang, the Leader of a Combination at

Double Taxation
Yi-p'ing [Commandery], memorialized that the commanderies
and counties had not appraised the common
people's [property] according to the facts, so
[Wang] Mang again taxed [their property at the rate
of] one-thirtieth. Because of [T'ien] K'uang's faithful
words and his solicitude for the state, he was
advanced in noble rank, made an earl, and granted
two million cash. The mass of commoners all reviled
him.[2118]

In Ch'ing and Hsü [Provinces], many of the common
people left their native villages and became
vagrants. The aged and weak died on the roads,
and the vigorous entered the robber [bands].

The Leader of a Combination at Su-yeh [Commandery],
Han Po, sent a message to the emperor,

6a
saying, "There is a marvellous gentleman, ten feet
Chü-wu
Pa, the
tall and ten spans [in circumference], who came to
your subject's yamen and said, `I am desirous with

386

A.D. 19

all my energy to attack the caitiff northern foreigners

99 C: 6a


7a
(Hu).' He calls himself Chü-wu Pa and comes from
the shore of the Chao-ju Sea northwest of the five
cities southeast of P'eng-lai. A small chariot is not
able to bear him, and three horses are not able to
transport him, so, on the same day, in a large quadriga
with four horses, on which is erected a tiger flag,
bearing [Chü-wu] Pa, [I have sent him] to go to the
[palace] Portal. When [Chü-wu] Pa lies down, he
pillows [his head] upon a drum.[2124] He eats with iron
chopsticks.

"This [man has been sent] by August Heaven as a
means of assisting the House of Hsin. I wish that
your Majesty would have a large cuirass made, with
a high chariot and garments for a [Meng] Pen or a
[Hsia] Yü, and send a generalissimo and a hundred
of the [Gentlemen] As Rapid As Tigers to meet him
on the road. The gates and doors in the imperial
capital which will not admit him should be enlarged
and made taller and larger, in order to show him to
the barbarians and settle down the world."

[Han] Po's intention was that he wanted thereby
to offer a hint to [Wang] Mang,[2125] [but when Wang]
Mang was informed of it, he disliked it and detained

6a
[Chü-wu] Pa at the place where he was in Hsin-feng.
He changed his surname to be Mr. Chü-mu (Chü's
Mother), saying, "Because of the Empress Dowager
the Mother of Culture there has been this portent
[that Wang (Mang) Chü-(chün) should be] a lord
protector (pa) and a [true] king."[2127]
[Wang Mang]

387

99 C: 6a, b

summoned [Han] Po [to court], sent him to prison,

A.D. 19/20


and had him publicly executed, because he had said
things that were not proper.

In the next year, the year-period was to be changed
to Ti-huang, which was a title taken from the calendar
for thirty-six thousand years.[2130]

In [the period] Ti-huang, the first year, in the first

6b 7b
month, on [the day] yi-wei, an amnesty [was granted]
I
to the empire. [Wang Mang] issued a message,
A.D. 20
saying, "At the time when the army is being sent out
Feb. 9
and the troops are being put into motion, those who
Executions
Permitted
At All
Seasons
presume to run and shout, violating the law, should
immediately be judged and beheaded. It is not
necessary [to wait for] the season [for executions,
winter]. When the year is up, [this order] shall
cease." Thereupon during the spring and summer
people were beheaded in the market-places of the
capitals; the people were terrified and afraid and `on
the highroads and paths, they indicated their hatred
[of Wang Mang] in their eyes.'[2136]

In the third[2137] month, on [the day] jen-shen, in the

Mar. 17
center of the sun there was a blackness.[2139] [Wang]

388

A.D. 20, March

An
Ominous
Portent
Mang disliked it, and issued a message which said,

99 C: 6b


"Recently, `in the sun an obscurity has appeared.'[2143]
The Yin [principle] is pressing upon the Yang [principle,
and has produced] the grievous vicissitude of a
black emanation. None of the people have failed to
be startled by the marvel. The Generalissimo of the
Northern City-wall [of Ch'ang-an],[2144] Wang K'uang1d,

389

99 C: 6b, 7a

has sent an official to examine and question those who

A.D. 20


have presented [to the ruler] matters [concerning]
grievous vicissitudes, [to examine] whether they intend
to blind the throne's intelligence. For this
reason, a reprobation has appeared in Heaven, in
order that I might correct [matters by right] principlies,
and stop these great prodigies."

When Wang] Mang saw that the thieves and

Military
Regula-
robbers in the four quarters were many, he again
wanted to repress them, and so again sent out a message,
6b
saying, "When my August Deceased Original
tions
Ancestor, the Yellow Lord, tranquillized the world, he
led his troops as a First [Ranking] General and established
the flowery baldachin and set up the Bushel
Bowl [Standard].[2150] Within [the imperial court] I[2151]
establish a General-in-[chief]; outside [the court I
7a
also] establish five Commanders-in-chief, 25 Generalissimos,
8a
125 Lieutenant Generals, 1250 Major
Generals, 12,500 Colonels, 37,500 Majors, 112,500
Captains,[2154] 225,000 Centurions, 450,000 Petty Officers,

390

A.D. 20

and 13,500,000 soldiers, in order to respond to

99 C: 7a, b


and accord with [the saying in] the Book of Changes,
`[This gave] the benefit of bows and arrows, whereby
they might [awe] the world by their majesty.'[2157] I
have obtained the writings of the mandate [of
Heaven given through] portents and have examined
[my enactments by the deeds] of earlier persons,
since I desire that [my enactments] may be complete
in detail."

Thereupon there were established the positions of
Commander-in-chief at the Van, at the Rear, at the
Left, at the Right, and at the Center. [Wang Mang]
granted to the various Provincial Shepherds the title
of Generalissimo; Directors of Confederations,[2158]
Leaders of Combinations, and Grand Governors of
commanderies became Lieutenant Generals; Prefects
and Chiefs of Associations [became] Major Generals;
and Rulers of counties became Colonels. Almost
ten [groups of] commissioners in riding quadrigae
daily passed through the commanderies and kingdoms.

8b 7a
The granaries had no grain ready for supplying
[their needs] and the chariots and horses in the
post-stations could not be sufficient [for these many
messengers, so the officials] levied and seized chariots
and horses on the roads and requisitioned supplies
from the common people.

July/Aug.
In the seventh month, a great wind damaged the
Hall With the Royal Apartments, [so Wang Mang]
again issued a message, saying, "Recently, on [the
July 25
day] jen-wu, at the time for eating the afternoon meal,
7b
there was the grievous vicissitude of a strong wind,
with thunder and rain, which unroofed houses and

391

99 C: 7b

broke down trees. I was greatly excited. I was in-

A.D. 20, July/Aug.


An
Ominous
Portent
spired with great fear. I was greatly terrified. I
humbly reflected and after ten days the riddle was
then solved.[2166]

"Previously, the words of a mandate [granted by]

The
Heir-Apparent

Changed
portents [said, `Wang] An1a should be set up as the
Hsin-hsien[2168] King [(the King, the Immortal of the
Hsin House); Wang] Lin1a should have Lo-yang as
his state and should be the T'ung-yi-yang King [the
King Controlling-the-line in which Right-principles
Shine].[2169] At that time, I was occupying [the post of]
Regent and Acting [Emperor], so deferred and did
not presume to [accept these titles], but made [my
sons] Dukes. After that, there arrived the writing
in the golden coffer. Those who discussed [these
matters] all said, `[Wang] Lin1a's state should be Lo-yang;
to be t'ung means to occupy the center of the
Earth,[2170] to be [the continuer of] the dynastic line
(t'ung) of the Hsin [House, (i.e., T'ung-yi-yang means
to live in the center of the Earth and continue the
dynastic line by which the right principles of the
Hsin House shine)]. It is proper that he should be
the Imperial Heir-apparent.'

"After this [time, Wang] Lin1a was ill for a long
time, and, altho he recovered, he was not entirely

9a
well, so that when he appeared at court, he traveled
borne suspended on a mattress.[2172] When he came
7b

392

A.D. 20, July/Aug.

to an audience in the Hall With the Royal Apart-

99 C: 7b, 8a


ments, he set up his bed in the Western Lateral
Apartments together with the Central [Room] for
8a
Changing Garments in the Rear Pavilion.[2177] Because
moreover the Empress was ill, [Wang] Lin1a
temporarily left his original [rooms] and went to her
dwelling. His Crown Princess and concubines were
in the Eastern Long Lane.

July 25
"[On the day] jen-wu, a strong wind did violence
to the Western Lateral Apartments of [the Hall]
With the Royal Apartments and the Central Room
for Changing Garments in the Rear Pavilion; an elm
tree, ten spans [or fathoms] in circumference, southeast
of the pool at the Hall of Brilliant Peace, fell
eastwards, striking the Eastern Pavilion. This Pavilion
is the western wall of the Eastern Long Lane.
All [these places] were destroyed. Tiles were broken,
the roofs were taken off, and trees were uprooted.
I was very much frightened.

An
Ominous
Portent
"The Office for Watching [the Heavens] moreover
memorialized that the Moon has invaded the front
stars of [the constellation] Hsin, which has an interpretation.[2180]
I was very much worried by it.

"I humbly considered the writing in the Tzu-ko-t'u,
`The Supreme One and the Yellow Lord both obtained


393

99 C: 8a

auspicious presages and thereby became im-

A.D. 20, July/Aug.


mortals, and among their later generations a magnificent
lord [Wang Mang] is due to ascend the
Chung-nan [lit., he comes to his end to the south]
Mountains.' What is meant by the Hsin-hsien King
is that he is a descendant of the Supreme One and of
9b
the Immortal of the Hsin [House] (Hsin-hsien).
[What is meant by] the T'ung-yi-yang King is that
he is a descendant of [the one] who uses the five
dynastic principles (t'ung)[2184] and by means of the
rules of proper conduct (li) and moral principles (yi)
mounts up to the sunny side (yang [the south]) and
becomes an immortal.

"[Wang] Lin1a has an elder brother, but is called
the Heir-apparent, so that his title is not correct.
Duke Hsüan-ni [As Recompense for Perfection (of
Pao-ch'eng), Confucius,] said, `If titles are not correct,
then speech will not be in accordance with
[reality,' and so on], even to `punishments will not be
appropriate' and `the common people will not know
how to move their hands or feet.'[2185]

"Verily, since I have ascended the throne, the Yin
and Yang [principles] have not been harmonious, so
that the wind and rain have not been timely, and [the
country] has several times met withering drought,

8a
locusts and caterpillars, which became [calamitous]
visitations. The harvests of grain have been sparse
or lacking, so that the people have suffered from
famine. `The barbarians have troubled the Chinese
and robbers and brigands have caused disorder outside
and inside [the government,'[2187] so that] the
common people are fearful and disturbed[2188] and `do

394

A.D. 20, July/Aug.

not know how to move a hand or foot.'

99 C: 8a, b

8b
"I have pondered deeply that the blame for this
[lies] in titles not being correct. Let [Wang] An1a
be set up as the Hsin-hsien King and [Wang] Lin1a
be the T'ung-yi-yang King. I hope that thereby I
may protect and preserve my two sons, that my
descendants [may be numbered] by the thousands
and millions, and that, without [the country], the
barbarians of the four [quarters] may be driven away
and within [the country] the Central States may be
pacified."

Another
Ominous
Portent
In this month, the imperial tiger-striped [grave]clothes
[of Emperor Hsüan] in the Side Hall at the
Tu Tomb, which had been set aside and stored in the
10a
coffers of the [inner] chamber, went out and planted
themselves upright outside [the inner chamber] in
the Hall above.[2194] After a quite long time they however
fell to the ground. The officers and soldiers
who had seen them therefore reported it [to the
throne. Wang] Mang disliked it and so issued a
message which said, "For the precious [throne] there
is yellow and for the servitors there is red.[2195] Let it
be ordered that the Gentlemen and the Imperial
Retinue shall all wear carmine."

Many of those who watched the [cloudy] emanations
and made divinations said that there were
phenomena of some signal achievements [to be done


395

99 C: 8b, 9a

by the virtue] of the Earth. [Wang] Mang more-

A.D. 20, July/Aug.


The
Hsin
Dynasty's
Nine
Ancestral
Temples
Begun
over saw that the thieves and robbers in the four
quarters were many and wanted to make it appear
that he himself was tranquil and was able to be the
founder [of a dynasty enduring for] ten thousand
generations, so issued a message which said, "I have
received the Mandate [of Heaven] and am meeting
with the distresses of the nine dry years and the untoward
occurrences in the 106 [years],[2199] when the
government treasuries are empty and the people are
exhausted. The [imperial] ancestral temples have
not yet been prepared, [hence] I have temporarily
made common ancestral sacrifices in the Grand [Ancestral]
Temple of the Ming-t'ang. Day and night I
have reflected long and have not presumed to rest.
I pondered deeply that no blessing or prosperity is
better than that to be had in the present year. I
then divined by the tortoise-shell [concerning the
region] north of the Po River and south of the Lang
8b
Pool, and it was [divined as fit to produce] imperial
sustenance. I also divined by the tortoise-shell
9a
[concerning the region] south of the Chin River and
west of the Ming-t'ang, and it was also [divined as
fit to produce] imperial sustenance.[2202] I will now in
10b

396

A.D. 20, July/Aug.

person[2205] [begin to] build." Thereupon he accord-

99 C:


ingly made plans [for buildings] south of the city of
Ch'ang-an with a total acreage[2207] of a hundred ch'ing.


397

99 C: 9a

In the ninth month, on [the day] chia-shen, stand-

A.D. 20, Sept. 25


Sept. 25
ing in a chariot, [Wang] Mang went to inspect [the
work], and in person began it by pounding three
times [on the earth in the forms for walls]. The
Minister Over the Masses, Wang Hsün3, and the
Grand Minister of Works, Wang Yi5, bearing credentials,
together with the Palace Attendant, Regular
[Palace][2211] Attendant, and Upholder of the Laws, Tu
Lin, and others, several tens of persons [in all],
were to oversee the work.

Ts'ui Fa and Chang2 Han spoke to [Wang] Mang,
saying, "For those upon whom the virtue [of Heaven
is bestowed] abundantly the ritual practises are
elaborate. It would be proper to make the arrangements
[of these temples] magnificent and to make
[that fact] plainly known [to all] within [the four]
seas, so as to bring it about that [even] after ten
thousand generations, nothing in them should be
changed around or despised."[2212] Thereupon [Wang]
Mang summoned widely the artisans of the empire,
and plans were calculated by means of geometry.[2213]


398

A.D. 20

The officials and people who voluntarily paid cash or

99 C: 9a, b


grain [into the government treasury] to assist the
work, moreover came and went on the roads and
highways without interruption.[2216]

[Wang Mang] tore down Chien-chang [Palace],
Ch'eng-kuang [Palace], Pao-yang [Palace], Ch'üan-t'ai

9b
[Palace],[2218] Ch'u-yüan Palace, together with
P'ing-lo [Lodge], Tang-lu [Lodge], and Yang-lu Lodge
in [Shang-lin] Park west of the city [of Ch'ang-an],
in all more than ten places, and took their materials
9a 11a
and tiles to build the Nine [Ancestral] Temples. (In
these months there was a great rain for more than
sixty days.) It was ordered that common people
who paid six hundred hu of grain might become
Gentlemen, and that those who were Gentlemen or
officials might be increased in rank or given a noble
rank, [as high] as that of Sub-Vassal.

The first of the Nine [Ancestral] Temples was
called the Temple to the Aboriginal Founder [of the
Hsin Dynasty], the Yellow Lord; the second was
called the Temple Facing South to the First Founder
[of the Hsin Dynasty], the Lord, Yü [Shun]; the
third was called the Temple Facing North to the
Dynastic Founder [of the Hsin Dynasty], King Hu
of Ch'en, [Kuei Man]; the fourth was called the
Temple Facing South to the Epochal Founder [of
the Hsin Dynasty], King Ching of Ch'i, [Ch'en
Ching-chung]; the fifth was called the Temple Facing


399

99 C: 9b

North to the Kingly Founder [of the Hsin Dynasty],

A.D. 20


King Min of Chi-po, [T'ien An]; (all [the foregoing]
five temples were not to be discontinued [as succeeding
generations of emperors included their immediate
ancestors among the nine ancestors who are given
separate fanes]); the sixth was called the Temple
Facing South to the Honored Ancestor [of the Hsin
Dynasty], King Po of Chi-nan, [Wang Sui]; the seventh
was called, the Temple Facing North to the Honored
Ancestor [of the Hsin Dynasty], King Ju of
Yüan-ch'eng, [Wang Ho4a]; the eighth was called, the
Temple Facing South to the Close Ancestor [of the
reigning Hsin Emperor], King Ch'ing of Yang-p'ing,
[Wang Chin]; and the ninth was called, the Temple
Facing North to the Close Ancestor [of the Reigning
Hsin Emperor], King Hsien of Hsin-tuc, [Wang
Wan].

The [main] halls [of these temples] were all many-storeyed
buildings;[2222] that in the Temple to the
Aboriginal Founder, [the Yellow Lord], from east
to west and from south to north, in each [direction]
was four hundred feet [long] and one hundred
seventy feet high. The other Temples were half
[that size]. They had bronze brackets,[2223] and were
adorned with gold, silver, and carved tracery, which
reached the limit of the workmen's skill. Because
they sat[2224] upon a high [place, the earth] around


400

A.D. 20

10a
them was raised. The expense of the work was

99 C: 9b,


several ten thousand millions [of cash] and the conscripts
11b
and criminals who died [on this work] were
numbered by the ten-thousands.

An
Abortive
Rebellion
A man of Chü-lu [Commandery], Ma-shih Ch'iu,
and others plotted to raise the troops of [the region
comprised in the ancient feudal states of] Yen and
Chao in order to execute [Wang] Mang. Wang
Tana, an Officer to the Grand Minister of Works,
discovered and reported it. [Wang] Mang sent some
Grandees to the three highest ministers to apprehend
and punish the cabal. Several thousand prominent
persons in the commanderies and kingdoms were
9b
involved. All were executed. [Wang] Tana was
enfeoffed as the Marquis Supporting the State.

From the time that [Wang] Mang acted out of
accord with the ordinances for the seasons,[2231] the
people hated him, [yet Wang] Mang [acted] as if he
was undisturbed by that [hatred. So] he again
issued a message, saying, "Verily, ever since these
temporary laws have been established, in the capital,
Ch'ang2-an, with its six districts and great city, the
warning drums have rarely sounded and robbers and
bandits have decreased and become few. The people
are satisfied with their habitations and yearly there
have been [good] harvests. The foregoing [circumstances
have been due to] the strength [coming from]
the establishment of my authority.

"[But] now the caitiff northern foreigners (Hu)
have not yet been annihilated and executed, the
southern and southwestern barbarians have not yet
stopped burning [with rebellion], the Yangtze valley
and the marshes of the sea-[coast] are boiling [with
disturbance],[2232] and the thieves and robbers have


401

99 C: 10a, b

not yet been completely routed and exterminated.

A.D. 20


I have moreover taken in hand the great work of
upholding the [imperial] ancestral temples and the
altars to the gods of the soils and grains, so that the
multitude of common people have been agitated.
Now I again temporarily put these ordinances in
effect, [but this practise] will stop with the end of
the second year [of the period Ti-huang], in order
that I may preserve the great multitude and save the
12a
ignorant and wicked."

In this year, the large and small cash were discontinued

The Third
Change in
Coinage
and in their place there were put into
circulation currency spade money, which was two
inches five fen in length, one inch broad, and was
worth 25 currency cash. The currency cash were
one inch in diameter, five shu in weight, each of
which was worth one [cash].[2237] The two kinds [of
money] were to circulate together. When anyone
presumed to cast cash illicitly or only partly accepted
the spade money as currency, [if any person] in a
group of five [neighboring families] knew of it but
did not discover and report it [to the authorities],
all [of the five neighboring families were to have their
property] confiscated[2238] and to become government
slaves or slave-women.

The Grand Tutor, P'ing Yen, died, and the My

10b
Forester, T'ang Tsunb, was made the Grand Tutor.

402

A.D. 20

T'ang
Tsun's
Pose
[T'ang] Tsunb said, "The state [treasury] is empty

99 C: 10b


and the people are impoverished, the reason [for
which is] prodigal extravagance." Consequently, he
personally [wore] short clothes with small sleeves,
rode on a chariot with stakes [and drawn by]
10a
mares,[2244] slept upon a couch [made of] straw, [and
ate from] tile dishes. He also used earthen dishes[2245]
to send [food] to the ministers. When he went out,
if he met any men and women who did not travel
separately on the roads, [T'ang] Tsunb himself would
get down from his chariot and, in accordance with
[the principle of inflicting] punishments by altering
the clothing, he would defile and dye their garments,
[using] an ochre-red cloth.[2246] [When Wang] Mang
heard of it, he was delighted with him, so issued an
imperial edict instructing the ministers "to think of
making themselves equal" with him,[2247] and enfeoffed
[T'ang] Tsunb as the Marquis Equalizing Culture.

12b
At this time, Chang Pac from Nan Commandery,
Yang Mu and Wang K'uang1b from Chiang-hsia

403

99 C: 10b, 11a

[Commandery], and others arose in the Lu-lin

A.D. 20/21


Bandit
Armies
Arise
[Mountains] of Yün-tu [County] and called
themselves Troops from the Lower Yangtze [Region].
Their bands were all of more than ten
thousand men.

In the Chung-shui District of Wu-kung [County[2252] ]

Portents
three houses of the common people fell [in a subsidence
of the earth and] became a pool.

In the second year, the first month, because the

II
Provincial Shepherds had been given the rank of the
A.D. 21
three highest ministers,[2256] and so had become remiss
January
in inspecting and recommending [concerning matters
Provincial
Inspectors
Established

in their provinces], Shepherds' Superintendents and
Associate [Shepherds] were established in addition
[to the Shepherds], with the rank of First Officers,
who were to wear the Bonnet of the Law and whose
duties were to be like those of the Han [dynasty's]
Inspectors.

In this month, [Wang] Mang's wife died. Her

Wang
Mang's
Wife
Dies
posthumous name was the Filial and Harmonius
Empress. She was buried west of the Ch'ang-shou
Park at the Wei Tomb. It was ordered that she
should forever attend upon the [Empress Dowager]
the Mother of Culture [nee Wang]. The name of her
tomb was called Yi-nien (a hundred thousand years).

Previously, because [Wang] Mang had more than
once killed her sons, [Wang] Mang's wife had wept

11a
until she lost her sight, [so Wang] Mang had ordered

404

A.D. 21, Jan.

Wang Lin's
Plot and
Execution
his Heir-apparent, [Wang] Lin1a, to live at the palace

99 C: 11a


and care for her. An attendant to [Wang] Mang's
wife was [named] Yüan-pi. [Wang] Mang had
favored her and later [Wang] Lin1a also had relations
with her. They were afraid that the matter would
leak out, so plotted that they would together kill
[Wang] Mang.

[Wang] Lin1a's wife, [Liu] Yin3, was the daughter
of the State Master and Duke [Honoring the Hsin

10b
Dynasty, Liu Hsin1a]. She knew how to interpret
the stars.[2265] She told [Wang] Lin1a that soon there
would be a meeting of [people wearing] plain clothes
in the palace.[2266] [Wang] Lin1a rejoiced, thinking
that what he had planned would soon be achieved.
13a
Later he was degraded to be the T'ung-yi-yang King
and went out [of the palace] to his residence outside.
He was [then] all the more apprehensive.

It happened that when [Wang] Mang's wife became
seriously ill, [Wang] Lin1a sent her a letter which
said, "The Emperor has been extremely severe with
his descendants. Previously when his sons, [Wang
Yü] Chang-sun and [Wang Huob] Chung-sun, were
each in their thirtieth [year], they were [put to]
death. Now your servant Lin1a has in turn come
upon his thirtieth [year, and so I] truly fear that if
some morning I am no [longer] protected by you, the
Empress,[2268] I shall not know whether I shall die


405

99 C: 11a, b

or live."

A.D. 21, Jan.

[When Wang] Mang was waiting upon his wife in
her illness, he saw this letter and became greatly
incensed, suspecting that [Wang] Lin1a had some
evil purpose. [Consequently Wang Mang] did not
permit [Wang Lin1a] to join in the mourning ceremonies.
After [Wang Mang's wife] had been buried,
[Wang Mang] had Yüan-pi and others arrested.
They were examined and questioned, and they
confessed everything about the adultery and the
plans for [Wang Mang's] murder. [Wang] Mang
wanted to have it kept secret, so sent to kill the
commissioner [who had charge of] the case, who was
an Attendant Officer of a Director of Mandates [from
the Five Majestic Principles], and had him buried in
the jail, so that his family did not know where he was.

11b
[Wang Mang] granted poison to [Wang] Lin1a, but
[Wang] Lin1a was unwilling to drink it, so he stabbed
himself and died.

[Wang Mang] had the Palace Attendant, the
General of Agile Cavalry and the Marquis of Like
Delight, [Wang] Lin2, grant the ghost garments and
the Kingly seal and apron [for the deceased].[2272]


406

A.D. 21, Jan.

[Wang Mang's] funeral eulogy[2274] [for Wang Lin1a]

99 C: 11b


said, "[According to] the writing in the mandate
[of Heaven given through] portents, [Wang] Lin1a
should have been set up as the T'ung-yi-yang King.
This [phrase] means that 36,000 years after the
House of Hsin had taken the throne, one who is a
13b
descendant of [Wang] Lin1a is then due to rise up
as the dragon sun.[2277]

"Previously, when I erroneously listened to those
who discussed [this matter] and made [Wang] Lin1a
my Heir-apparent, there was the grievous vicissitude
of a violent wind, so I immediately obeyed the mandate
[from Heaven given by] portents and set him
up as the T'ung-yi-yang King. Previous to this

11a
[time] and after this [time], he did not act [in accordance
with] sincerity and obedience and so did
not receive any assistance from this [title], and at an
untimely age his life was destroyed. Alas! How
sad! [According to] his deeds and acts, I grant him
a posthumous name; his posthumous name shall be
King Miu (erring)."


407

99 C: 11b, 12a

There was also an imperial edict to the State

A.D. 21, Jan.


Master and Duke, [Liu Hsin1a, to the effect that
Wang] Lin1a did not originally understand the stars;
Wang
Mang's
Last
Legitimate
Son Dies.
the matter arose from [Liu] Yin3, [so Liu] Yin3 also
committed suicide.

In this month, the Hsin-hsien King, [Wang] An1a,
died of an illness.

Previously, [when Wang] Mang had been [a mere]
marquis and had gone to his state, he had favored

5-2 B.C.[2283]
[some] attendants, Tseng-chih, Huai-neng, and K'ai-ming.
Huai-neng had given birth to a boy, [Wang]
His
Children
By
Concubines
Hsingb; Tseng-chih had given birth to a boy, [Wang]
K'uang1c, and a girl, [Wang] Yeh6; and K'ai-ming
had given birth to a girl, [Wang] Chieh6. All had
been detained at [Wang Mang's] state at Hsin-tuc,
for the reason that he did not want to make it
known [that he had had relations with any women
besides his wife].

When moreover [Wang] An1a had become seriously
ill, [Wang] Mang was himself pained that he

12a
would have no sons [remaining, so] he wrote a memorial
for [Wang] An1a and had him send it to the
throne. It said, "Although the mothers of [Wang]
Hsingb and the others are humble in status, yet in
their relationship [to you, my father, these young
people] are still your Imperial Sons and Daughters,
and so should not be discarded." The document was
shown to the various highest ministers and they all
said that [Wang] An1a was "fraternally loving to his
[half]-brothers and sisters,"[2286] so that it would be
14a
proper, when the spring or summer arrived, to give
them enfeoffments and noble titles. Thereupon
kingly chariots were sent with commissioners to go
and bring [Wang] Hsingb and the others [to the

408

A.D. 21, Jan.

court. Wang] Hsingb was enfeoffed as the Duke of

99 C: 12a


Cultivated Merits, [Wang] K'uanglc as Duke of
Established Merits, [Wang] Yeh6 as Baroness of
Cultivated Concord, and [Wang] Chieh6 as Baroness
of Attained Concord.

Four
Funerals
in One
Month
[Wang Mang's] grandson, the Duke of Brilliant
Merits,[2291] [Wang] Shou, became ill and died, so that
within a full month [Wang Mang] had four funerals.[2292]
[Wang] Mang destroyed the Temples of
[Emperors] Hsiao-wu and Hsiao-chao of the Han
[dynasty] and buried his sons and grandsons separately
among these [temples].

Li Yen's
Rebellion
Li Yen, the Grand Governor of Wei-ch'eng [Commandery],
had plotted with a diviner, Wang
K'uang4b. [Wang] K'uang4b had said to [Li] Yen,
"Since the time that the House of Hsin took the
throne, the cultivated fields and slaves of the common
11b
people were not allowed to be bought or sold, the
cash and currencies have been changed several times,
there have been numerous levies [of troops] and
collections [of supplies], the armies have caused
disturbances, the barbarians of the four [quarters]
have simultaneously invaded, the people have cherished
hatred [for Wang Mang], and thieves and
robbers have simultaneously arisen [in various localities,
so that] the Han dynasty is due to be restored.
Your surname, sir, is Li. Li [rimes with] chih and
[the note] chih is [equated with] fire.[2295] You are
due to become a coadjutor to the Han [Dynasty]."


409

99 C: 12a, b

Hence [Wang K'uang4b] composed a book of revela-

A.D. 21


tions for [Li] Yen. It said, "Emperor Wen has
become indignant and is dwelling on the earth below
where he is urging on armies: To the north, he has
instructed the Huns and, to the south, he has instructed
the people of Yüeh [to attack]. In the
center of the Yangtze [region], Liu Hsin4g will sieze
his enemy, [Wang Mang], revenge [the Han dynasty],
and restore and continue the ancient [line;
in] the fourth year he is due to set his army in motion.
Among the rivers and lakes there will be a robber
12b 14b
who will call himself a tributary king [of the Han
dynasty], his family name will be Liu. Ten thousand
men will form ranks and will not accept an ordinance
of amnesty, [because they] intend to disturb [the
region comprising the former feudal state of] Ch'in
and [the region of] Lo-yang. By the eleventh year,
they are due to attack. When Venus scatters its
light and Jupiter enters [the constellation] Tung-ching,
[Liu Hsin4g's] commands are due to be
obeyed." He also told of the good and evil fortunes
of [Wang] Mang's great ministers, that each had his
fated date. Altogether [the writing comprised]
more than a hundred thousand words.

[Li] Yen ordered a minor official to write out this
book, [but] the official fled and gave information
of it, [so Wang] Mang sent a commissioner immediately
to arrest [Li] Yen [and his confederates], imprison
them, and punish them. They all died.

Robbers and bandits made trouble and arose in
the three capital commanderies,[2299] [so Wang Mang]


410

A.D. 21

established the office of the Chief Commandant

99 C: 12b


Siezing Robbers and ordered the Upholders of the
Laws and the Internuncios to pursue and attack
[the robbers] within Ch'ang-an. He established the
banner for "beating the drum and attacking"
thieves,[2302] with a commissioner following after it.

He sent Ching Shang, the Second Brother Hsi to
the Grand Master, and Wang Tang, the Commissioner
Over the Army to the General of a New
Beginning, with troops, to attack [the rebels] in
Ch'ing and Hsü [Provinces, sent] Ts'ao Fang, the
Second Brother Ho to the State Master, to assist
Kuo Hsing in attacking Kou-t'ing, and had the

12a
empire's grain and currency transported to Hsi-ho,
Wu-yüan, So-fang, and Yü-yang commanderies, to
each by the millions [of cash worth], with the intention
of attacking the Huns.

Autumn
In the autumn, a fall of frost killed the beans.
There was a great famine and [a plague of] locusts
15a
east of [Han-ku] Pass.

Counterfeiters

Sentenced
to the
Mint
When the common people violated [the law
against] casting cash, the people of five neighboring
families were sentenced together, [their property] was
confiscated by [the government], and they were
made government slaves and slave-women, their men
[went with] carts having cages and the children
and women [went] on foot. They had iron locks
and chains on [the rings about] their necks.[2307] [Such

411

99 C: 12b, 13a

persons] were transported to the Office for Coinage

A.D. 21, Autumn


by the hundred thousands. When they arrived,
13a
their husbands or wives were changed, and six or
seven-tenths of them died of grief and suffering.

When Sun Hsi,[2311] Ching Shang, Ts'ao Fang, and

Bandits
Attacked
the others attacked the robbers, they could not
vanquish them. Their armies were allowed to do
as they pleased, so that the people were doubly distressed.
Since Wang K'uang4b's revelation had said
that [the Han dynasty] is due to revive [in the region
of the former state of] Ch'u in [Yü's province of]
Ching, and that a Mr. Li would be the coadjutor
[who brought about this revival,[2313] Wang] Mang
wanted to repress [this belief], so installed the Palace
Attendant and Grandee in Charge of Pasturing [Sacrificial
Animals], Li Shen, as Generalissimo and Shepherd
of Yang Province, granted him the given name
Sheng (sage), and sent him, leading troops, to attack
[the bandits] with all his energy.

Ch'u Hsia, [a man] of Shang-ku [Commandery],
in person begged [Wang Mang] that he wanted to
persuade Kua-t'ien Yi [to surrender, so Wang] Mang
made him a Gentleman-of-the-Household, and sent
him to get [Kua-t'ien] Yi to leave [his banditry.
Kua-t'ien] Yi wrote that he surrendered, but before
he left [his banditry], he died. [Wang] Mang asked
for his corpse, buried it, and built for him a grave-mound
and a sacrificial temple, with the posthumous
name, Baron Shang of Kua-ning. He hoped thereby

15b
to induce the other [bandits] to come [and surrender].
But none were willing to surrender.[2315]

In the intercalary month, on [the day] ping-ch'en,

Oct. 22

412

A.D. 21

a general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.

99 C: 13a, b


12b
The heavy mouring of the empire [for Wang Mang's
wife was done away with] and those common people
who had been mourning for their own [relatives]
previous to this written imperial edict were also
freed [from their mourning].

A
Second
Marriage
Ordered
A Gentleman, Yang-ch'eng Hsiu, presented a mandate
[from Heaven by] a portent saying, "In succession
to [Wang Mang's wife] a mother should be set
up for the people, [i.e., an Empress]." He also said,
"Because the Yellow Lord had 120 women, he became
13b
a supernatural immortal." [Wang] Mang
hence sent Palace Grandees Without Specified Appointments
and Internuncios, forty-five of each, by
divisions, to inspect the empire and select widely
from [families] that were esteemed highly in their
native villages, who had "virtuous young ladies,"[2322]
and send up their names [to the throne].

The Han
Spirits
Attacked
[Wang] Mang dreamed that five of the bronze
[statues of] men in the Ch'ang-lo Palace arose and
stood up. [Wang] Mang hated it, and reflected that
in the inscription on the bronze [statues of] men,
there were the words, "The August Emperor has first
taken possession of the whole world." [Wang Mang]
immediately sent workmen from the Master of
Recipes to chisel out and destroy the writing on the
breasts of the bronze [statues of] the men, about
whom he had dreamt.[2324]

He was also excited against the supernatural spirits
in the Han [dynasty's] Temple to [Emperor] Kao,[2325]


413

99 C: 13b, 14a

and sent [Gentlemen] As Rapid as Tigers and Men of

A.D. 21


War to enter the Temple of [Emperor] Kao, draw
their swords, throw and strike in all directions, destroy
its doors and windows with axes, whip the walls
of the building with ochre-red whips[2328] and sprinkle
them with peach-water. He ordered a Chief Commandant
16a
of Light Chariots to dwell in its midst and
also ordered the [Colonel of] the Northern Encampment
of the Capital Army[2330] to dwell in the funerary
chamber of [Emperor] Kao.

Someone said, "At the time of the Yellow Lord,

The
Flowery
Baldachin
Chariot
he established the flowery baldachin in order that he
might mount up [to become] an immortal." So
[Wang] Mang had made a flowery baldachin in nine
layers, eighty-one feet tall, with a golden claw-tip
14a
and feather covering, and had it borne by a carriage
with a hidden mechanism and four wheels[2333] yoked
13a
to six horses and three hundred strong men with
yellow clothes and [red] turbans.[2335] On the carriage

414

A.D. 21

there was a man beating a drum. Those who pulled

99 C: 14a


it all called out, "He will mount up to be an immortal."
When [Wang] Mang went out, he ordered
[this carriage] to go before him. The many officials
[however] said secretly, "This is like a funeral cart,
not a thing for an immortal."[2338]

Bandits
Increase
In this year, the band of Ch'in Feng in Nan Commandery
[numbered] almost ten thousand persons.
Ch'ih Chao-p'ing, a woman of P'ing-yüan [Commandery],
was capable at explaining the Classic on
the Playing Blocks,
[2340] using eight [blocks] to a throw.
She also collected several thousand men in the difficult

415

99 C: 14a, b

places of the [lower reaches of the Yellow] River.

A.D. 21


[Wang] Mang summoned and questioned his various
courtiers about stratagems for capturing the bandits,
and [the courtiers] all said, "These [people] are
Heaven's [condemned] criminals and walking corpses.
Their lives will [last] only an instant."

The former General of the Left, Kung-sun Lu, was

16b
summoned to come and participate in the deliberations.
Biting
Criticism
of the
Ministers
[Kung-sun] Lu said, "The Chief Grand
Astrologer, Tsung Hsüan, has had charge of prognostications
by the heavenly bodies, and of interpreting
the mutations in the emanations [and
weather]. He has called the baneful fortunate, has
in a disorderly fashion [reported] the astrological
[phenomena], and has misled the court. The Grand
Tutor, the Marquis Equilizing Culture, [T'ang
Tsunb], has covered [his faults] by false pretenses,
so that he has been able to treat lightly [the duties of]
his title and his position and `has done ill turns to
other men's sons.'[2345] The State Master, the Duke
14b
Honoring the Hsin [Dynasty, Liu Hsin1a,] has overturned
the five Classics, has done away with the
traditions [about the classics handed down from
generation to generation] by his teachers, and has
caused his students to doubt and be misled.[2347] The
Baron of Brilliant Scholarship, Chang2 Han, and the
Marquis of Geographical Arrangements, Sun Yang,
have instituted the ching [system] of cultivated
fields, [thus] causing the common people to neglect
their occupation [in cultivating] the earth. The

416

A.D. 21

Hsi-and-Ho, Lu K'uang, has set up the six monopo-

99 C: 14b


lies and has thereby impoverished the artisans and
merchants. The Marquis Delighting in Portents,
Ts'ui Fa, has truckled and flattered in order to curry
your favor and has brought it about that the feelings
of inferiors have not been communicated to the
throne. It would be proper to execute these several
13b
persons in order to calm the empire."

He also said, "The Huns should not be attacked,
but peace and an alliance by marriage ought to be
made with them. Your subject fears that the
[proper] cause for the House of Hsin's anxiety does
not lie with the Huns, but lies within the borders."
[Wang] Mang became incensed and had a [Gentleman]
As Rapid as Tigers assist [Kung-sun] Lu to
leave.

Nevertheless [Wang Mang] adopted his ideas to a
certain [extent]. He demoted Lu K'uang to be the
Director of a Confederation at Wu-yüan [Commandery],
because the people hated and maligned

17a
him. [Although] the six monopolies had not been
set up by [Lu] K'uang alone, [yet Wang] Mang
[wanted to] satisfy the ideas of the crowd, so sent
[Lu K'uang] out [of the court].

Bandit
Extermination

Ordered
Previously, because the four quarters [of the
country] had all [suffered from] famine and cold,
[the people] were impoverished and troubled, and so
had arisen and become thieves and robbers, until
gradually crowds gathered. They constantly thought
that if the harvest would be good,[2353] they would be
able to return to their native villages. Although
their bands were numbered by the ten-thousands,
[their leaders] only called themselves attendants upon
great persons, Thrice Venerables, or Libationers.
They did not presume to take or to possess cities

417

99 C: 14b, 15a

or towns and went about foraging and seeking for

A.D. 21


merely what food they would use up daily. When
various Chief Officials, Shepherds and Administrators
all themselves fought with them in a disorderly
manner, were wounded by weapons, and
died, it was not because the bandits presumed to
intend to kill them.[2356] But [Wang] Mang to the end
did not understand the purposes of these [bandits].

In this year, an Officer of the Commander-in-chief

15a
was in Yü Province, examining [into what had been
reported in] a document, and was captured by the
bandits, [whereupon] the bandits escorted and sent
him to the county-seat. When the Officer returned
and memorialized [his report], he wrote out the whole
circumstance. Wang] Mang became greatly incensed,
and sent him to prison because he considered
[that the man] was falsifying [the situation] to deceive
[his superiors].

Thereupon he issued a message reproving the seven
highest ministers, which said, "Verily, to be an
official [means] to bring about order.[2358] To diffuse
virtue and make favors manifest in order to shepherd
the common people is the principle of benevolence.
To repress the strong, control the wicked, and arrest
and execute thieves and robbers are components
of justice.

"Now however [the situation] has been otherwise.

17b 14a
When thieves appeared, they were not immediately
apprehended, so they were able to form cliques and
intercept and kidnap Ruling Officers from [government]
riding quadrigae. An Officer who succeeded
in getting free from them moreover himself said
senselessly, `I questioned and reprimanded the robbers,

418

A.D. 21

[saying], "Why do you do this [robbing]?" and

99 C: 15a


the robbers replied, "Merely because we are impoverished
and in need." [Then] the robbers protected
and sent me away. At present, vulgar people
who discuss [banditry say that the bandits] for the
most part are like these [ones].'

"I reflect [that, when people], out of distress from
famine or cold violate the laws and do evil, the
greater ones become groups of thieves and the lesser
ones steal [by making] holes [in people's walls].
There are no more than these two kinds. But now
they have conspired together and joined to form
gangs of thousands and hundreds. This is the greatest
disobedience and rebellion; how could it be spoken
of as [due to] famine or cold?

"Let the seven highest ministers strictly order the
High Ministers, Grandees, Directors of Confederations,
Leaders of Combinations, and `the heads of
offices'[2362] carefully to shepherd the good common
people and hurriedly arrest and exterminate the
thieves and robbers. If there are any who do not,
with one mind and with mutual assistance, hate and
drive out the bandits, and, if they say unreasonably
that [the bandits] have been caused by hunger or
cold, they shall immediately be arrested and held in
prison, and [the officials] shall beg [me to pass sentence
upon] their crime."

Unwise
Policies
Thereupon the numerous subordinates [of the
ruler] feared all the more and none presumed to speak
of the bandits' circumstances. They also were not
permitted to mobilize troops unauthorizedly. Because
of this, the bandits were not restrained.

Only the Leader of a Combination at Yi-p'ing
[Commandery], T'ien K'uang, had for some time

18a
past dared to mobilize the common people who were
in their eighteenth year and above, [to the number

419

99 C: 15a, b

of] more than forty thousand persons, had furnished

A.D. 21


them arms from the arsenals, and had given them
15b
engraved stones as [signs of their] convenant. The
Red Eyebrows had heard of it and had not presumed
to enter his borders. [T'ien] K'uang impeached
himself in a memorial, and [Wang] Mang reprimanded
[T'ien] K'uang: "You have not been granted
a tiger credential,[2368] yet have unauthorizedly mobilized
troops. This is playing with weapons. This
crime is that of negligence in raising [troops].[2369]
Because you, K'uang, have reproved yourself [and
14b
have said that you would] certainly capture and
destroy the robbers, you are [however] temporarily
not to be punished."

Later [T'ien] K'uang himself begged to go out of
the boundaries [of his commandery] and attack the
robbers, [saying that] those against whom he turned
would all be routed. [Wang] Mang used a message
[stamped] with the imperial seal to order [T'ien]
K'uang to be put in charge of the affairs of the
Shepherds in the two provinces of Ch'ing and Hsü.

[T'ien] K'uang [memorialized] the throne, saying,
"Although when thieves and robbers first start out,
in the beginning they are very unimportant, yet they
cannot be captured by the divisional officers and
[the organization of] people in groups of five.[2371]
The fault lies [in the fact that] the Chief Officials
[of counties] do not give it a thought. The counties
deceive the commanderies, and the commanderies
deceive the [imperial] court. When in reality there
are a hundred [robbers], they say ten; and when in
reality there are a thousand, they say a hundred.


420

A.D. 21

Then the court is negligent and does not immediately

99 C: 15b,


supervise and punish[2374]
[the bandits], so that they
even spread over adjoining provinces.

"When moreover generals and lieutenants are sent,
and many commissioners are sent out continuously
to supervise and urge each other on, [the officials of]
the commanderies and counties serve their superior

18b
officials energetically, in answering and excusing
themselves, in replying to questions, in offering wine
and food, and in furnishing necessaries, in order to
save themselves from being sentenced and beheaded,
and so do not have [the time] again to think of the
thieves or robbers or to perform their official business.
The generals and lieutenants moreover are not able
in person to lead their officers and soldiers, and so,
when a battle [is fought, their troops] are routed by
the bandits, their officers gradually [become] dispirited,
and [the expedition] is merely an expense
upon the people.

"When previously [the bandits] fortunately received
an order of amnesty and the bandits wanted
to disband and scatter, some [of them] on the contrary
were prevented [from returning home] and
were attacked, so from fear they entered the mountains
and valleys, and in turn told the others [about

16a
it]. Hence the bandits in the commanderies and
counties who had surrendered all changed [their
attitudes] and became terrified, fearing that they
would be destroyed by trickery. Because of the
famine, they were easily moved, and within ten days
there were again more than a hundred thousand men
[in the bandit troops]. The foregoing is the reason

421

99 C: 16a

that the thieves and robbers are so numerous.

A.D. 21

"At present, east of Lo-yang, grain is two thousand

15a
[cash per] picul. Your humble servant has seen a
written imperial edict that it is intended to send the
Grand Master, [Wang K'uang1a], and the General
of a New Beginning, [Lien Tan, to attack the bandits].
They are important courtiers who are your
military assistants. If their crowds of followers are
multiplied, [these followers] will become exhausted
[from lack of food] on the way; whereas if [their
followers are] reduced [in number, these ministers]
will have no way of overawing the distant quarters
[of the empire].

"It would be proper to select promptly Shepherds
and Governors or those [ranking] below them, make
plain the rewards and punishments that they [can
deal out], and [have them] collect together those
people from scattered villages and small states [of
nobles] that have no city walls, transport their old
and weak [persons], putting them inside the large
cities, [then] collect and store foodstuffs and mutually

19a
assist in firmly guarding [these centers]. When the
bandits come to attack the cities, they will then be
unable to take them and [the places] by which they
pass will have no food, so that their circumstances
will not permit them to collect in bands. Under such
[a situation], when they are summoned, they will
certainly surrender, and when they are attacked, they
will be annihilated.

"If now generals and lieutenants are vainly sent
out in numbers, the commanderies and counties will
suffer from them more severely than from the bandits.
It would be proper to summon back all the commissioners
in riding quadrigae in order to give rest to
the commanderies and counties, and entrust to your
servant K'uang the thieves and robbers of [these]
two provinces, for I will certainly tranquillize them."

[Wang] Mang feared and dreaded [T'ien] K'uang,
so secretly sent a substitute for him, and [also] sent a


422

A.D. 21/22

commissioner to grant [T'ien] K'uang a message with

99 C: 16a, b


the imperial seal. When the commissioner arrived
and had audience with [T'ien] K'uang, he thereupon
ordered the substitute to superintend [T'ien
K'uang's] troops. [T'ien] K'uang followed the commissioner
westwards. When he reached [the court],
he was installed as the Metropolis Commandant
Grandee. When [T'ien] K'uang had left, the region
of [the former feudal state of] Ch'i was thereupon
lost [to the bandits].

III
In the third year, the first month, the roofing of
A.D. 22
the Nine [Ancestral] Temples was completed and the
The Hsin
Ancestral
Temples
Dedicated
spirit tablets were installed. [When Wang] Mang
[went] to be presented [to the divinities there, he
rode] in the grand carriage of state,[2386] to which were
yoked six horses, [on which] were robes with dragon
stripes made of vari-colored feathers, to which were
affixed three-foot long horns. The carriage with a
flowery baldachin and "ten large war chariots"[2387]
16b
went before him. Thereupon he granted to the
Minister Over the Masses, [Wang Hsün3], and the
Grand Minister of Works, [Wang Yi5], who had
built the temples, to each ten million [cash]. The
Palace Attendants, Regular Palace Attendants, and
19b 15b
those of lower [rank] were all enfeoffed. He enfeoffed
the Chief Workman, Ch'iu Yen, as the Sub-Vassal
of Han-tan Hamlet.

Mar./Apr.
In the third month,[2391] there was a visitation [of
fire] at the Pa [River] Bridge. Several thousand

423

99 C: 16b

people sprinkled water to save it, [but the fire was]

A.D. 22, Apr.


The Pa
River
Bridge
Burns
not [thereby] extinguished. [Wang] Mang hated it,
so issued a message which said, "Verily, the three
August Ones typify spring, the Five Lords typify
summer, the three [dynasties of] Kings typify
autumn, and the five Lords Protector typify winter.
The virtues of the August Ones and the Kings followed
[one another] in a cycle. The Lords Protector
[including the Ch'in dynasty] succeeded [to
the rule of the world in] the vacancy and continued
in the gap [between the periods ruled by the elements
wood and fire][2395] in order to complete the
[full] number in a cycle; hence their ways were
disorderly.

"Verily, in Ch'ang2-an most of the imperial highways
have taken their names from recent [events].[2396]
Recently in the third month,[2397] in the night of [the
day] kuei-szu and on the morning of [the day]

Mar. 28
chia-wu, fire burnt the Pa [River] Bridge from the
Mar. 29
eastern side going westwards. By the evening of
[the day] chia-wu, the Bridge was completely destroyed
Mar. 29
by the fire. When the Grand Minister of
Works, [Wang Yi5], went to inspect it, he examined
and questioned [persons], and someone said that
shivering people dwelt below the bridge, and he suspected
that they warmed themselves by a fire, which
became this visitation [of fire].

"The next day was [the day] yi-wei, which was the

Mar. 30
day of the vernal equinox.[2402] [From the time that]

424

A.D. 22, Apr.

I received the mandate [of Heaven] through the line

99 C: 16b, 17a


of succession transmitted from the gods my sage
ancestors, the Yellow [Lord] and Yü [Shun], down
to the fourth year of [the period] Ti-huang, it will be
the fifteenth year. Exactly at the end of winter in
the third year [of the period Ti-huang], the bridge
20a
which is [named] Pa (`tyrannical' or `Lords Protector')
and [therefore] disorderly has been broken
and destroyed. [Heaven] thereby intends to prosper
and perfect the way the House of Hsin is to be unified
in control [of the country] and preserved for a
long [time].

"This is also a warning [from Heaven in that the
breaking of] this bridge has placed a gap in the highway
to the eastern quarter [of the empire]. Now in
the eastern quarter the harvest has been lacking, the
common people are starving, and the highways and
roads are impassible [because of bandits. The Chief
of] the Eastern Sacred Peak and Grand Master,
[Wang K'uang1a], shall promptly [make] regulations

17a
for opening the various granaries in the eastern
quarter and giving or lending to the distressed
[people, in order] to apply the principle of benevolence.[2408]
16a
Let the name of the Pa Lodge be changed
to be the Ch'ang-ts'un (Long-preserved) Lodge, and
let the Pa [River] Bridge become the Ch'ang-ts'un
Bridge."

In this month, the Red Eyebrows killed Ching
Shang, the Second Brother Hsi to the Grand Master.
East of the [Han-ku] Pass, people ate each other.

Apr./May
In the fourth month, [Wang Mang] sent the Grand
Master, Wang K'uang1a, and the General of a New
Beginning, Lien Tan, eastwards. When, outside the

425

99 C: 17a

Capital Gate, they were sacrificing to the gods of the

A.D. 22, Apr./May


An
Expedition
Against
the
Bandits
roads, Heaven [sent] a great rain which dampened
their clothes,[2413] and the elders sighed and said, "This
is because [Heaven] weeps for the army."[2414]

[Wang] Mang said, "Verily, the distresses of the
nine dry years conjoined with disastrous emanations
have come to a climax in the past years, when
withering droughts, frosts, locusts, and famines came
as previously, so that the people are miserably poor,
and wander scattered along the roads. In this spring,
[the calamity] is especially pitiable. I have been
very much saddened by it.

"Now I am sending [the Chief of] the Eastern
[Sacred] Peak and Grand Master, [Wang K'uang1a],
who is a Specially Advanced and the Marquis as
Recompense to [the House of] Hsin, to open the
various granaries in the eastern quarter and give or

20b
lend to those in distress. On those highways along
which the Grand Master and Highest Minister does
not pass, he shall separately send a Grandee or
Internuncio to open the granaries simultaneously, in
other to preserve the great multitude.

"The Grand Master and Highest Minister, [Wang
K'uang1a], shall thereupon, with the Chief Envoy and
Director of Mandates from the Five Majestic [Principles],


426

A.D. 22

ranking as Commander-in-chief of the Right,

99 C: 17a, b


the General of a New Beginning and Marquis of
Equalization and Standards, Lien Tan,[2418] go to Yen
Province, to pacify [the region] of which he, [the
Grand Master], is in charge. Moreover those who
formerly have been lawless and the bandits in Ch'ing
and Hsü [Provinces] who have not yet completely
17b
dispersed or have later again assembled shall all be
purified. I hope that thereby the myriad people may
be pacified."

The Grand Master, [Wang K'uang1a, and the
General] of a New Beginning, [Lien Tan], together
led more than a hundred thousand ardent soldiers,
and wherever they went they did as they liked, so
that the eastern quarter said about them,

"It would be better to meet the Red Eyebrows,
And not to meet the Grand Master.
The Grand Master can however [be endured],
[But the General of] a New Beginning
16b
would kill me."

[Thus] it was eventually as T'ien K'uang had said.

Famine
Relief
[Wang] Mang also sent out many Grandees and
Internuncios by divisions to teach the common
people to boil grasses and [parts of] trees to make a
vegetable juice,[2422] [but] the vegetable juice could
not be eaten, and [the sending merely] made much
trouble and expense.


427

99 C: 17b

[Wang] Mang issued a message which said, "Verily,

A.D. 22


the common people are miserably poor, so that although

428

A.D. 22

A
Monopoly
Revoked
the granaries have been universally opened to

99 C: 17b


give relief to them, I fear that nevertheless it will
not be sufficient. Let the interdiction on the mountains
and marshes of the empire be temporarily lifted,
21a
and let those who are able to take things from the
mountains or marshes and [who do so] in accordance
with the ordinances for [the various] months [of the
year] be freely allowed to do so, and let them not be
ordered to pay any taxes [for doing so]. In the
A.D. 49
thirtieth year [of the period] Ti-huang, [the restrictions

429

99 C: 17b, 18a

shall be reapplied] as formerly. This [year] will

A.D. 22


be the sixth year of [the period] Wang-kuang-shang-mou.[2432]

"If powerful and unruly officials or common people
have committed crime and monopolized the [mountains
and marshes, so that] the uninfluential common
people have not received [any advantages], this has
not been my intention. Does not the Book of
Changes
say,

`When the superior's [privileges] are lessened and the inferior's are increased,
The common people are boundlessly delighted'?[2433]
The Book of History says that when speech is not
18a

430

A.D. 22

practical, this means that there will not be order [in

99C: 18a


the state].[2437] Alas, that you, various highest ministers,
should fail to be solicitous [concerning these
matters]!"

An
Expedition
Against
the Bandits
in the
Yangtze
Valley
At that time the Troops From the Lower Yangtze
[Region] were powerful, and Chu Wei, [a man from]
Hsin-shih, Ch'en Mu, [a man from] P'ing-lin, and
others had all again collected bands and were attacking
villages,[2439] so [Wang] Mang sent the Director of
Mandates [from the Five Majestic Principles] and
Generalissimo, K'ung Jen, [to be in charge of] the
division, Yü Province, and the Communicator and
Generalissimo, Chuang Yu, and the Arranger of the
Ancestral Temples and Generalissimo, Ch'en Mou,
to attack [the rebels] in Ching Province. Each one
was followed by more than a hundred officers and
soldiers. They rode in boats down the Wei [River]
17a
into the [Yellow] River to Hua-yin, then left [the
21b
boats and took] riding quadrigae.

When they reached their divisions, they solicited
soldiers. [Chuang] Yu said to [Ch'en] Mou, "To
send a general and not to give him the credentials
[for levying] troops, so that he must first beg [the
emperor] and then only can he make a move, is like
tying up a Hanh black hunting-dog[2442] and yet demanding
it to catch [game]."

Summer
In the summer, there was [a plague of] locusts
which came from the eastern quarter. In flying they

431

99 C: 18a, b

covered the sky. They came to Ch'ang-an, entered

A.D. 22, Summer


Locusts
in
Ch'ang-an
the Wei-yang Palace, and crawled in its Halls and
Pavilions. [Wang] Mang sent out officials and common
people and established bounties for those who
seized and killed them.

Because the empire's grain was expensive, [Wang]

Futile
Famine
Relief
Mang wanted to depress [its price].[2448] For the
Great Granary he established a guard with joined
lances and named them Supporters of the Smaller
Gates to the Beginning of Public Authority.[2449] The
vagrant people who had entered the passes [of Kuan-chung
numbered] several hundred thousand persons,
so [Wang Mang] established an Office for Maintenance
and Relief, to feed them. [But] the commissioners
who supervised and had charge of [the matter],
together with the minor officials, together stole
their grain allowances, so that seven- or eighth-tenths
of them died of hunger.

Previous to this [time, Wang] Mang had sent a

Wang
Mang
Deceived
Palace Attendant Within the Yellow Gate, Wang
Yeh5b, to have charge of buying at the Ch'ang-an
markets, and he took things at a low price from the
common people, so that the common people suffered
severely from it. [Because Wang] Yeh5b had
achieved the merit of having economized expenses,
he had been granted the noble rank of Sub-Vassal.
18b
[When Wang] Mang heard that in the city there was
a famine, he asked [Wang] Yeh5b about it, and [Wang]
Yeh5b replied, "These all are vagrants." Then he
brought some millet mush with meat and thick meat
and vegetable soup which were being sold at the
market, and showed them to [Wang] Mang, saying,
22a
"The food of all the resident commoners is like this,"
[and Wang] Mang believed him.


432

A.D. 22, Winter

Winter
In the winter, So-lu Hui of Wu-yen and others

99 C: 18b


raised troops and siezed their city.[2456] Lien Tan and
Wang K'uang1a attacked and took it by storm, cutting
off more than ten thousand heads, [so Wang] Mang
17b
sent a General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Household,
A Rebel
City
Taken
by Storm
bearing a message with an imperial seal, to congratulate
[Lien] Tan and [Wang] K'uang1a. Their noble
ranks were advanced and they became Dukes. More
than ten of their officers and soldiers who had distinguished
themselves were enfeoffed.

The Red
Eyebrows
Defeat
an
Imperial
Army
A detached Colonel of the Red Eyebrows, Tung
Hsien4a, and others, with a band of several ten-thousand
men, were in Liang Commandery. Wang
K'uang1a wanted to advance and attack them, [but]
Lien Tan considered that [their own troops] had but
newly taken a city by storm, so were utterly weary,
and their men ought temporarily to be rested, in
order to increase their prestige. [Wang] K'uang1a
would not listen, so alone led his troops to advance,
and [Lien] Tan followed after him. Battle was
joined at Ch'eng-ch'ang. [The imperial] troops were
Lien Tan
Dies
defeated and [Wang] K'uang1a fled. [Lien] Tan sent
an official bearing his seals, apron, and tally credentials,
to give them to [Wang] K'uang1a and say, "You,
boy, may flee, but I cannot." Thereupon he stayed
and died fighting.[2461] When his Colonels, Ju Yün,

433

99 C: 18b, 19a

Wang Lung, and others, more than twenty persons

A.D. 22, Winter


[in all], who were fighting separately, heard of it,
they all said, "Duke Lien is already dead. For
whom should we live?" So they galloped rapidly at
the bandits and all died fighting.

[Wang] Mang was afflicted by it, so issued a written

22b
message which said, "Verily, you, Duke, [Lien
Tan], controlled many select gentlemen and picked
troops. From all the fine horses, the grain in the
storehouses, and the stores in the treasuries of the
many commanderies, you might have made your
own selection, but you cared not for documentary
imperial edicts and separated yourself from the majestic
credentials [of power]. Mounting a horse you
shouted and [your followers] yelled and were killed
by wild swords. Alas! How sad! I grant him the
19a
posthumous name of Duke Kuo (Intrepid)."

The State General, Ai Chang, spoke to [Wang]
Mang, saying, "In the time of your August Deceased
Original Ancestor, the Yellow Lord, when Chung-huang
Chih was his General, he routed and killed
Ch'ih-yu. Now your servant is occupying the post
of Chung-huang Chih, and wishes to tranquillize
[the region] east of the mountains." [Wang] Mang
[accordingly] sent [Ai] Chang to gallop eastwards
and join his forces with the Grand Master, [Wang]
K'uang1a. He also sent Generalissimo Yang Chün to

18a
guard the Ao Granary. The Minister Over the
Masses, Wang Hsün3, leading more than a hundred
thousand [men], encamped at Lo-yang, where he
garrisoned the Southern Palace. The Commander-in-chief,
Tung Chung1b, instructed soldiers and practiced
archery in the Northern Encampment of the
Capital Army.[2467] The Grand Minister of Works,
Wang Yi5, [was given] concurrently the duties of

434

A.D. 22, Winter

[all] the three highest ministers.

99 C: 19a, b

An
Ominous
Portent
When the [Grand] Minister Over the Masses,
[Wang] Hsün3, first started out from Ch'ang-an and
spent the night at the Pa-ch'ang Stables, he lost his
yellow battle-axe. [Wang] Hsün3's Officer, Fang
Yang, was ordinarily impetuously outspoken, but he
23a
wept and said, "This is what the Classic means [when
it says], `He has lost his sharp axe.' "[2472] He accused
himself [of the loss] and left [the army. Wang]
Mang had [Fang] Yang killed with a battle-axe.

More
Defeats
The thieves and robbers in the four quarters,
[whose bands] frequently [numbered] several ten-thousands
of men, attacked cities and towns, killing
[officials ranking at] two thousand piculs and under.
The Grand Master, Wang K'uang1a, and others
fought several battles, but unsuccessfully.

[Wang] Mang knew that the empire had got out

19b
of his control and rebelled, that matters were at a
last extremity and some expedient was urgent, so he
discussed sending the Grandee In Charge of Customs
and Morals, Szu-kuo Hsien, and others, by divisions,
to inspect the empire and to do away with the prohibitions
against the ching [system of] cultivated

435

99 C: 19b

fields, [private] slaves and slave-women, [free use of]

A.D. 22/23


mountains and marshes, and the [other] six monopolies,
Wang
Mang's
Economic
Measures
to be
Repealed
The Han
Army
Arises.
and that all the imperial edicts and ordinances
since [Wang Mang] had ascended the throne, which
were inconvenient to the common people, should be
recalled.

[While the messengers] awaited an audience, and
had not yet been sent out, it happened that the
[future] Epochal Founder, [Emperor Kuang-wu, Liu
Hsiu]; with his elder brother, [Liu Yin] Po-sheng,
[later] King Wu of Ch'i; Li T'ung, a man from Yüan;
and others led several thousand followers from
Ch'ung-ling and induced Chu Wei and Ch'en Mu
from Hsin-shih and P'ing-lin, and others to come.
Together they attacked and took Chi5-yang by
storm. At this time Chuang Yu and Ch'en Mou
routed the Troops from the Lower Yangtze [Region,
under] Ch'eng Tan, Wang Ch'ang2, and others, [to
the number of] several thousand men, and they
separately fled into the borders of Nan-yang [Commandery].

18b

In the eleventh month, a comet appeared in [the

Nov./Dec.
constellation] Chang. It traveled southeastwards
for five days and disappeared.[2480] [Wang] Mang
23b
several times summoned and questioned his Chief
A
Comet
Grand Astrologer, Tsung Hsüan, and various diviners.
They all answered falsely, saying, "The astrological
phenomena are peaceful and good, so that the
many bandits will soon be destroyed." Thereupon
[Wang] Mang [felt] a little more tranquil.
IV

In the fourth year, the first month, the Han troops

A.D. 23
secured [the Troops from] the Lower Yangtze [under]
Jan./
Wang Ch'ang and others, and made them auxiliary
Feb.[2487]

436

A.D. 23, Jan./Feb.

The Defeat
of
Chen Fou
troops. They [together] attacked the Southern

99C: 19b,


Neighboring Commandery Grandee, Chen Fou, and
his Director of an Association, Liang-ch'iu Tz'u, and
beheaded them both, killing several ten-thousands
of their forces.[2491]

The
Illiterate
Red
Eyebrows
Previously, the imperial capital had heard that the
bands of bandits from Ch'ing and Hsü [Provinces]
numbered several hundred-thousands of men, and
yet that they had absolutely no written orders, banners,
or marks of identification. [The people of the
capital] all considered it a portentious prodigy and
those who loved [strange] things[2493] said furtively,
"Are not they like the three ancient August Ones,
who had no written messages or titles?"

20a
[Wang] Mang also [considered] in his heart that it
was wonderful and asked his various courtiers about
it. None of the various courtiers answered, only
Chuang Yu said, "This [circumstance] is not sufficient
[to be considered] wonderful. From the time
that the Yellow Lord, T'ang [the Successful] and
[King] Wu led their armies, [armies] have always
been provided with regiments, companies,[2495] banners,
and orders. These [people] who now do not
have them are merely a crowd of thieves [produced
by] hunger and cold, [like] dogs or sheep that have
gathered together, who merely do not know how to
formulate [such institutions." Wang] Mang was
24a
greatly pleased and the various courtiers acquiesced
completely.

However later, when the Han troops [under] Liu
[Yin] Po-sheng arose, [their leaders] all called
[themselves] Generals. They attacked cities and


437

99C: 20a

overran territory. When they had killed Chen Fou,

A.D. 23, Jan./Mar.


they sent letters about, giving an account of [Wang
Mang's crimes.[2499] When Wang] Mang heard of it,
he was worried and fearful.

The Han troops took advantage of their victories
and thereupon besieged the city of Yüan.

Formerly, [Liu Hsüan] Sheng-kung, a second
cousin of the Epochal Founder, [Emperor Kuang-wu],
had previously been among the P'ing-lin Troops,

19a
and, in the third month, on [the day] hsin-szu, the
Mar. 11
first day of the month,[2502] the P'ing-lin and Hsin-shih
The
Keng-shih
Emperor
Set Up
[Troops] and the Troops from the Lower Yangtze
[Region], led by Wang Ch'ang2, Chu Wei, and
others, together set up [Liu Hsüan] Sheng-kung as
the Emperor. He changed the year-[period] to be
the first year of [the period] Keng-shih and installed
and established a bureaucracy.

When [Wang] Mang heard of it, he was all the

Wang
Mang
Marries
Again.
more afraid. He wanted to show to the world that
he himself was calm, so he dyed his beard and hair[2505]
and promoted the "virtuous young ladies"[2506] whom
he had summoned from the empire, setting up[2507] a
daughter of the Shih clan at Tu-ling as his Empress.
He sent her [family] as betrothal presents 30,000
catties of actual gold, [together with] chariots and
horses, slaves and slave-women, variegated silks, and
precious things, which were valued by the hundred

438

A.D. 23, Mar./Apr.

millions [of cash.[2509] Wang] Mang in person wel-

99 C: 20a, b


comed her between the two stairs to the Front Hall
and completed the ceremonies of the common [marriage]
meal above in the Western Hall.[2511]

[The prescribed number of] Harmonious Ladies,
Spouses, Beauties, and Attendants were all complete.
The Harmonious Ladies were three [in number]; their

20b
rank was equal to that of the highest ministers. The
Spouses were nine [in number; their rank] was equal
to that of the high ministers. The Beauties were
twenty-seven [in number; their rank] was equal to
that of Grandees. The Attendants were eighty-one
[in number; their rank] was equal to that of First
24b
Officers. Altogether there were a hundred twenty
women. All wore seals with aprons at their girdles,
and held bowcases.[2514]

[Wang Mang] enfeoffed [Shih] Shen, the father of
the Empress, as Marquis of Harmony and Peace,
and installed him as General of a Peaceful Beginning.
[Shih] Shen's two sons were both [made] Palace
Attendants.

On that day, a great wind blew [off] roofs and
broke trees. When the many courtiers offered congratulations,
they said, "Verily, on [the day] keng-tzu,

Mar. 30
rainwater sprinkled the highways, and on [the
Mar. 31
day] hsin-ch'ou, they were clean and pure, without
any dust. That evening, the life-giving valley

439

99 C: 20b

wind[2518] blew swiftly and promptly from the north-

A.D. 23, Mar./Apr.


east. Hsin-ch'ou is the day of [the musical note]
19b
kung belonging to [the hexagram] sun.[2521] Sun [indicates]
wind and [indicates] obedience. [Thus] the
principles of an Empress are made plain and the way
of motherhood is secured. [The whole is due to] the
influence of your geniality and kindness. The Book
of Changes
says, `He will receive this great blessing
from his [Queen], the Royal Mother [of the
country].'[2522] The [Yi-li] says, `May you receive
Heaven's blessing and myriad happinesses without
bounds.'[2523] Those who intend to attach themselves
to the abolished Han [dynasty], the Liu [clan, which
depends upon the virtue of] fire, shall all be flooded,
disappear like melting snow, and extirpated, without
any remaining fragments. All the grains shall be
bountiful and plants shall grow abundantly. The
great multitude will be glad and rejoice and the
myriad common people will have the blessings that
25a
come from being good,[2525] so that the world will be
greatly favored [because of you]."

[Wang] Mang was daily in the harem with persons
versed in the magical arts, Chao-chün, from Cho
Commandery, and others, testing magical and technical


440

A.D. 23, Apr.

arts and giving himself up to lustful pleasures.

99 C: 20b, 21a

A Price
Put Upon
the Head
of
Liu Yin
Po-sheng
A general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
[Wang Mang] however said [in a message], "The
descendants of the Marquises of Ch'ung-ling [under]
the former Han dynasty, Liu [Yin] Po-sheng, with
the members of his clan, his relatives by marriage,
and his cabal, have falsely spread groundless rumors
to delude the crowd into a treasonable rebellion
21a
against Heaven's mandate. They have by their own
hands killed the General of a New Beginning, Lien
Tan, the Southern Neighboring Commandery Grandee,
Chen Fou, and his Director of an Association,
Liang-ch'iu Tz'u. [To them], together with the
northern barbarian caitiff,[2530] the rebel [Lüan-ti] Yü,
and the southwestern barbarian caitiffs Jo Tou and
Meng Ch'ien, this message [of amnesty] shall not
apply. Whoever are able to sieze these persons [Liu
Yin Po-sheng, etc.], will all be enfeoffed among the
highest ranking of the dukes, will be given the income
of an estate of ten thousand households, and will be
granted fifty million [cash] of the valuable currency."

Expeditions

Ordered
Against
the Rebels
There was also an imperial edict [saying], "The
Grand Master, Wang K'uang1a, the State General, Ai
Chang, the Director of Mandates [from the Five
Majestic Principles], K'ung Jen, the Shepherd of
Yen Province and Director of the Confederation at
Shou-liang, Wang Hung, and the Shepherd of Yang
20a
Province, Li Sheng, shall quickly send forward the
troops of the provinces and commanderies in the
regional divisions which are their charge; altogether
a force of three hundred thousand [men], in order to

441

99 C: 21a, b

pursue and arrest the thieves and robbers in Ch'ing

A.D. 23, Apr.


and Hsü [Provinces]. The Communicator and General,
25b
Chuang Yu, the Arranger of the Ancestral
Temples and General, Ch'en Mou, the General of
Chariots and Cavalry, Wang Hsün2, and the Eastern
Neighboring Commandery Grandee, Wang Wu2, shall
quickly send forward the troops of the provinces and
commanderies in the divisions which are in their
charge, a force of altogether a hundred thousand men,
to pursue and arrest the band of caitiffs in the
Southern Neighboring Commandery, [Liu Yin, Liu
Hsiu, etc.]. Inform them clearly with trustworthiness
[like that of a painting done in] cinnabar
and azurite,[2536] that [if they surrender, they shall]
live, [but] if they are again deluded and do not disperse,
[these leaders] will all join forces, attack
unitedly, and extirpate them.

"Previously, when the Grand Minister of Works,
the Duke Prospering the Hsin [Dynasty, Wang Yi5],
a relative and member of the imperial clan, as the
Tiger Teeth General, went east and pointed [at
them], rebellious caitiffs were routed and ruined;
when he went west and attacked, seditious bandits

21b

442

A.D. 23, Apr./May

were ground to powder. He is thus a majestic and

99 C: 21b


precious minister of the Hsin House. If the crafty
bandits do not disperse, I will send the Grand Minister
of Works, leading an army of a million [men],
to make a punitive military expedition [against them
and] exterminate them."

Wei Ao
Flees.
[Wang Mang] sent Wei Ao, an Executive Officer
of one of the Seven Highest Ministers, [Liu Hsin1a],
and others, seventy-two persons [in all], by divisions,
to issue the ordinance of amnesty and plainly instruct
[the people. When Wei] Ao and the others had left
[the court], availing [themselves of this opportunity],
they escaped.

Apr./May
In the fourth month, the Epochal Founder, [Liu
Hsiu], with Wang Ch'ang2 and others, separately
attacked Ying-ch'uan [Commandery] and caused
26a
K'un-yang, Yen, and Ting-ling to surrender. When
[Wang] Mang head of it, he was all the more fearful,
20b
and sent the Grand Minister of Works, Wang Yi5,
Wang Yi's
Great
Army
Gathers.
riding a galloping quadriga, to go to Lo-yang, with
the [Grand] Minister Over the Masses, Wang Hsün3,
to mobilize the troops of numerous commanderies,
[to the number of] a million [men], calling them the
Tiger Teeth [Troops and] the Troops of the Five
Majestic [Principles], in order to tranquillize [the
region] east of the [Kuan-chung] mountains. [Wang
Yi5] was permitted on his own authority to raise
[persons] to the nobility. [The power of] making final
decisions concerning government [business was also
given] to [Wang] Yi5. [Wang Mang] appointed to
office the [various] persons skilled in methods of the
sixty-three schools of military arts whom he had
summoned.[2545] Each one bore his charts and writings,

443

99 C: 21b, 22a

received military implements and armor, and

A.D. 23, Apr./July


acted as a military officer. [Wang Mang] emptied
the government storehouses in order to send out
[Wang] Yi5 provided abundantly with precious things
and wild beasts, with the purpose of showing the
exceeding wealth [of the imperial forces,] in order to
frighten [the region] east of the [Kuan-chung]
mountains.

When [Wang] Yi5 reached Lo-yang, the provinces
and commanderies each selected their picked troops,
led by their Shepherds and Administrators in person.
Those for whom a rendezvous had been appointed
[numbered] more than four hundred twenty thousand
men and [marched] on the highways in a continuous
[stream]. From the [most] ancient [times] that
armies had set forth, [such] magnificence in chariots,
armor, men, and horses had never before been [seen].

In the sixth month, [Wang] Yi5 and the [Grand]

22a
Minister Over the Masses, [Wang] Hsün3, started
June/July
from Lo-yang, intending to go to Yüan. Their road
The
Rout at
K'un-yang
went out of Ying-ch'uan [Commandery] past K'un-yang.
At that time, K'un-yang had already surrendered
to the Han [troops], and the Han troops
were defending it. Chuang Yu and Ch'en Mou had
joined [their troops] with [those of] the two highest
ministers. When the two highest ministers [were
about to] launch their troops to besiege K'un-yang,
Chuang Yu said, "[The rebel] who has been called
by the imperial title, [Liu Hsüan Sheng-kung], is
below [the walls of] Yüan, [besieging it]. It would
26b
be proper to hasten and advance [to that place]. If
he is routed, the various [other] cities will of their
own accord be tranquillized." [Wang] Yi5 replied,
"Wherever an army of a million passes, it is due to
annihilate [the enemy]. We will now massacre [the
defenders of] this city, trample in blood,[2552] and then

444

A.D. 23, June/July

advance [to Yüan]. The van will sing and the rear

99 C: 22a


will dance; would not that be enjoyable?"[2555] Thereupon
they surrounded the city several tens [of
men] deep.

[The defenders] in the city begged [for permission]
to surrender [on terms], but [permission] was refused.
Chuang Yu also said, " `When an army
[wishes] to return [home], do not stop it; in besieging

21a
a city, [leave] an opening for them.'[2557] In accordance
with the Military Methods you might cause them
to be permitted to escape and leave [the city], and
thereby frighten [the attackers of] Yüan."[2558] Again
[Wang] Yi5 would not listen.

It happened that when the Epochal Founder, [Liu
Hsiu], mobilized all the troops in Yen and Ting-ling,
to the number of several thousand men, and came to
rescue [the defenders of] K'un-yang, [Wang] Hsün3
and [Wang] Yi5 made light of it. They themselves
led more than ten thousand men and reviewed their
battle-array. They ordered that the various encampments
should all to be retained and that the
regiments [therein] should not to be permitted to
move. [Then Wang Hsün3 and Wang Yi5] by themselves
[went to] meet the Han troops. When they
were not successful in battle, their great army did


445

99 C: 22a, b

not presume on its own authority to rescue them.[2560]

A.D. 23, June/July


The Han troops took advantage of their victory and
killed [Wang] Hsün3. Simultaneously the [Han]
troops inside K'un-yang came out and fought.
[Wang] Yi5 fled and the army was in confusion. A
great[2562] wind blew away tiles, and the rain was as if
water were being poured down, so that the great band
[of soldiers] collapsed in ruin. The shouting [made
even] the tigers and leopards tremble with fear in
their haunches. [Wang Mang's] soldiers fled hastily,
27a
each returning to his own commandery. [Wang] Yi5,
with only the several thousand brave and daring men
22b
from Ch'ang-an whom he commanded, returned to
Lo-yang. When [the people] in Kuan-chung heard
of it, they quaked with fear and thieves and robbers
arose simultaneously.

Since it was moreover reported that the Han troops
said that [Wang] Mang had murdered Emperor

The Metal
Bound
Coffer
Opened
Hsiao-p'ing by poison, [Wang] Mang thereupon assembled,
in the Hall With the Royal Apartments,
the ministers and those [ranking] below and opened
the metal-bound document in which he had begged
[to substitute his own] life for that of Emperor
P'ing.[2566] He wept silently as he showed it to his
various courtiers.

He commanded the Baron of Brilliant Scholarship,
Chang2 Han, to state and explain the virtue [of the

A Clever
Augury
power, earth, which brought] him, [Wang Mang, to
the throne], together with the mandates [given him

446

A.D. 23, June/July

through] portents. Thereupon [Chang2 Han] said,

99 C: 22b


"The Book of Changes says,
`He hides his weapons in a thicket (mang),
Mounts (sheng) a high mound (kao-ling),
And in the third year he will not prosper.'[2570]
Mang is the personal name of the Emperor; sheng
21b
means Liu [Yin] Po-sheng; kao-ling means Chai Yi,
the son of the Marquis of Kao-lingb, [Chai Fang-chin].
It means that Liu [Yin Po]-sheng and Chai
Yi will have troops with "hidden weapons in" [the
reign of Wang "Mang"],[2572] the Emperor of the Hsin
[House], but yet will be extirpated and "will not
prosper."[2573] The courtiers all called out, "Long
life!"

Pretended
Execution
of the
Rebels
[Wang Mang] also ordered carriages with cages to
transport several men from the eastern quarter [of
the empire], saying that [these men] were Liu [Yin]
Po-sheng and the others. All of them underwent the
grand exposure [of their corpses. But] the common
people[2575] knew that it was false.

27b
Previous to this, the General of the Guard, Wang
Shê, had kept a gentleman versed in the ways of
magic,[2577] Hsi-men Chün-hui. [Hsi-men] Chün-hui
loved astrology and prophetic accounts. He said to
[Wang] Shê, "A comet has swept in the [Heavenly]
Palace,[2578] [hence] the Liu clan is due to be restored.

447

99 C: 22b, 23a

[The next emperor] will have the surname and given

A.D. 23, June/July


An
Astrological

Portent
and
Prophecy
for
Liu Hsin
name of the State Master and Highest Minister."[2582]
[Wang] Shê believed his words, and spoke of them
to the Commander-in-chief, Tung Chung1b, who urged
that they both go to the private apartments of the
State Master, [Liu Hsin1a], in the [Palace] Hall and
talk to him about the zodiacal constellation. [But]
the State Master did not respond.

Later [Wang] Shê went alone to him. He wept
silently before [Liu] Hsin1a and said, "I really wish
with you, Duke, to bring peace to our clans. Alas,

23a
why will you not believe me, [Wang] Shê?" Thereupon
Wang
She's
Plot
[Liu] Hsin1a said to him that, [according to] the
astrological phenomena and human affairs, [the insurgents]
in the eastern quarter, were bound to
succeed.

[Wang] Shê said, "Marquis Ai of Hsin-tuc, [Wang
Wan, Wang Mang's father], suffered from illness
when he was young, and the Baronetess of Apparent
Merits, [Wang Mang's mother], habitually loved
wine. I suspect that the Emperor was not in his
origin a child of my clan.[2585] His excellency Tung
[Chung1b] has charge of the picked troops in the
Palace Encampments. I, [Wang] Shê, command the
Palace Guard; the Marquis of Yi-and-Hsiu, [Liu
Tieh], is in charge inside the [Palace] Hall. If we
unitedly cooperate in the plot, together sieze the
Emperor by force, and surrender to the Son of


448

A.D. 23, July/Aug.

Heaven in Nan-yang [Commandery] to the east,

99 C: 23a

22a

[Liu Hsüan Sheng-kung, we] will be able to preserve
our clans. If not, we will all be executed and
28a
our clans annihilated."

The Marquis of Yi-and-Hsiu, [Liu Tieh], was [Liu]
Hsin1a's eldest son. He was a Palace Attendant and
General of the Fifth Rank Gentlemen-at-the Palace.
[Wang] Mang habitually loved him, [but Liu] Hsin1a
held a grudge [because Wang] Mang had killed three
of his children,[2590] and also feared that the great calamity
[of execution] would come upon him. Consequently
he plotted with [Wang] Shê and [Tung]
Chung.

When they wanted to act, [Liu] Hsin1a said, "We
must wait until [the planet] Venus appears,[2591] and
then only may we [act]." Because the Director of


449

99 C: 23a

the Palace and Grand Keeper of the Robes, the

A.D. 23, July/Aug.


Marquis Raising Military Power, Sun Chi, also controlled
troops, [Tung] Chung1b also plotted with
[Sun] Chi. When [Sun] Chi returned to his home,
the color of his face had changed and he could not eat.
When his wife marvelled and asked him about it, he
told her the circumstances. His wife told it to her
younger brother, Ch'en Han, a man from Yün-yang,
and [Ch'en] Han wanted to give information about
July/Aug.
it. In the seventh month, [Sun] Chi and [Ch'en]
The Plot
is
Revealed.
Han together gave information [about the plot.
Wang] Mang sent commissioners separately to summon
[Tung] Chung1b and the others.

[Tung] Chung1b was just at that time teaching
military [methods] at a grand review [of his troops].
His Commissioner Over the Army, Wang Hsien2d,
said to [Tung] Chung1b, "Your plot has been made
for some time but no action has been taken, so that
I fear it has been divulged. It would be better immediately
to behead the commissioner, take command
of your troops, and enter [the Palace to carry
out the plot." But Tung] Chung1b did not listen
[to him], and consequently joined [Liu] Hsin1a and
[Wang] Shê outside the gate of the inner [Palace]
apartments.


450

A.D. 23, Aug.

[Wang] Mang ordered Tai Yün to interrogate

99 C: 23a, b


them under torture, and all confessed. Palace Attendants
Within the Yellow Gate, all with swords
23b
drawn, conducted [Tung] Chung1b and the others to
an antechamber. [Tung] Chung1b drew his sword
with the intention of cutting his own throat. A
Palace Attendant, Wang Wang, reported that the
28b
Commander-in-chief, [Tung Chung1b], had rebelled.
[The Palace Attendants Within] the Yellow Gate had
drawn their swords, and jointly fought with and
Tung
Chung
Killed
killed [Tung Chung1b. The people in] the inner [palace]
apartments frightened one another by the report
that troops under a command would arrive. [The Gentlemen] in the Gentlemen's quarters all drew
their swords and cocked their crossbows. The General
of a New Beginning,[2601] Shih Shen, visited the
various quarters and informed the Gentlemen and
officials, saying, "The Commander-in-chief, [Tung
Chung1b], had [a spell] of insanity come upon him;
22b
he has already been executed. All are ordered to
unbend their weapons." [Wang] Mang wanted to
repress any baneful influence, so had the [Gentlemen]
As Rapid As Tigers use a sword for beheading
horses[2603] to cut off [Tung] Chung1b's [head], put it
in a bamboo vessel, and sent it about [the empire,
with a label] saying, "A rebellious caitiff who has

451

99 C: 23b

left [his office]."

A.D. 23, Aug.

[Wang Mang] issued a message of amnesty to the
officers and soldiers belonging to the office of the
Commander-in-chief, who had been led into error
by [Tung] Chung1b, had plotted to rebel, and had not
yet been discovered. He had the clan and relatives
of Tung Chung1b arrested, and buried them together
in one pit with strong vinegar, poisonous drugs, foot[long]
naked two-edged blades,[2606] and a thicket of
thorns.[2607]

Liu Hsin1a and Wang Shê both committed suicide.

Liu Hsin
Executed
[Wang] Mang considered that [one] of these two
persons was [of the same] flesh and blood [as himself
and the other was] a minister [who had been in
office] for a long [time, so,] because [Wang Mang]
disliked [it to be known] that these [persons] within

452

A.D. 23, Aug.

[the court] had been infected [with evil], he kept

99 C: 23b, 24a


their execution secret. Because moreover the Marquis
of Yi-and-Hsiu, [Liu] Tieh, had constantly been
circumspect and [Liu] Hsin1a had finally not informed
[Liu Tieh of the plot], he was merely dismissed [from
his posts as] Palace Attendant and General of the
Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, and was changed to be a
Palace Grandee Without Specified Appointment.

Liu Hsin's
Ghost
Appears.
A day later, in the [Palace] Hall, beside the palm
[of the hand] of the immortal on the hill of earth
[in the park under the charge of] the Intendant of
29a
the Imperial Palace Parks,[2613] there was a white-headed
24a
old man in cerulean clothes. The Gentlemen
and officials who saw it said privately that it was the
State Master and Highest Minister, [Liu Hsin1a].

The Marquis of Vast Merit, [Wang] Hsi3a, was
usually good with the hexagrams, [so Wang] Mang
had him to interpret its divination. He said, "One
should be careful about weapons and fire."[2615]


453

99 C: 24a

[Wang] Mang replied, "How did you, boy, get this

A.D. 23, Aug.


erroneous explanation? This is indeed my august
ancestor's younger uncle, [Wang] Tzu-ch'iao, who
has wanted to come and invite me [to become an
immortal]."

When, outside [the court, Wang] Mang's armies

Wang Yi
Made
Heir-Apparent

had been routed and, inside [the court], his greatest
ministers had rebelled, so that none of those about
him could be trusted, he could no longer deliberate
[with them] about matters at a distance in the commanderies

454

A.D. 23, Aug./Sept.

and kingdoms. When he wanted to summon

99C: 24a

[Wang] Yi5 and make plans with him, Ts'ui Fa
said, "[Wang] Yi5 is habitually cautious. Now that
23a
he has lost a large force, if he is summoned, I fear
that he will grasp his credentials and commit suicide.
It would be proper that you should in some great
manner console his feelings." Thereupon [Wang]
Mang sent [Ts'ui] Fa in a galloping quadriga with
verbal instructions for [Wang] Yi5, [saying], "I am
aged and have no[2622] son by my legitimate wives. I
wish to transmit the empire to you, Yi. It is ordered
that you shall not need to beg pardon [for your
defeat] and when I receive you in audience you shall
not again speak [of the past]."

[When Wang] Yi5 arrived, he was made the Commander-in-chief.
The Grand Prolonger of Autumn,
Chang2 Han, became the Grand Minister Over the
Masses. Ts'ui Fa became the Grand Minister of
Works. The Director of the Palaces and Shelterer

29b
of Long Life, Miao Hsin, became the State Master.
The Marquis of Like Delight, [Wang] Lin2, became
the General of the Guard.

[Wang] Mang was so distressed and worried that
he could not eat. He only drank wine, ate shellfish,[2624]
and read books on military matters. When
he was tired, he would rest [his head] upon his stool
and sleep without again seeking his pillow.

Magical
Defenses
By nature, [Wang Mang] loved the numerology
of lucky times and days.[2626] When moreover matters

455

99 C: 24a, b

became urgent, he merely repressed them by incanta-

A.D. 23, Aug./Sept.


tions. He sent a commissioner to destroy the screening
walls at the gates to the parks of the Wei Tomb
and the Yen Tomb, saying, "Do not cause the common
24b
people to think of the Han [Dynasty] again."[2630]
He also used black to defile the color of their surrounding
walls.[2631] He entitled his generals,[2632] "The
general for whom [the planet] Jupiter rests in [the
cyclical sign] shen and [the element] water is an
assistant,"[2633] "the Colonel who honors [the cyclical
sign] keng and injures [the element] wood,"[2634] and
"the Chief Commandant who sets [the cyclical sign]
ping in front and glorifies [the element] metal."[2635]
He also [gave titles] reading, "[The military leader]
holding a great axe to chop down withered wood,"
[and, "The military leader] causing great waters to
run, extinguishing any fire that has arisen."[2636] The
things of this sort [that he did and said are too many]
to be recorded completely.


456

A.D. 23, Sept.

Autumn
In the autumn, Venus moved into [the constel-

99 C: 24b


lation] T'ai-wei, and lighted the earth like the light
of the moon.[2640]

Rebellion
in the
West
Wei Ts'ui and his elder brother, [Wei Yi, men
from] Ch'eng-chi, together kidnapped the Grand
Governor [of T'ien-shui Commandery], Li Yü.
23b
They made their elder brother's son, Wei Ao, their
General-in-chief, and attacked and killed the Shepherd
of Yung Province, Ch'en Ch'ing, and the Director
of a Confederation at An-ting [Commandery],
30a
Wang Hsün1,[2644] and joined his force [with their own].
They sent a letter to the commanderies and counties
enumerating [Wang] Mang's crimes and wickednesses,
[saying that they were] ten thousand [times
the number of those committed by] Chieh and
Chou.[2645]

Attack
from the
South
In this month, Teng Yeh and Yü K'uang, men
from [the prefecture of] Hsi5, raised troops at Nan-hsiang
[to the number of] more than a hundred men.
At that time, the Ruler of Hsi5 led several thousand
troops and garrisoned the Ch'iao Commune to defend
the Wu Pass. [Teng] Yeh and [Yü] K'uang said to

457

99 C: 24 b, 25a

the Ruler, "An Emperor of the Liu [clan] has already

A.D. 23, Sept./Oct.


been set up. Why do you, sir, not recognize the
mandate [of Heaven]?" The Ruler [thereupon]
begged [permission] to surrender, [and so Teng Yen
and Yü K'uang] secured all of his band.

[Teng] Yeh called himself the General of the Left
Supporting the Han [Dynasty] and [Yü] K'uang
[called himself] the General of the Right [Supporting
the Han Dynasty]. They took Hsi5 and Tan-shui
by storm. When they attacked the Wu Pass, the
Chief Commandant [of the Pass], Chu Meng, surrendered.

25a
They advanced and attacked the Western
Neighboring Commandery Grandee, Sung Kang,
and killed him. Then they went west and took Hu2
by storm.

[When Wang] Mang was all the more worried and
did not know what to do, Ts'ui Fa said, "[According
to] the Chou Offices and Mr. Tso's [Commentary on]
the Spring and Autumn, whenever a state has a great
visitation, [the ruler] should weep, in order to repress
[the evil].[2650] Hence the Book of Changes says, `He
at first wails and cries out, but later laughs.'[2651] It

30b
would be proper to cry out and sigh, in giving information
to Heaven, in order to seek for rescue."

[Wang] Mang himself knew that he would be defeated,
but he led his courtiers to the Southern Place


458

A.D. 23, Sept./Oct.

for the Suburban Sacrifice [to Heaven], set out his

99 C: 25a


mandates [by means of] portents from first to last,
24a
looked up to Heaven, and said, "Since thou, August
Wang
Mang
Appeals
to the
Gods and
Weeps.
Heaven, hast given thy mandate to thy subject,
Mang, why doest thou not immediately order extirpated
the bands [of troops] and the robbers? But
if thy servant Mang has done wrong, I wish that
thou wouldst send down thy thunderbolt to execute
thy servant Mang." Thereupon he struck his heart
with his palm and wept loudly. When his breath
was exhausted, he prostrated himself and knocked
his head [upon the ground].

He also composed a document giving information
to Heaven, setting out his own important achievements,
in more than a thousand words. The various
Masters and uninfluential common people met in the
mornings and evenings to weep, and for them he
established repasts of congee. Those who were
[really] melancholy, together with those who were
able to recite the words of his document, were made
Gentlemen.[2657] [They numbered] more than five
thousand persons. Tai Yün led them.

[Wang] Mang installed nine persons as Generals,
all of whom had "tiger" as their title. They were
called the Nine Tiger [Generals]. They led several
ten-thousand picked soldiers from the Northern Army
and went eastwards. Their wives and children were
taken into the palaces, to serve as hostages.

His
Stinginess
and
Wealth
At this time, in the inner apartments [of the Wei-yang
Palace], ten thousand catties of actual gold
were put into one chest and there still remained sixty
chests.[2659] In each of [the offices] of the Yellow

459

99 C: 25a, b

Gate and of the Intendant of Palace Parks in the

A.D. 23, Sept./Oct.


storehouses, and [in the workshop of] the Empress's
Master of Recipes, there were [also] several chests.
In the Imperial Wardrobe at the Ch'ang-lo [Palace],
the Empress's Wardrobe and the storehouses of the
25b 31a
[Bureau of] Equalization and Standards in the capital[2663]
there was [in addition] very much cash, silk,
pearls, jade, and valuables. [Wang] Mang became
[even] more parsimonious with them, and granted
[only] four thousand cash to each of the soldiers of
the Nine Tiger [Generals].[2664] Their troops were
greatly discontented, so that they had no intention
of fighting.

The Nine Tiger [Generals] reached the Hui Gorge

Kuan-chung

Invaded
at Hua-yin and blocked the defiles to the north along
the [Yellow] River and south to the mountains.
Yü K'uang, with several thousand crossbow [men],
mounted the [Feng-ling] mound to provoke a battle.
Teng Yeh, leading more than twenty thousand men,
went south from Wen-hsiang Highroad and came out
of the Tsao-[hsiang] Highroad and the Tso-ku [River
valley], routed one division [of soldiers], went north,
24b
came out behind the Nine Tiger [Generals], and
attacked them. Six Tiger [Generals] were defeated
and fled. [Of these six], Shih Hsiung and Wang
K'uang4a came to the [Palace] portal [and asked for
pardon and permission] to return home to die.[2667]

460

A.D. 23, Sept.

[Wang] Mang sent a messenger to reproach [them,

99 C: 25b, 26a


saying], "How is it that those who should be dead
are [still] alive?" so they both committed suicide.
Four [defeated] Tiger [Generals] fled. Three Tiger
[Generals], Kuo Ch'inb, Ch'en Hui, and Ch'eng
Chung, collected the scattered troops and took refuge
in the Capital Granary.

26a
Teng Yeh opened the Wu Pass and invited in Li
Sung, the Han [dynasty's] Director of Service to the
Lieutenant Chancellor. He led more than two thousand
31b
men and came to Hu2. With [Teng] Yeh and
the others, they together attacked the Capital
Granary.

When it did not surrender, [Teng] Yeh made a
Division Head of Hung-nung [Commandery], Wang
Hsien4, his Colonel. [The latter] led several hundred
men north, crossed the Wei [River], and entered the
territory of Tso-p'ing-yi [Commandery], making
cities surrender and overrunning territory. Li Sung
sent a Lieutenant General, Han Ch'en, and others,
to go across westwards to Hsin-feng, where [Han

Another
Defeat
Ch'en] fought a battle with [Wang] Mang's General
of the Po River, [Tou Jung. The General of] the
Po River fled.[2673]

Han Ch'en and the others pursued the fleeing
[troops], and so they came to Ch'ang-men.[2674] Wang
Hsien4 went north to P'in-yang, and wherever he
passed, [the people came out] to welcome him and


461

99 C: 26a, b

surrender. [People] of the powerful clans, Shen

A.D. 23, Sept./Oct.


The
Kuan-chung

People
Welcome
the
Invaders.
Tang of Yüeh-yang and Wang Ta of Hsia-kuei, both
led their bands to follow [Wang] Hsien4. From
counties in [the capital commanderies], Chuang
Ch'un from T'ai, Tung Hsi from Mou-ling, Wang
Meng4b from Lan-t'ien, Ju Ch'en from Huai-li, Wang
Fu2b from Chou-chih, Chuang Pen from Yang-ling,
T'u-men Shao from Tu-ling, and the like, whose
bands all [numbered] several thousand men, took
25a
titles and called themselves Generals of the Han
[dynasty].

At this time, Li Sung and Teng Yeh considered
that although the Capital Granary was a very small
[place], if they had not yet been able to make it
surrender, how much more [this would be the case
with] the city of Ch'ang-an, so that it would be necessary
for them to wait until the great army of the
Keng-shih Emperor arrived [before attacking Ch'ang-an].
When they thereupon led their armies to Hua-yin

32a
to prepare implements for attacking [Ch'ang-an],
troops from [places] neighboring Ch'ang-an however
assembled from all quarters below the [Ch'ang-an]
Ch'ang-an
Attacked
city walls. It was reported that the troops of the
Wei clan from T'ien-shui [Commandery][2681] would
presently arrive, so they all rivaled [one another],
wanting to be the first to enter the city, for they were
covetous of the profit [they would gain by] achieving
the great glory [of executing Wang Mang] and from
kidnapping and plundering [in the palaces].

[Wang] Mang sent commissioners separately to
amnesty the convicts in the various prisons within
the city and gave them all arms. [The commissioners

26b
had] some swine killed, and had [the former
A Convict
Army
Flees.
convicts] drink the blood [of the swine, thereby]
making an oath with them, saying, "If there is

462

A.D. 23, Oct. 4, 5

anyone who is not for the House of Hsin, may the

99 C: 26b


gods of the soils and the spirits remember it." The
General of a New Beginning, Shih Shen, led them.
They crossed the Wei [River] Bridge and all scattered
and ran, [so that Shih] Shen returned empty[handed].

The Hsin
Tombs
Opened
and its
Temples
Destroyed
The bands of troops dug up the tomb-mounds of
[Wang] Mang's wife, sons, father, and grandfather,
and burnt their coffins and grave-vaults, together
with his Nine [Ancestral] Temples, the Ming-t'ang,
and the Pi-yung. The fire shone into the city.

Someone said to [Wang] Mang, "The soldiers at
the city gates are people from the east, so that they
cannot be trusted." [Wang] Mang [accordingly]
changed them and mobilized men from the Picked
Cavalry to be the guards [for the city gates], establishing
one Colonel at each Gate with six hundred
men.

Oct. 4
In the tenth month, on [the day] mou-shen, the
Ch'ang-an
Entered
first day of the month, the troops entered by way of
the Hsüan-p'ing City Gate, which among the common
people is called the Capital Gate. Chang2 Han
was inspecting the city gates, happened upon the
troops, and was killed. Wang Yi5, Wang Lin2, Wang
Hsün2, Tai Yün, and others separately led troops to
32b
resist the attack outside the Northern Portal [of the
Palace]. The Han troops were ambitious for enfeoffment
[in reward for killing Wang] Mang and
more than seven hundred of them fought strenuously.
When it happened that the sun went down,
[the people in] the government yamens, the lodges
25b
[for the commanderies and kingdoms], and the residences
[adjoining the Palace] had all run away
and fled.

Oct. 5
On the second day [of the month, the day] chi-yu,
The
Palace
Set
on Fire
some young people from within the city [of Ch'ang-an],
Chu Ti, Chang Yü2, and others, who had feared
that they would be kidnapped or robbed, and had
shouted vehemently in response to [the invaders],

463

99 C: 26b, 27a

set fire to the Artisans' Chamber Gate [an inner gate

A.D. 23, Oct. 5


in the northwestern part of the Wei-yang Palace],
and hacked open a side door of the [Hall] of Reverence
for the Law, calling out,

"You rebellious caitiff, Wang Mang,
Why do you not come out and surrender?"[2695]

The fire reached to the Ch'eng-ming [Hall] in the
Lateral Courts, where the Princess of the Yellow Imperial
House dwelt. [Wang] Mang fled from the fire
to the Hsüan Room, and the fire in the Front Hall
immediately followed him. The Palace Maids and
women wailed, saying, "What must we do?"

27a

At that time [Wang] Mang had on uniformly

Magical
Defenses
purple garments,[2698] was girded with his imperial seals
and apron and held the Lord of Yü, [Shun's], dagger
with a spoon on the end of its hilt; an Astrological
Gentleman held a diviner's board before him,[2699] and
for the day and hour he added [the appropriate] layout
[on the board. Wang] Mang had turned about

464

A.D. 23, Oct. 5, 6

his mat and sat according to [the position] of the

99 C: 27a, b


handle to the [Heavenly] Bushel, saying, "Heaven
begat the virtue that is in me. The Han troops—
what can they do to me?"[2702]

33a
For some time, [Wang] Mang had not eaten, which
had lessened his energy, so that he had become exhausted.
On the morning of the third day [of the
Oct. 6
month, the day] keng-hsü, when it was light, a group
Wang
Mang
Flees to
The Tower
Bathed by
Water.
of courtiers supported [Wang] Mang from the Front
Hall southwards down the Zanthoxylum Stairs, and
westwards out of the White Tiger Gate. The Duke
of Peace to [the House of] Hsin, Wang Yi6, had
charge of the chariot and drove it outside the [Palace]
Gate. [Wang] Mang went in the chariot to the
27b
Tower Bathed [by Water], intending to rely upon
the water of the pond [as a magical defence],[2707]
and planning to hold in his arms the mandates [given
through] portents and majestic tou-[measures]. The
26a
ministers, Grandees, Palace Attendants, [Attendants
of] the Yellow Gate, Gentlemen, and Royal Retinue,
who were still more than a thousand persons, followed
him.

Wang Yi5 had been fighting day and night and was
extremely fatigued; when his men had almost all been
killed or wounded, they galloped into the Palace and,
by a difficult and roundabout route, reached the


465

99 C: 27b

Tower Bathed [By Water. When Wang Yi5] saw his

A.D. 23, Oct. 6


son, the Palace Attendant, [Wang] Mu, taking off
his robes and bonnet, with the intention of escaping,
[Wang] Yi5 scolded him, ordering him to return, [so
that the two], father and son, together defended
[Wang] Mang.

When the men of the army entered the [Palace]
Halls, they called out, "Where is the rebellious caitiff,
Wang Mang?" and a Beauty came out of a room and
said, "He is in the Tower Bathed [By Water]." The
bands of soldiers pursued after him, and surrounded
it several hundred deep. Those on the Tower also
exchanged shots with them, using bows and crossbows,
but gradually dropped out and left [off shooting].
When their arrows were exhausted, so that
they had no way of returning shots, they met [the
attackers] with their short weapons. Wang Yi5 and
his son,[2711] [Wang Mu], Tai Yün, and Wang Hsün2,

33b
died fighting, [whereupon Wang] Mang entered the
room [on top of the Tower]. In the very late afternoon,[2713]
the bands of soldiers went up the tower.
Wang Yi6, Chao Po, Miao Hsin, T'ang Tsunb, Wang
Sheng, the Regular Palace Attendant Wang Ts'an,
and others all died on top of the Tower. Tu Wu,[2714]
Wang
Mang
Killed
a man from [the prefecture of] Shang, killed [Wang]
Mang and took his [seals][2716] and cords. A Colonel

466

A.D. 23, Oct.

from Tunghai [Commandery], Kung-pin Chiu, who

99 C: 27b, 28a


had formerly been a [Gentleman] Dealing With the
Rites, [a subordinate of] the Grand Messenger, saw
[Tu] Wu and asked him where the owner of the seal-cords
was. He replied, "In the room, in the northeast
corner." [Kung-pin] Chiu recognized [Wang]
Mang and cut off his head.[2719] The men of the army
cut [Wang] Mang's body to pieces. His members
28a
and his flesh and bones were sliced and divided.[2721]
"Those who killed each other in the struggle [to
secure parts of Wang Mang's body numbered] several
tens of persons."[2722] Kung-pin Chiu bore [Wang]
Mang's head to Wang Hsien4.

[Wang] Hsien4 called himself a Han Generalissimo
and the troops in the city, [numbering] several hundred

26b
thousand [men], were all subordinate to him.
Wang
Hsien's
Fate
He dwelt in the Eastern Palace, treated [the women
in Wang] Mang's harem as his wives, rode in [Wang
Mang's] carriages [and wore Wang Mang's] robes.

Oct. 9
On the sixth day [of the month, the day] kuei-ch'ou,
Li Sung and Teng Yeh entered Ch'ang-an.
Generals Chao Meng and Shen-t'u Chien also arrived.
Because Wang Hsien4 had received the imperial
seals and cords and had not immediately sent
them [to the Keng-shih Emperor], had taken many

467

99 C: 28a, b

of the women in the palace, and had set up the drums

A.D. 23


and flags of the Son of Heaven, he was arrested and
beheaded [for aspiring to the throne. Wang] Mang's
34a
head was transmitted to the Keng-shih Emperorand
was hung up in the market-place at Yüan. The
people all together picked up [things] and threw them
at it. Some cut out and ate his tongue.

The troops of [Wang] Mang's Shepherd of Yang[2729]

The Fate
of Wang
Mang's
Officials:
Li Sheng
K'ung Jen
Province, Li Sheng, and of the Director of Mandates
[from the Five Majestic Principles], K'ung Jen, were
defeated east of [the Kuan-chung] mountains. [Li]
Sheng fought and was killed. [K'ung] Jen led his
band and surrendered. Afterwards, he sighed and
said, "I have heard that he who eats another's food
must die in his service," so he drew his sword, stabbed
himself, and died. The Department Head and
Superintendant of a Division, Tu P'u, the Grand
TuP'u
Shen Yi
Governor of Ch'en-ting [Commandery], Shen Yi,
and the Leader of a Combination at Chiu-chiang
[Commandery], Chia Meng, all moreover defended
28b
their commanderies, did not surrender, and were executed
Chia Meng
by the Han troops. When the Grand Governor
of Shang-tu [Commandery], Wang Ch'in, and
Wang
Ch'in
Kuo Ch'in
Kuo Ch'inb, who were defending the Capital Granary,
heard that [Wang] Mang was dead, they surrendered.
The Keng-shih [Emperor] [considered them] as
righteous, and enfeoffed them both as marquises.
The Grand Master, Wang K'uang1a, and the State
Wang
K'uang
Ai Chang
Chuang Yu
Ch'en Mou
General, Ai Chang, surrendered at Lo-yang. They
were transported to Yüan, where they were beheaded.

After Chuang Yu and Ch'en Mou had been defeated
below [the walls of] K'un-yang, they fled to
Ch'iao in P'ei Commandery. They called themselves
Han Generals and summoned and assembled
officials and common people. [Chuang] Yu gave
them an account, saying that Wang Mang had


468

A.D. 23

usurped the throne, that he would die at the time

99 C: 28b


[allotted to him by] Heaven, and that the sage Han
[dynasty] would revive again; [meanwhile Ch'en]
Mou prostrated himself and wept. When they heard
that the former Marquis of Chung-wub [under] the
Han [dynasty], Liu Sheng5e, had collected a band in
Ju-nan [Commandery] and was [going to be] entitled
34b
by the imperial title, [Chuang] Yu and [Ch'en] Mou
27a
surrendered to him. He made [Chuang] Yu his
Commander-in-chief and [Ch'en] Mou his Lieutenant
Chancellor. [After] more than ten days, he
was defeated [by the Keng-shih Emperor's Generalissimo,
Nov./
Liu Hsin, and Chuang] Yu and [Ch'en] Mou
Dec.[2742]
both died.

The commanderies and counties all offered their
cities [to the Keng-shih Emperor] and surrendered,
so that the whole empire returned to the Han
[dynasty].

Ts'ui Fa
Previously, Shen-t'u Chien had once served Ts'ui
Fa [as a disciple, studying] the Book of Odes. When
[Shen-t'u] Chien arrived, [Ts'ui] Fa surrendered to
him, [but] later he again gave an [apologetic] account
[of Wang Mang,[2744] so Shen-t'u] Chien directed the
Lieutenant Chancellor [of the Keng-shih Emperor],
Liu Tz'u, to behead [Ts'ui] Fa in order that he
might accompany [his master, Wang Mang], in
Shih Shen
Others
death. Shih Shen, Wang Yen2, Wang Lin2, Wang
Wu2, and Chao Hung also surrendered but nevertheless
were killed.

Previously those soldiers who had taken titles every
one hoped to be enfeoffed as a marquis, [but] because
Shen-t'u Chien had beheaded Wang Hsien4 and also
spread about [a report] that treacherous [persons
from] the three capital commanderies had together


469

99 C: 28b, 29a

killed their lord, [Wang Mang], the officials and com-

A.D. 23-25


mon people [of Ch'ang-an] became afraid and the
counties subordinate [to Ch'ang-an] assembled
[troops, hence Shen-t'u] Chien and the others were
unable to make them surrender. He galloped and
advised [the Keng-shih Emperor of the situation].

In [the period] Keng-shih, the second year, the

II
second month, the Keng-shih [Emperor, Liu Hsüan
A.D. 24
Sheng-kung], reached Ch'ang-an. He issued an imperial
March
edict [granting] a general amnesty, [stating
The
Keng-shih
Emperor
Reaches
Ch'ang-an
that], except for the sons of Wang Mang, all others'
crimes were expunged. Hence the [former imperial]
Wang clan was able to be preserved and the three
capital commanderies all became calm.

The Keng-shih [Emperor] made Ch'ang-an his
capital and lived in Ch'ang-lo Palace. The government

29a
repositories were all intact. Only the Wei-yang
Palace had been burnt. After [Wang] Mang [had
been attacked] for three days and he had died, [the
people of the capital commanderies] had lived peacefully
in their homes and [everything] was as
previously.[2753]

After the Keng-shih [Emperor] had arrived for a

35a
year and more, his governmental instructions were no
III
[longer] obeyed. In the next year, in the summer,[2756]
A.D. 25
after the Red Eyebrows,[2758] [led by] Fan Ch'ung and
Summer

470

A.D. 25

The Red
Eyebrows
Capture
Ch'ang-an
others, a band of several hundred thousand men, had

99 C: 29a


entered through the passes, [Fan Ch'ung and others]
set up Liu P'en-tzu, giving him the imperial title,
and attacked the Keng-shih [Emperor]. The Keng-shih
[Emperor] surrendered to them.

The Red Eyebrows thereupon burnt the palace-buildings,
market-places, and wards in Ch'ang-an, and
killed the Keng-shih [Emperor]. The common
people starved and [even] ate others, so that the
dead [numbered] several hundred thousand, Ch'ang-an
became a waste, and inside the city walls there
were no people going about.[2763] The [imperial ancestral]

27b
temples, funerary parks, and tomb mounds
were all dug up; only the Pa Tomb and the Tu Tomb
were preserved intact.

Aug. 5[2766]
In the sixth month, the Epochal Exemplar, [Emperor
Emperor
Kuang-au
Enthroned
Kuang-wu], had ascended the throne, and thereafter
the [imperial] ancestral temples and the mounds
to the gods of the soils and grains were re-established
[at Lo-yang], the empire was well governed and at
peace.

The
Eulogy
In eulogy we say: Wang Mang first arose [because
he was one of] the maternal relatives [of Emperor

471

99 C: 29a, b

Ch'eng].[2770] He humbled himself and acted energetically,
in order to seek for fame and reputation, so
that his clan praised him as filial and his teachers
and associates attributed benevolence to him.[2771]

When he occupied [a high] position and acted as
[chief] assistant in the government, [during] the time
in [the reigns of Emperors] Ch'eng and Ai, he toiled

7 B.C.
diligently for the state and "pursued a straightforward
course,"[2773] [so that whenever he] acted, [his
deeds] were reported in detail. Was he not [the sort
of person] referred to [in the sayings, "Such a man]
will certainly be heard of in his clan; he will certainly
be heard of in his state," and "He assumes the appearance
of benevolence, but his actions are contrary
to it?"[2774]

Since [Wang] Mang did not [possess] benevolence,

35b
but had a talent for flattery and evil and also took
advantage of the power his four uncles, [Wang Feng,
Wang Yin, Wang Shang1b, and Wang Ken, had exercised
for] successive generations,[2776] and [because]
it happened that the Han [dynasty] became weak in
the midst [of its period] and the dynastic succession
was thrice broken, so that in her old age the Empress
29b
Dowager [nee Wang] became the mistress of the
[imperial] clan, hence [Wang Mang] was able to give
free rein to his viciousness and thereby to bring to
pass the calamity of his usurpation [of the throne].
If we speak of [the situation by] investigating it from
this [aspect], it was[2778] a time [set by] Heaven and
not brought about by human effort.

When he had stolen the throne and faced south,


472

so that he occupied [a position which] he should not

99 C: 29b


have seized, the influences[2780] which would overthrow
[such a person] were more dangerous [in his case than
in the cases of] Chieh and Chou, yet [Wang] Mang
was tranquil and considered himself a second appearance
of the Yellow [Lord] and Yü [Shun]. Then for
the first time he gave rein to his desires[2781] and displayed
his tyrannousness and deceitfulness, being
scornfully [hypocritical] towards Heaven[2782] and
oppressive towards the common people, exhausting
28a
[the possibilities of] banefulness, and [attaining] the
limit of evil. His poison diffused itself among all
Chinese and [his power of causing] disorder [even]
extended to the southern and northern barbarians,
but this did not yet satisfy his desires.

For this reason, [all] within the four seas[2784] murmured
sadly and lost their joy in life. Within and
outside [the country, people] were filled with resentment,
[braves] far and near [the capital] all mobilized,
his city-wall and moat was not defended, so
that his members were cut to pieces. Thereupon he
caused the cities and towns of the empire to become
wastes, [while peoples'] grave mounds were [moreover]
dug into, so that he injured all living people, and

36a
his crimes reached [even] to rotten bones.

Of the rebellious ministers and evil sons and of the
unprincipled men who are recorded in books and
records, if we investigate the calamities [they produced]
and the ruin [they wrought], there have not
been any as severe as [those produced by Wang]


473

99 C: 29b

Mang. Anciently [the First Emperor of] the Ch'in
[dynasty] burnt the Books of Odes and of History in
order to establish his private proposals, while [Wang]
Mang chanted the six canons in order to gloss over
his wicked words. "They came to the same result
but by different paths;"[2787] both thereby [came to]
destruction.[2788] They were both "dragons [who had
flown] too high"[2789] and whose breath was cut off,
which was not the destiny [originally bestowed upon
them by Heaven's] decree. They were [like] a
purple color[2790] or a croaking sound,[2791] or the leftover

474

minutes [that are given] the place of an inter-

99 C: 29b, 30a


30a
calation,[2794]
which are driven out by a sage-king.[2795]

 
[1982]

The Official ed. has erroneously emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED].

[1988]

Light upright numbers indicate the paging in the Ching-yu ed., reprinted in the
Po-na Series, pub. by the Commercial Press.

[1989]

Pan Ku in his "Fu on the Western Capital" (HHS, Mem. 30 A: 12a), speaking
the Front Hall in the Wei-yang Palace at Ch'ang-an, says, "On the left was the
and on the right was the [inclined] plane." This statement is repeated in San-fu
t'u
2: 3a. Li Hsien quotes Chih Yü's (fl. ca. 270-310) Chüeh-yi-yao-chu (lost)
"The [inclined] plane with ornamented bricks paralleled [the staircase up to the
Hall]." This inclined plane was probably for the imperial chariot. Since the
Steps (on the right) were reserved for the Emperor, Wang Mang added a ramp made
ornamented blocks, so that it might be possible to ride down from the hall in the
with the Emperor's Apartments (the audience hall). Cf. the plan of a palace Hall in
T'zu-yüan, sub [OMITTED].

[1991]

Bold-face numbers indicate the paging in Wang Hsien-ch'ien's Han-shu Pu-chu,
in volumes I and II.

[1993]

Italic numbers indicate the paging in the Official ed. or Palace ed. or Wu-ying
ed., pub. in the "Szu-pu Pei-yao Collecteana."

[1994]

The "three-ribbed rush, ching-mao [OMITTED]" was used to envelop the clod of
from the imperial mound altar of the gods of the soils used in enfeoffing nobles.
rush is mentioned in Book of History, III, i, vii, 52 (Legge, p. 115; Mh I, 124).
schneider, Botanicum Sinicum, no. 459, p. 279, finds it impossible to identify exactly.
Kuan-tzu (iii cent. B.C.) 24: 6b, ch. 83, it is mentioned as growing between the
and Huai Rivers.

The Imperial mound altar of the gods of the soils contained five colors of soil;
only four are mentioned. The Chi-chung Chou-shu (found in a tomb in 280-289
extant in Former Han times) 5: 8b-9a, ch. 48, says, "[The Duke of Chou] established
great mound altar to the gods of the soils in the midst of the [Chou] state [capital at
Its low ridge around the edge [probably enclosing a ribbon of water encircling the
on the east was of cerulean earth, on the south was of red earth, on the west was of
earth, on the north was of black earth, and in the center [the mound] was sprinkled
yellow earth. When he was about to establish a noble, he dug into and took the earth
from one side in that direction [in which the fief of the noble was to be located], enveloped
it with yellow earth, and bound it with quitch-grass, using [the whole] for the earth [employed]
in the enfeoffment. Hence [the recipient] said, `I have received my sliced [clod of]
earth from the house of Chou.' " Since Wang Mang was following ancient practises, he
undoubtedly followed this precedent.

[1996]

This name for Mt. T'ai is taken from the Book of History II, i, iii 8 (Legge, p. 35).

[1998]

Under the Han dynasty, each household in a noble estate paid 200 cash per year
(91: 6a), hence the allowances of dukes were the same as those previously enfeoffed with
estate of 4000 households; of marquises and earls, 2000 households; and of viscounts
and barons, 1000 households.

[2001]

Cf. 99 B: 12b.

[2004]

For [OMITTED], the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. read [OMITTED]; the Ching-
ed. reads [OMITTED].

[2007]

The Sung Ch'i ed. asserts that before [OMITTED] there should be a [OMITTED].

[2014]

At this point Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 38: 7a, b adds the names of other robber bands:
Wang K'uang1b and Wang Feng4a [OMITTED] from Hsin-shih [in the present central Hupeh; cf.
HHS, An. 1 A: 3a]; Ma Wu [OMITTED] in Nan-yang Commandery [cf. HHS, Mem. 12: 10a-12a];
Wang Ch'ang and Ch'eng Tan in Ying-ch'uan Commandery; Chang Pa of Nan
Commandery; Yang Mu of Chiang-hsia Commandery, each of whose bands increased to
be ten thousand in number; cf. Glossary sub vocibus.

[2016]

Wang Nien-sun shows that anciently chou [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] were interchanged, and suggests
reading the latter word here. But chou makes quite good sense.

[2021]

Couvreur (Dict. Class., III ed., p. 915), followed by Stange, (p. 214, n. 1) says
these tou [OMITTED] were bronze tablets on which the Northern Bushel ([OMITTED], i.e., the
Dipper) was represented, but I cannot find any other authority for this statement. It
quite true, as Stange remarks, that ancient Chinese tablets bearing a representation of
Northern Bushel have come down to us, but that fact does not constitute any evidence
that these articles were made by Wang Mang. The only description seems to be the
one in the text. This account furthermore contains some details which indicate that the
tou were measures rather than tablets. (1) It says they "were like the Northern
[OMITTED]," not that they were inscribed with the Northern Bushel. T'ai-p'ing
765: 4b, in quoting this passage, moreover begins the above clause with the word [OMITTED],
making it say, "Their shape was like the Northern Bushel." I take this to mean that
they had handles, like Chinese tou measures. (2) Wang Mang ordered his Directors of
Mandates to "bear them on their shoulders [OMITTED]." Tablets are carried in the hands
worn at the girdle, not borne on the shoulders or back. (3) Their size, 2 ft. 5 in. (58
or 22½ in. Eng. measure) is quite in accord with their being measures and containing
a tou (cf. HFHD, I, 279). This length was then that of the utensil with its handle.
its bowl was shallow, like the one dated 65 B.C. and pictured in Chin-shih-so, "Chin," 3:
42a, its over-all length was just right to contain a tou. I therefore conclude that a ladle-like
shape was much more probable than a tablet-like shape.

The Northern Bushel (the Dipper) was among the most important of Chinese constellations.
Near it is the Pole Star, where resides the Supreme One (T'ai-yi), the
God who rules the universe. "The [Northern] Bushel is the chariot of the Lord [i.e., the
Supreme One], whereby he moves around at the center [of the heavens], visits and controls
the four quarters, separates the yin and yang, determines the four seasons, proportions
[the influences of] the five powers [or elements], and gives information concerning
the divisions [of time] and the revolutions [of the stars, thereby] fixing [epochs for all]
records. All this depends upon the [Northern] Bushel" (SJ 27: 8 = Mh III, 342; cf. also
HFHD 99 B: n. 21.1). This constellation is the vehicle whereby the supreme God
his authority. The emperor of China, as the Son of Heaven, was the earthly deputy of
this supreme God. The Heavenly Bushel accordingly represented, more than any other,
the imperial authority. It was a god, to whom sacrifices were made at Yung (Mh III,
444, 491). In 112 B.C., Emperor Wu placed it on his supernatural standard, along with
flying dragon to represent the Supreme One (Mh III, 493). "The southern [side] of the
city-wall [of Ch'ang-an, built 194-190 B.C.] had the shape of the Southern Bushel and
the northern [side] had the shape of the Northern Bushel, [in order that this city should
be a proper habitation for an emperor]. This is [the reason that], down to the present,
people call the capital of the [Former] Han [dynasty], `the Bushel City' " (San-fu
1: 6a). When Wang Mang was besieged in his palace in A.D. 23, he sat in the direction
occupied by the handle of the Bushel, turning about as this constellation turned in the
heavens, by sympathy with it, securing its assistance (HS 99 C: 27a). These majestic
-measures accordingly denoted this divinity, who would naturally exert his authority
in behalf of the emperor on earth. By sympathy with the god, they would draw the god's
attention to happenings in their vicinity and would exercise his power to assist and protect
the emperor. Cf. also 99 B: 6b & n. 6.9.

Nan-shih 33: 24a-b, sub Ho Ch'eng-t'ien, says, (this event is dated between 442 and
447), "Chang Yung was once digging the Hsüan-wu Lake [north of the Shou-tu Metropolis
[OMITTED] i.e., present Nanking, Kiangsu, according to the Shina Redikai Chimei Yoran, p. 194a], when he happened upon an ancient tomb. Above the tomb he secured a bronze
[measure] with handles. Emperor Wen [of the Sung Dynasty] asked the gentlemen
of his court about it, and [Ho] Ch'eng-t'ien replied, `This is a majestic tou [measure] of
the fallen Hsin [Dynasty. When any of his] three highest ministers died, Wang Mang
always granted [such measures] to them: one for the outside of the tomb, and one for the
inside of the tomb. At that time, the only one of his highest ministers who lived near
the mouth of the Yangtze River [i.e., east of the present Nanking] was Chen Han, who
became Grand Minister over the Masses. It must be [Chen] Han's tomb.'

"Soon [Chang] Yung opened the tomb, and from inside it, he again secured a tou
[measure], and also there was a stone with the inscription, `The tomb of the Grand Minister
over the Masses, Chen Han.' "

This account must however be mistaken. Shen Ch'in-han points out that Chen Han
died in 12 A.D. His son, Chen Feng, was executed in 10 A.D., before these majestic tou-
measures were made. When he died, Chen Han was moreover Commander-in-chief, not
Grand Minister over the Masses. San-kuo-chih 5: 4b, sub the Empress nee Chen, who
was a descendant of Chen Han, says that her home was in Wu-chi [OMITTED] of Chung-shan
Commandery, and T'ai-p'ing Huan-yü Chi 60: 10b locates Chen Han's tomb and those
of other members of the Chen clan 35 li southwest of Wu-chi, which place was located,
according to Ta-ch'ing Yi-t'ung-chih 27: 5b, at the present place by the same name,
in Honan.

[2024]

Li Ch'i explains, "Mineral medicines of five colors, together with bronze [or copper]
were used in making them," but Su Lin glosses, "Copper ore of five colors was used in
melting [metal] for them." Yen Shih-ku adds that Li Ch'i is correct and that "It was
like the process of making the present t'ou-shih [OMITTED] [a gold-appearing copper-zinc alloy,
made by smelting together two parts of copper with one part of smithsonite, the present
`yellow copper']." Dr. Duyvendak remarks that the number five must refer to the
five elements.

[2029]

Wang Nien-sun says that this sentence originally read as it now is in T'ai-
Yü-lan
486: 5a, i.e., with the word [OMITTED] after the [OMITTED] and the last clause reading [OMITTED].
He says that people did not understand that [OMITTED] means "wait upon," so dropped out
two words [OMITTED] and changed one word. Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 38: 6b and T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan
765: 5a (with another difference, showing a poorer text) read as the text does here.

[2036]

The Official and Southern Academy ed. emend [OMITTED] to [OMITTED].

[2041]

A phrase from Book of History II, i, 20 (Legge, p. 44). This reference is to the
events recorded on 99 B: 14b.

[2045]

It is impossible to be sure about the translation of such brief and condensed expressions
as these seal inscriptions. Wen Ying glosses, "Chih [OMITTED] [means] celestial favors
and prosperity. `The hat is prepared and ready' [means that] he wished to succeed
to [the imperial throne]." Ying Shao adds, " `In the summer to dwell in the Southern
Mountains' [means] going to a shady and cool place. `To store up thin ice' also [means]
thereby to avoid the heat."

Stange (p. 216) translates, "O Glück, die Krone ruht auf mir. Im Sommer wohne
im Nan-shan and ziehe mich nach Pao-ping zurück." He states that according to the
commentary Pao-ping was the imperial summer residence. I have been unable to discover
any evidence for this interpretation. Duyvendak understands, "[So long as] the
Cap of Binding Celestial Blessings is preserved, [that is, so long as I possess it], [it is]
already [like] living in the southern mountains and appreciating [even] thin ice." He
explains, "That is, even as in extreme heat even thin ice is appreciated, so in this desperate
enterprize even the mere possession of the imperial cap gives me courage." He takes wei
[OMITTED], not as an exclamatory particle (as does Stange), but as meaning "to bind [the blessings]
together," probably alluding to the wei-tou [OMITTED] "the Great Bushel" [another name
for the Northern Bushel constellation], which is an imperial emblem.

I prefer however to take wei in its meaning of [OMITTED]. Wen Ying does not interpret this
word, so that he seems not to have thought it contained any substantial content and
almost surely recognized it as an "empty" particle. The phrase "thin ice" comes from a
famous line in Ode no. 196 (Legge, II, v, ii, 6, p. 335), and was commonly used to denote
the way a true king should act, as if he were treading upon thin ice, i.e., carefully and
circumspectly, from fear of Heaven. Then in the Southern Mountains, Wang Tsung
was practising being emperor, by magically treading upon thin ice. This explanation
however far from certain.

[2049]

Ying Shao explains, "[Wang] Mang himself said that he had inherited descent from
the Sage, Shun, and that he had been able to be respectful and to secure the Heavenly
treasure, the tortoise, and thereby was set up [as emperor. Wang] Tsung wanted to be
the successor to his line."

Stange (p. 217) translates, "Wenn man ehrfürchtig gegen die Heiligkeit ist, werden
die Kostbarkeiten [d.i. kostbare Schildkröte des Himmels] forterben." Duyvendak
points out that the vague parallelism with the third seal inscription makes it necessary
to take these four characters two by two. I have adopted his interpretation.

[2050]

Su Lin explains, "[Wang] Tsung himself said that he would be enfeoffed [as emperor]
thru his [magical?] virtue and so must advance to [this] glorious and brilliant [position]
and receive the documents and registers of the empire."

Stange (p. 217) translates, "Durch magische Wirkungskraft [mir] verliehenes strahlendes
[d.i. kaiserliches] Siegel." Duyvendak interprets, "[Having the empire] conferred
[upon me] by virtue, making glorious the Plans [reference to the Tzu-ko T'u?]." I have
followed Su Lin more closely.

[2053]

A quotation from Kung-yang Commentary, Dk. Chuang, XXXII, vii, & Dk. Chao,
I, i; 9: 5a & 22: 1b; in each of which cases it is applied to a person attempting to succeed
to the throne by assassinating a ruler's son.

[2054]

As a prospective Emperor, he had done away with his other personal name, just
as Wang Mang had the Hun Shan-yü, Lüan-ti Nan-chih-ya-szu change his personal name
to Chih (99 A: 8b).

[2059]

The Official ed. has emended [OMITTED] to the more usual [OMITTED]. But the Ching-yu ed.
reads the former.

The sentence in quotation marks is from Li-chi, I, i, v, 8 (Legge, I, 91; Couvreur, I,
55).

Doffing the bonnet indicates resigning the office denoted by the bonnet.

[2065]

Cf. HS 99 A: 2a.

[2071]

Repeated search has failed to discover any listing of this book, either in the lists
of books in the standard histories or the bibliography of the T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan. The
Tsu-kung (lit. the Purple Palace) was the Chinese name for the circumpolar constellations,
at the center of which was the Supreme One, the heavenly emperor. Tzu-ko T'u may then
be translated, "The Plan of the Purple [Heavenly Imperial] Pavilion."

[2072]

Wang Nien-sun says that after the [OMITTED] there was originally the word [OMITTED], as it now
is in the quotation of this passage in T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 16: 9b; and that this insertion
improves the phrasing. (Repeated search has not discovered this passage in the Ch'u-hsueh
Chi,
contrary to what he says.)

[2073]

The Mu T'ien-tzu Chuan (pos. iii cent.) 2: 1b (Cheng's trans. in JNChRAS., 64:
[1933] 133) says, "On the lucky day hsin-yu, the Son of Heaven ascended a mount of
K'un-lun [Mts.] and thereupon gazed upon the palace of the Yellow Lord."

The Shan-hai Ching (prob. ii & i cent. B.C.) 2: 11a, locates the Yellow Lord
Mt. Mi [OMITTED]. Shen Ch'in-han suggests that [OMITTED] is an error for Mi. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan
9b reads Ch'u [OMITTED].

[2078]

Book of Changes, App. III, i, v, 28, 29, (Legge, p. 356).

[2080]

Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) declares that these were "deerskin hats." Shuo-wen 10 A: 3b
defines lin [OMITTED] (usually translated `unicorn') as, "A large female deer." Lu Chi (261-303),
in a note to Ode 11, "Lin-chih-chih," in Mao-shih Cheng-yi 1, iii: 7b (same as the
shih-yin Mao-shih Chu-su
), remarks, "At present, in the borders of Ping Province
are lin, like deer in size, which are not the lin (unicorns) that are auspicious
[from Heaven]." (From Shen Ch'in-han). Thus these caps were probably made of
female deer skins from this later Ping Province; Wang Mang was probably
glad to call them unicorn caps.

[2081]

This "someone" might very likely have been Pan Chih, Pan Ku's grandfather,
had been a high official and was living in retirement as a Gentleman at Emperor
Ch'eng's tomb; cf. 100 A: 5b.

The Official ed. emends [OMITTED] (plaintive) to [OMITTED] (enfeebling), seemingly without any
.

[2085]

Cf. Glossary sub Chiang-hu.

[2087]

Fu Chien, in a note to 24 B: 26b, explains this phrase thus, "Hogs [OMITTED] [also porcupines]
by nature rush against men impetuously. Hence [Wang Mang] took them for a metaphor."
Yen Shih-ku adds, "People in the eastern quarter [of the empire] called pigs [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. Another [explanation] is that hsi are pigs running."

[2092]

HHS, Tr. 30: 15a, states that officials ranking at 400, 300, and 200 piculs
yellow seal-cords. Cf. App. I, HS 24 B: 26b.

[2094]

Yen Shih-ku, in a note to the parallel passage in 24 B: 26b, explains, "To
means to promise that they will not die or be injured," i.e., to provide another animal
case anything happened to these animals. Probably they also paid for rearing them.

For these pastures, cf. HFHD, II 304, n. 2.8.

[2096]

This is perhaps the earliest authentic account of human flight. He probably
off from a height, so that a flight of several hundred yards was possible. B.
Prehistory of Aviation, does not notice this incident.

There were also other technical developments in Wang Mang's time; cf. the
dissection in 99 B: 30b.

[2100]

For [OMITTED], the Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed., and the Official ed. read [OMITTED],
which I adopt.

[2102]

According to HS 94 B: 21a = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 283, Hsü-pu Tang had been
made Duke of Future Peace in A.D. 15, whereas he was made Shan-yü after A.D. 18
(HS 94 B: 21b = de Groot, ibid., 286), so that at this time only the Hun title was additionally
conferred upon him.

[2104]

On Kao Street was located the government lodge for barbarians, cf. 70: 10b &
Glossary sub voce.

[2108]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggests that [OMITTED] is probably a mistake for [OMITTED]. Chariots were
then used only in military ceremonies; cavalry and footmen made up the army. Ch'u-ch'e
is moreover the title of Book of Odes, #168; II, i, viii; Legge, p. 261, which ode is
stated in the "Little Preface" (Legge, "Introduction," p. 64) to treat of "rewarding the
returning troops," with the result that ch'u-ch'e has taken this meaning.

[2110]

For [OMITTED] (west), the Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed., and the Official ed.
read [OMITTED] (four); the former is not appropriate for an expedition against the Huns to
the north.

[2112]

A previous admonition by Chuang Yu, against the expedition planned in A.D. ,
showing how carefully Chinese generals planned matters, is to be found in 94 B: 19a,
b = de Groot, Die Hunnen, 273-5.

[2113]

The clauses in single quotation marks are a quotation from the Book of History II,
I, v, 20 (Legge, p. 44); cf. also HFHD, II, 320, n. 8.3.

[2118]

The Sung Ch'i ed. states that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED], which suggestion looks very much
like a "boner" on the part of an ignorant scholar, thus illustrating the spurious character
of the Sung Ch'i ed. Cf. HFHD, P., "Editions of the History of the Former Han Dynasty."

[2124]

The Sung Ch'i ed. notes that the Southern ed. (ca. x-xii cent.), instead of [OMITTED],
reads [OMITTED], "his pillow is several feet [high]," and that this reading is mistaken. In a
to HHS, An. 1 A: 5a, Li Hsien (fl. 674-676) quotes this passage, reading as the text .
(Reference from Ma Hsü-lun.)

[2125]

The hint is conveyed in the man's name, which means literally, "Chü should not be
a tyrant." Chü was the first word of Wang Mang's courtesy name and is used in Pan Ku's
"Fu on Penetrating Obscurities" (100 A: 12a) to denote Wang Mang. Chin Shao ,
"The hint said, `It is not permitted to be a usurper and thief and become a tyrant!' "

[2127]

Yen Shih-ku explains that "it means that the Mother of Culture sent this man to
cause me to be a lord protector and king." Pa means both "tyrant" and "Lord Protector."

[2130]

T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 78: 1a quotes Hsiang Chün's (fl. dur. 222-280) Shih-hsüeh Chi as
saying, "When Heaven and Earth had been set up, there were twelve Heavenly Sovereigns
[OMITTED], called T'ien-ling [OMITTED], who rule over 18,000 years. Because their virtue was wood,
they ruled." Ibid., 1b, quotes the same source, "The twelve Earthly Sovereigns [OMITTED]
rule over 18,000 years." These two groups of gods seem to cover the 36,000 years referred
to. (Reference from Su Yü.)

[2136]

A famous phrase from Kuo-yü 1: 4b, where the peoples' anger is directed against the
tyrannous King Li, who was subsequently overthrown. In accordance with the "Ordinances
for the Months," executions had previously been confined to the winter months.

[2137]

The text reads "second month," but there was no jen-shen day in that month, and
there seems to be no servicable emendation of the cyclical characters. Probably "two'
was mistakenly written for "three," a common copyist's error.

[2139]

Stange (p. 228) translates jih cheng [OMITTED] as, "wurde die Sonne ganz (dunkel)."
It might be, "At midday there was (a blackness)," to parallel jih-chung [OMITTED] below,
which may be translated, "At midday (we saw a dusk)." While "midday" is the correct
translation for jih-chung in the quotation from the Book of Changes, yet this line may
have been used by Wang Mang without bothering about its exact meaning, just as
from the Bible were frequently used as proof-texts with a quite different meaning from
that in the original. Jih-chung furthermore need not necessarily mean "midday," cf.
HS 27 Cb: 17b1, jih chung yang [OMITTED], "in the center of the sun." The important circumstance
is the Pan Ku does not himself write jih chung, but jih cheng, and cheng
"the center of a target." I conclude that Pan Ku writes exactly in his phrase jih cheng,
meaning "the middle of the sun," and quotes Wang Mang as fitting to the situation a
classical quotation by wresting it from its original meaning.

A blackness at midday might be a solar eclipse, a heavy cloud, or a dust-storm. There
was no eclipse at this time. Heavy clouds and dust-storms were so well-known that
they would hardly have been considered "grievous vicissitudes." I cannot make the
translations of Stange or the other one physically plausible. Large sun-spots are however
visible to the naked eye at sunrise or sunset, when the sun's brilliance is dimmed. Such
a sun-spot would cause as much consternation in ancient China as they did in Europe
when Galileo first saw them. One had previously been noticed in 28 B.C. (HFHD II,
384, n. 5.6) and was called a "black emanation," like the present one.

[2143]

A quotation from Book of Changes, Hex. 55, 3, with meis [OMITTED] instead of the meis [OMITTED]
in the present text of that classic. Legge (p. 185) translates this sentence, "At midday
he can see (the small) Mei star." But Cheng Hsüan, in his comment on the Book of
Changes,
gives the same interpretation of mei as that employed here.

[2144]

I read po-ch'eng [OMITTED] instead of the chao-yü [OMITTED] in the text, at the suggestion
of Liu Feng-shih (1041-1113). While chao-yü ("Generalissimo of the Pomoerium for the
Tumuli") is not impossible, as Stange points out (p. 228, n. 4), it is nevertheless unparalleled.
Liu Feng-shih says it does not make sense. HS 99 C: 7a states that each
Shepherd of a province was made a generalissimo. On 99 B: 28a, Lien Tan is said to
have been General of the Southern City-wall [presumably of the imperial capital]. Since
there was a Major (Szu-ma) in charge of each city-gate at Ch'ang-an (19 A: 22b), Wang
Mang may well have considered that the dignity of the imperial capital required a generalissimo
for each side of its city-wall.

Liu Feng-shih points out that this Wang K'uang1d must have been a different
from the Grand Master, Wang K'uang1a, for Wang K'uang1a is always mentioned by
highest title of Grand Master. This cannot also have been Wang K'uang1b, who
later from obscurity in the Yangtze region, nor can it have been Wang K'uang,1c a
of Wang Mang who was not publicly acknowledged or brought to the capital until A.D.
21 (99 C: 11b). It was most likely some other person by the same name.

[2150]

Ts'ui Pao, in his Ku-chin-chu, ch. 1: A: 4b, states, "The Flowery Baldachin was
created by the Yellow Lord. When he fought with Ch'ih-yu in the wastes of Cho-lu [a
mountain located, according to the Ta-ch'ing Yi-t'ung Chih 39: 7a, southeast of the
present Cho-lu, the Ch'ing dynasty's Pao-an, Chahar], a many-colored cloud emanation
with golden branches and jade leaves constantly stopped above the Lord, having the
likeness of the corolla to a flower. Hence he followed this pattern and created the
Flowery Baldachin." This legendary account probably gives a description of the
covering.

Yen Shih-ku explains, "Hsi1 [OMITTED] is pronounced like hsi2 [OMITTED]. It means the [constellation]
K'uei of the [Northern] Bushel [the bowl of the Dipper, cf. 99 B: n. 21.1], together with
[the constellation] Piao [the handle of the Dipper]. Its end is like a handle in shape."
Here again the Bushel (cf. n. 2.4) is used as an imperial emblem and protection.

[2151]

Stange (p. 229) makes the Yellow Lord the subject of this sentence, not Wang
Mang. But sudden unannounced changes in the unexpressed subjects of verbs are by
no means uncommon in Chinese. The Book of Changes was moreover not believed to
have existed in the time of the Yellow Lord, so that he could not have been the subject
of this sentence.

[2154]

The Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. write [OMITTED] (marquis) for [OMITTED] (captain).
The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[2157]

Book of Changes, III, ii, ii, 20 (Legge, p. 384). The passage says, "They bent wood
by means of a string to make bows and sharpened sticks to make arrows; [this gave them]
the benefit of bows and arrows, whereby they might [awe] the world by their majesty."

[2158]

The Sung Ch'i ed. again "pulls a boner" in suggesting that [OMITTED] should be emended
to [OMITTED]. Hereafter such notations will be neglected.

[2166]

Yen Shih-ku points out that Wang Mang is alluding to the Book of History II, i,
iii, 2 (Legge, p. 32), "[Shun] was received as the chief director [of the administration], and,
amidst violent wind, thunder, and rain, he did not go astray." Cf. 99 A: n. 13.5.

[2168]

For the pronunciation of [OMITTED], cf. Glossary sub this title. This word and [OMITTED] were
interchanged. Li Tz'u-ming, 7: 16b, suggests that possibly the first word was always
written in the HS and later changed to the second in most places but not all.

[2169]

Yang [OMITTED] is the opposite of "shadow," i.e., "light." Wang Mang renamed Lo-yang
to be Yi-yangb. Cf. also n. 11.5; Glossary sub this title.

[2170]

Cf. HS 99 B: 23a. Wang Mang asserted he ruled by virtue of the element earth.

[2172]

Han-chiu-yi B: 1b says, "The Empress and Favorite Beauties travel in imperial
chariots; all others [of the harem] travel by being carried by four men holding up a mattress
[OMITTED]." Chin Shao quotes the above passage and remarks, "Could that
have been the present sedan chair and it have been spread with a mattress?"
Shih-ku replies that he is mistaken, "This [passage] says directly that he sat on top of
mattress [or cushion] and had four men in pairs hold up the four corners of the mattress,
and so traveled." Prof. Duyvendak suggests that this was some sort of a stretcher.

[2177]

Chin Shao explains, "Keng yi shih [OMITTED] means the name of the room (shih) and
building to which one goes for changing one's robes at the time of court felicitations."
Cf. also 97 A: 11b4. The first two words of this phrase also mean "go to the toilet."

Chou Shou-ch'ang suggests that the word (shih) [OMITTED] has dropped out at the end of this
phrase; it is read in the comment and in the repetition of the phrase a few lines further on.

[2180]

Hsin [OMITTED] was one of the names Wang Mang gave to his dynasty. The star
in that constellation was moreover called the Heavenly King [Mh III, 343], so that
portent meant that the Yin principle (the Moon, the principle of decay) was invading
the Hsin dynasty's virtue. The moon passed within a degree of Antares in the early
morning of Mar. 3, A.D. 20.

[2184]

Referring here probably to the five powers, each of which was supposed to set
up a dynasty.

[2185]

Analects XIII, iii, 5, 6.

[2187]

Book of History II, i, v, 20 (Legge, p. 44), again quoted.

[2188]

Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 38: 12b emends [OMITTED] to [OMITTED] Yen Shih-ku interprets the phrase
as meaning, "Fearful and not at peace." The subsequent quotation is from Analects
XIII, iii, 6.

[2194]

The Tu Tomb was that of Emperor Hsüan; cf. Glossary sub voce. For a similar
incident, cf. 12: 3b.

HHS, Tr. 30: 10b, says: "[The Gentlemen] As Rapid As Tigers and the
all [wear] the dark yellow pheasant cap and tiger-striped unlined clothes. [The county of]
Hsiang-yi yearly offers woven and completed tiger-striped [cloth]." Shen Ch'in-
remarks that these garments were probably those used in the Emperor's funeral and had
all been stored in the funerary chamber at his tomb.

[2195]

Yellow was the color of earth, the power by virtue of which Wang Mang asserted
he ruled; red was the color of fire, the power of the Han dynasty. He was
earth (the Hsin dynasty's virtue) and degrading fire (the Han dynasty's virtue). Yellow
was then used for the robes of higher officials and red for those of lower rank.

[2199]

Cf. 99 B: n. 21.2.

[2202]

These two sentences are in imitation of Book of History, V, xiii, 3 (Legge, p. 436f),
where the Duke of Chou reports the divination concerning the location of the city he
built, Lo. For the locations herein mentioned, cf. Glossary, sub vocibus.

Legge (op. cit.) follows the K'ung An-kuo interpretation of the shih in the foregoing
passage; for shih Wang Mang uses the phrase yü-shih [OMITTED], and Yen Shih-ku adopts
the aforesaid interpretation in his comment to the present passage, stating that it means
that the ink, smeared on the back of the tortoise-shell used in divination, was dried up
by the heat, which was a favorable prognostication.

K'ung Ying-ta, in a note to the Mao-shih Chu-su 4, i: 1b, quotes a gloss by Cheng Hsüan
(127-200), to the above-mentioned passage of the Book of History, in which the latter
paraphrases and explains this passage as follows: "On [the day] yi-mao, I, [the Duke of
Chou], arrived at the [future] capital at the city of Lo and looked at the places which the
Duke of Shao [had determined upon as a result of] divination by the tortoise-shell. They
are all able to be permanent homes for the common people and will make them devote
themselves to cultivating the fields, from which [they and the ruler may secure] food
(shih)." The last sentence is Cheng Hsüan's paraphrase of the word shih in the text of
the Book of History, hence he did not connect it with "ink" but with food.

Chou-li 24: 13a (Biot, II, 79) sub the Chan-jen, says moreover, "Whenever [the Chan-jen]
divines by the tortoise or by the stalks: for the prince, he divines by the form; for a
grandee, he divines by the color; for a [low] official, he divines by the ink [Cheng Hsüan
says that "ink [OMITTED]" means the width of the cracks in the tortoise-shell]; and when
divines by the tortoise for [ordinary] persons, he divines by the cracks." Thus divination
by "ink" was only for common officials, and would not be employed by an emperor such
as Wang Mang.

The phrase yü-shih moreover occurs in the Book of History V, iv, 18. Legge (p. )
translates it "the revenues of the empire." Ma Jung (79-166) in a note to the quotation
of that passage in SC 38: 15, declares, "Yü-shih is fine food [OMITTED]," and Cheng Hsüan
adds, "Yü-shih is all [composed of] unusual delicacies [OMITTED]." In the Shang-shu
Chu-su
12: 9a, K'ung Ying-ta (574-648) quotes what were probably ancient notes to
this passage of the HS, which Yen Shih-ku (581-645), a contemporary of his, omitted
from his edition, because he disagreed with these interpretations: "Chang Yen [prob. iii
cent.], in a note to the HS, says, `Yü-shih is unusual dainties [OMITTED].' Wei Chao [197-273]
says, `The nobles have nothing but unusually fine food.' " Sun Hsing-yen (1743-1818)
in his Shang-shu Ku-chin-wen Chu-su, in "Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh" 752: 5a, concludes,
"Yü-shih is as if it said good food [OMITTED]. . . . Whenever in the Classics it says a woman
or a color, the meaning is always that it is good [OMITTED]." Hence yü-shih denoted primarily
the fine food of a prince, and secondarily land that was fit to produce such food. Cf. also
Shang-shu Ku-chin-wen Chu-su, "Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh" 759: 2a, b.

[2205]

For [OMITTED], the Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed. and the Official ed. read [OMITTED].

[2207]

The meaning of t'i-feng [OMITTED] has been debated. The first word of this phrase
also written [OMITTED] and [OMITTED]. In a note to HS 23: 3a, Su Lin asserts that t'i is pronounced
the same as tib [OMITTED] (the Ching-yu and the Official ed. read ch'i [OMITTED] for tib throughout) and
"the people of the Ch'en-liu [Commandery] say that all its fields are its tib [OMITTED]."
Li Ch'i declares, "T'i is chü [OMITTED], to chü all within four boundaries (feng) [OMITTED]."
Yen Shih-ku adds that Li Ch'i is correct and Su Lin's pronunciation is erroneous. But
Wang Nien-sun states that all the preceding explanations are mistaken, for the
(by Chang Yi, fl. dur. 227-232) asserts that t'i-feng is tu-fan [OMITTED], which Wang
declares is like the present [OMITTED], "generally," and is merely another phrase with about
the same pronunciation. Cf. also the discussion in the Tz'u-t'ung, I, 1104.

But "generally" does not appear to express the full meaning of the phrase ,
for this phrase is invariably used referring to some area of land, which fact is excellently
illustrated by Wang Nien-sun's examples. For t'i-feng, Karlgren, Grammata , nos. 866n & 1197i, moreover gives the archaic and T'ang pronunciations d'ieg or tieg-piung
and d'iei- or tiei-piwong, respectively, and for tu-fan, (ibid., 45é & 625a), and tuo-biwom, respectively, so that the two phrases had different pronunciations. T'i-feng
has moreover something to do with acreage. Cf. HS 23: 4a; 24 A: 7a; 65: 7a; HHS,
Mem. 30 A: 11a.

The crucial passage is HS 28 B ii: 49a, b, where the census totals of China are given,
"The land is 9302 li [Han-chi (ii cent.) 30: 25a, reads 19,302 li] from east to west and
13,368 li from south to north, with a t'i-feng t'ien [OMITTED] of 145,136,405 ch'ing, of which
102,528,889 ch'ing are towns, dwellings, highways, roads, mountains, streams, forests,
and marshes, all of which cannot be cultivated, and 32,290,947 ch'ing are cultivatable
[but] not cultivated [omitting the second [OMITTED]], and definitely cultivated t'ien of 8,270,536
ch'ing [Han-chi, ibid., reads 8,270,567 ch'ing]." (Of the total, 2,026,023 ch'ing are omitted
from the itemization.) In this passage, t'i-feng t'ien must mean "total acreage." In a
note to Pan Ku's "Fu on the Western Capital" in Wen-hsüan (Szu-pu Ts'ung-k'an ed.) 1:
10a, Fu Tsan is moreover quoted as follows: "In my opinion, an old explanation says,
`T'i is "to pick it all up." It means, "A grand total of its acreage" [OMITTED]
[OMITTED].' " Hence I have translated t'i-feng as "total acreage."

[2211]

A second [OMITTED] has probably dropped out after the first one, since the full title requires
it.

[2212]

A reminiscence of Hsiao Ho's remark in HS 1 B: 12b (HFHD, I, 118).

[2213]

Wang-(fa) [OMITTED] ([OMITTED]) is a term frequently employed in the Chou-pi Suan-ching (ii
cent. B.C. to i cent. A.D.) and refers to the method of calculating heights by geometrical
means. Cf. op. cit. A: 17b. (Biot, in Jour. Asiat., 1841, p. 601, translates wang as
mesurer.)

[2216]

[OMITTED] and [OMITTED] were interchanged; Yen Shih-ku explains the latter phrase.
Cf. Tz'u-t'ung, II, 2614.

[2218]

The "Kuang-han Wei Ts'ung-shu" and the "Lung-hsi Ching-han Tsung-shu" ed.
of the San-fu Huang-t'u 5: 8b and 5: 6b respectively, in discussing the imperial
temples, in quoting this passage, write ch'üan [OMITTED] instead of ta [OMITTED]. The "Szu-pu Ts'ung-k'an"
anastatic reprint of a Yüan ed., 5: 6b and the 1792 "Han-Wei Ts'ung-shu" ed.,
5: 7b, however read ta. The "Szu-pu Ts'ung-k'an" ed., 3: 6b moreover mentions a
Ch'üan-t'ai Palace in the Shang-lin Park. This Palace is also mentioned in HS 45: 11b.
Ta is here an error for ch'üan.

[2222]

Shuo-wen 6 A: 5a defines [OMITTED] as a ch'ung-wu [OMITTED] (a storeyed building). Chou-li
41: 15b, quoting the K'ao-kung Chi (Biot, II, 559) says, "The Yin dynasty had a ch'ung-wu"
and Cheng Hsüan glosses, "The ch'ung-wu was the main hall [OMITTED] of the King's Palace,
like the Great [Imperial] Apartments. . . . Ch'ung-wu is a double [set of] rafters [OMITTED]."
Ancient Chinese important buildings seem generally to have had more than one story.

[2223]

Yen Shih-ku explains, "Po-lu [OMITTED] are the brackets [OMITTED] on top of pillars, [on which
cross-pieces the beams are supported]."

[2224]

Wang Nien-sun suggests emending tai [OMITTED] to hsi [OMITTED]. In HS 36: 25b11 and 45:
3a7, where the word hsi is used, Yen Shih-ku each time interprets hsi by "yin [OMITTED]; it is as
if one sat upon a mat (hsi)." In his interpretation of the present passage, he likewise
interprets this tai by yin, so that his text of this passage must have read hsi. Wang
Nien-sun remarks that in the li style, hsi is sometimes written [OMITTED], which is vulgarly written
[OMITTED] (Yen t'ieh Lun, 9: 7b6, ch. 52, writes it thus): by omission of the radical, tai was written.

[2231]

Cf. HS 99 C: 6b.

[2232]

Tz'u-t'ung, II, 1729, asserts that here ma [OMITTED] is cursive for [OMITTED]. It then means
"bubbling up like rice-gruel." From this passage, ma-fei has now become a set phrase.

[2237]

"Currency spade-money [OMITTED]" and "Currency cash [OMITTED]" were the names of
Wang Mang's third coinage. Cf. App. I, HS 24 B: 26a.

[2238]

The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shun-hua ed. (994-997) and the Ching ed. (probably
the Ching-te Chien ed., 1004-1005) have the word [OMITTED] after the [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu
ed. does not have it and Chou Shou-ch'ang declares that this word should not be inserted.

HS 24 B: 26a (q.v. in App. I) dates this order in 14 A.D., and adds that by the sixth
year after, the people should not be any more allowed to possess the former large cash.
In this "Memoir", Pan Ku is hence recording this order for the change in the currency
on the date when the old currency was finally outlawed, rather than on the date when the
new currency was authorized. Penalties for counterfeiting were at the same time lightened.

[2244]

Yen Shih-ku says, "A chariot with stakes [OMITTED] is a wattled chariot [OMITTED] [used by
common soldiers]." It was despized by aristocrats and literati; Han-shih Wai-chuan 10:
9a, par. 11, says, "Coarse food and bad meat may be eaten; a jade for a horse and
chariot with stakes may be ridden."

Hu San-hsing adds, "While the Han dynasty flourished, those who rode on mares were
prohibited and not allowed to gather together. If in the villages and lanes there was the
same [custom, what was true about] the court and market-places can accordingly be inferred.
[T'ang] Tsun belonged to the highest class of the highest ministers, yet he
[a chariot drawn by] mares, which was in order to correct [the modernistic customs of]
age." Cf. HS 24 A: 15b = Mh III, 545, & n. 4.

This tabu on riding mares is probably connected with the very ancient Chinese
that the mare was closely connected with the gods of the soils (shê). Book of ,
App. I, ii, 3 (Legge, p. 214) says, "The mare is like the earth." Erkes (in T'oung Pao
[1940], 58) argues that the Chinese Earth-goddess originally had the shape of a mare.

[2245]

Li Tz'u-ming, op. cit. 7: 16b, suggests that li1 [OMITTED] should be li2 [OMITTED]. Where
passage is repeated in HS 72: 25a, b, Fu Ch'ien explains li1 as "earthenware dishes."

[2246]

Ochre-red was the color of clothes used for condemned criminals. Yen
explains that he soaked a strip of cloth with ochre-red liquid; cf. HFHD, II, 123-5.

[2247]

A phrase from Analects IV, xvii, `When we see men of worth, we should think
equalling them."

[2252]

According to HS 28 Ai: 33b, Chung-shui District was in Mei-yang County.
But the text of ch. 99 reads "Chung-shui District of Wu-kung." There were reasons that
Wu-kung should have been enlarged. It bordered upon Mei-yang; in A.D. 6 it had
produced a white stone portent, advising Wang Mang to take the throne. It had consequently
been made the private estate of Wang Mang, and its name was changed to Han-kuang
(the Han [dynasty's] brilliance); cf. 99 A: 26a. Under such circumstances it would
naturally have been enlarged. Wang Mang later changed its name to Hsin-kuang (the
Hsin [Dynasty's] brilliance), but probably kept the enlarged boundaries. Pan Ku is
naming it, not by its name at the time of this incident, but, for clearness' sake, by its
previous (and later) name.

[2256]

Cf. 99 B: 24a.

[2265]

Chou Shou-ch'ang points out that wei [OMITTED] here has the meaning of [OMITTED], and
parallel passages from HHS, Mem. 32: 18b8 and 33: 16b9.

[2266]

Chou Shou-ch'ang explains that in Han times the garments of those who did not
have official position were called po-yi [OMITTED] (plain clothes), which phrase is found in HHS,
Mem. 42: 10a11. He states that Wang Lin1a was delighted because he thought
"plain clothes" meant mourning clothes, i.e., mourning for Wang Mang, not knowing
that it really meant that the common people would congregate in the palaces, an
of the turmoil when Wang Mang would be defeated. Chin-shu, 12: 3a, declares that
there is a conjunction of Jupiter and Venus, or of Saturn and Venus, there will be a meeting
of people in plain clothes. There was a conjunction of Saturn and Venus on the evening
of Feb. 13, A.D. 21.

[2268]

Li Ch'i glosses, "Chung-shih [OMITTED] [refers to Wang] Lin1a's mother." Yen
declares he is mistaken, but Chou Shou-ch'ang replies that Li Ch'i is correct, saying that
in Wang Mang's time the female members of the imperial family were called shih instead
of kung [OMITTED] as previously. Before the time of Wang Mang, the Empress was called the
Inner Palace (chung-kung; cf. Glossary sub voce); here she is called the chung-shih, which
has the same meaning as the former chung-kung.

[2272]

Shuo-wen 8 A: 9b, sub jung [OMITTED], defines it as "ghost garments (kuei-yi [OMITTED])";
Yü-p'ien 28: 3a (by Ku Yeh-wang, 519-581) defines hsüeh [OMITTED] as ghost garments (kuei-yi)."
(Shen Ch'in-han declares that kuei should probably be hun [OMITTED], the word in the
text here.) Chou-li 21: 9a, sub the Szu-fu (Biot, II, 12) states that at a grand mourning
ceremony [for kings], the Szu-fu provides "the garments for making offerings [OMITTED],"
and Cheng Hsüan glosses, "The garments for making offerings are the present ghost
garments (hun-yi), [which are put] upon the seat [prepared for the ghost of the deceased
when sacrifices are made to him]." Ibid. 21: 9b, 10a, sub the Shou-t'iao, (Biot, II, 14)
says, "Those garments that remain are stored away. When they are about to offer
sacrifices, for each [ancestor], his garments are given to the representative of the deceased."
Cheng Hsüan glosses, "The garments that remain are those left over from the
final enshrouding [of the deceased]." Thus the "ghost garments" were those used for
enshrouding the corpses of kings, together with those remaining over after the enshrouding,
which were preserved and later used by the representatives of the deceased at sacrifices
made to him. (References from Shen Ch'in-han.)

[2274]

The ts'e-shu [OMITTED] was a special imperial document used at the appointment and
death of vassal kings and the three highest ministers and at the dismissal of highest
ministers for crime. At the death of vassal kings or of highest ministers in office, such a
document contained a funeral eulogy and granted them a posthumous name. Special
stationary, composed of tablets alternately two feet long (18 in. Eng. meas.) and one foot
long, were used. (From Ts'ai Yung's Tu-tuan, quoted by E. Chavannes in "Les
chinois avant le papier," Journal Asiatique, ser. X, vol. 5, 1905, pp. 24-25). Ying Shao,
in a note translated on HFHD I, 318, n. 5.7, also mentions these documents. In that
note I mistakenly followed Ch'ien Ta-hsin in denying the meaning of "funeral eulogy"
to ts'e. It means "charter of appointment," "funeral eulogy," or "dismissal notice."
The inclusion of the highest ministers with the vassal kings is probably a Later
practise. It is not mentioned in HS 5: 5b, 6a.

[2277]

A reference to Tso-chuan, Dk. Wen, IV, (Legge, p. 23814, 239b) "The Son of
being the sun (yang)." This phrase probably explains the meaning of yang in the peculiar
title given Wang Lin1a; yang = t'ai-yang = the sun = the emperor.

[2283]

Cf. 99 A: 3b.

[2286]

A quotation from Book of History V, xxi, 1 (Legge, p. 535). In Han times, the
term frequently used for a younger sister was nü-ti [OMITTED], so that ti could stand for both
brothers and sisters.

[2291]

The first [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED], to accord with the name of this dukedom.

[2292]

Wang Mang's wife, his sons, Linla and Anla, and Wang Shou.

[2295]

The Official ed. correctly emends [OMITTED] to [OMITTED].

Li [OMITTED] had the archaic and the T'ang pronunciations *liəg, lji, while chih [OMITTED] had the
pronunciations *təig, ti; cf. Karlgren, Grammata Serica, #980a, 891a. Chih was the
name of the fourth musical note. The Feng-su-t'ung (by Ying Shao, ca. 140-206), 6: ,
says, "I have carefully examined that Liu Hsinla's Book of Bells and Musical Pipes [OMITTED]
[says], `Chih is a blessing (chih [OMITTED]). When things become large and numerous, it is a
blessing (chih). [Among] the five powers or elements, [chih] is [equated with] fire; [among]
the five social usages, it is [equated with] the rules of proper conduct (li); [and among]
the five actions it is [equated with] looking. As a whole it is concerned "with [state]
affairs." ' " The last phrase is a quotation from Li-chi XVII, I, 5 (Legge, II, 94; Couvreur,
II, 48).

[2299]

Cf. p. 364.

"Three capital commanderies" is here an anachronism, for Wang Mang established
six such commanderies. But this was a set phrase for the region about Ch'ang-an and
probably continued to be used, in spite of the change in their number.

[2302]

A quotation from Analects XI, xvi, 2.

[2307]

Shuo-wen, 14 A: 4a, says, "A lang-tang [OMITTED] is a so (chain or lock) [OMITTED]." Yes
Shih ku says it is "a long chain (so)." But Wang Nien-sun points out that the
lang-tang is here used as a verb. He thinks the so should be omitted, but Wang Hsien-ch'ien
replies that the so is necessary. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 644: 5a quotes this passage with
the so; the Liu-tieh, the part by Po Chü-yi (772-846), 45: 22b, quotes it without the .
Where this passage is repeated in HS 24 B: 26b, so is used without the lang-tang.
commonly wore iron collars in token of servitude. Cf. HFHD, I, 122, and n. 3.
convicts were chained to the prison carts they dragged.

[2311]

Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks that the Sung editions read hsi1 [OMITTED] for hsi2 [OMITTED]. The
Official ed. 99 C: 12a accordingly reads hsi1. But the Ching-yu ed. (1035), p. 15a, the
HS P'ing-lin, (1581) p. 15a, the Chi-ku-ko ed. (1642), p. 9b, and HS 99 C: 4b all write hsi2.

[2313]

This prophecy seems to have become widespread; it is mentioned in HHS, An. 1 A:
2b5.6 and Mem. 5: 1b1.

[2315]

Possibly they suspected that Kua-t'ien Yi had been done to death.

[2322]

A phrase from Book of Odes, I, i, 1 (Legge p. 1).

[2324]

These bronze statues had been cast in 221 B.C. by the First Emperor of the
Dynasty; the inscription was his. In Han times they were set at the gate of the Ch'ang-
Palace. For an account of these statues and their history, cf. Mh II, 134, n. 1.
Shiratori, in Memoirs of the Toyo Bunko, no. 5 (1930), pp. 39-44, also has an account
them, which must however be used with caution.

[2325]

Probably because of the incident of the mad woman recounted in 99 B: .
(Suggested by Chou Shou-ch'ang.)

[2328]

The last clause is chiastic. The peach is supposed to have the property of expelling
demons. Ochre-red is the color of condemned criminals' clothes. On the apotropaic
use of peach-wood and its extract, cf. App. III, ad finem.

[2330]

Wang Hsien-ch'en declares that chung [OMITTED] and po [OMITTED] have been interchanged here.
Yen Shih-ku's note speaks of the "Northern Army." HS 19 A: 22b says that the Colonel
of the Capital Encampment (Chung-lei Hsiao-wei [OMITTED]) had charge of the gates and
the walls of the Northern Army's [Po-chün ([OMITTED]) lei] encampment; cf. Glossary sub voce.
But this same phrase Chung-chün po-lei appears again on 99 C: 19a, where it can hardly
be interpreted as referring to the Colonel of the Capital Encampment; it is quite possible
that Wang Mang changed the name of the Northern Army to the Northern Encampment
of the Capital Army, a quite logical name, and Yen Shih-ku refers to it by its previous
, the Northern Army. This interpretation is confirmed by the phrase "the Capital
Chung-chün" in 99 C: 23a. The term "Northern Army" is however used on 99 C:
; but that may merely be an anachronism. I do not therefore emend the text.

[2333]

Fu Ch'ien explains, "The baldachin was 80 feet tall and on the shaft all [nine covers]
pivot hinges, so that they could be raised and lowered, bent and straightened."
Evidently it was an umbrella-like arrangement. Yen Shih-ku adds, "It says that the
was hidden and from outside people could not see it." Bishop White mentions
umbrella-like canopy top in the Han tombs at Lo-yang. Cf. his Tombs of Old Lo-yang,
p. 37. Such umbrella tops are pictured on Han chariots in the Han grave sculptures.

[2335]

Wang Nien-sun declares that the word [OMITTED] has dropped out before the [OMITTED], making
it read, "Red turbans." T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, 772: 9a, quoting this passage, says, "Wang
Mang invented a chariot with four wheels drawn by 6 horses and 300 strong men with
yellow garments and red turbans and yokes," and the HHS, Tr. 30: 11b, says, "Military
officers regularly [wear] red turbans to make them awe-inspiring." Chu Yi-hsin (18461894)
replies, "[Wang] Mang despised the Han [dynasty's] practises; I fear that he did
not use red turbans. The [T'ai-p'ing] Yü-lan is insufficient evidence [for Wang Mang's
usages]. The HHS Treatises moreover [contain] the Han dynasty's ."
Nevertheless Wang Mang continued the use of red for his Gentlemen and retinue (99 C:
8b), so that the T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan's quotation is probably correct.

[2338]

In a note to Chou-li 15: 12a (Biot, I, 349, n. 4), sub the Sui-shih, Cheng Hsüan says,
"The funeral cart . . . has four wheels. It hugs the ground when it moves," and
Kung-yen adds, "It is a cart with solid wheels [used as a hearse], which has two
that pass through four wheels." Shen Ch'in-han explains, "This [carriage of Wang
Mang's] also had four wheels, hence they said it was like a funeral cart."

The magical means Wang Mang used to make himself an immortal are recounted is
HS 25 B: 22b-23b.

[2340]

Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) glosses, "The Classic on the [Wei-ch'i] Playing
(po-yi-ching [OMITTED]), which used eight sticks to throw." The present text reads ching-po,
but Wang Nien-sun infers from the above gloss that Fu Ch'ien's text read po-ching, and
suggests emending accordingly. Then the word yi was probably an interpolation in the
gloss. Po-yi is mentioned in Analects XVII, xxii, whence this interpolation
have come.

Po (translated, "playing blocks") was an ancient game analogous to dice. Six sticks
and twelve blocks were employed, half of them by each player. This variety of the
seems to have used eight blocks. The classical accounts of this game (which is not clearly
understood) are to be found in the notes to HS 64 A: 14a and HHS, Mem. 24: 9b. The
Roman astragalen seems to have been a similar game; cf. H. Blümner, Die Romischen
Privataltertümer,
"Handbuch d. Klassische Altertums-Wissenschaft," 4 Bd., 2 Abteil, 2.
Teil, 1911, pp. 412-419.

[2345]

A quotation from Analects XI, xxiv, 2.

[2347]

HS 27 Ba: 2b, 3a seems to explain this charge when it says that, concerning the
doctrine of the five powers or elements, Hsia-hou Shih-ch'ang transmitted his explanation
to Hsia-hou Sheng, he to Hsü Shang, and on to Liu Hsiang4, whose account was similar
to that of his predecessors; but Liu Hsin1a's account was different. Thus Liu Hsin1a
had changed the traditional explanation of portents, probably to favor Wang Mang, and
is here criticized for having done so. An example of his interpretation is quoted in HS 27
Ba: 3b (trans. in W. Eberhard, Beiträge z. kosmolg. Spekulation Chinas, p. 22, par. 2)
where it is declared to be incorrect.

[2353]

The Southern Academy ed. and the Official ed. p. 13b change [OMITTED] to [OMITTED] to
to the usual writing of this word in the HS. The Ching-yu ed. however reads the former.

[2356]

This paragraph is very likely taken from the report of the Officer of the Commander-in-chief;
cf. next paragraph.

[2358]

Here Wang Mang is giving his own etymology for li [OMITTED] (*liəg, lji, Karlgren, Gram.
Ser.
#975g) by a pun with li [OMITTED] (also *liəg, lji, ibid., #978d).

[2362]

Cf. 99B: n. 23.1.

[2368]

Cf. HFHD I, 245, & n. 2.

[2369]

This passage is probably a quotation from Wang Mang's decree. For this crime,
ef. HFHD, II, 392, n. 7.11.

[2371]

Hu San-hsing explains that by "divisional officials" were meant the officials of a
commandery division who were in charge of bandits, such as the commandery Department
Head for Bandits, the county Commandant, and the Chiefs of Districts and Communes.

[2374]

Tu-tsê [OMITTED], "supervising [the acts of one's subordinates] and punishing [their
delinquencies]" was a technical term from the Legalist School; cf. D. Bodde,
First Unifier,
p. 38 & n. 3, 205-6. While I agree with his interpretation, I prefer "punishing"
instead of "holding responsible" as a translation of tsê. Szu-ma Cheng, in a note to
SC 87: 28, interpets tsê as "[OMITTED], punishing them by the [statutory] punishments."

[2386]

For a description of the grand carriage of state, cf. HHS, Tr. 29: 11a-12b.

[2387]

A line from Book of Odes #177, (Legge, II, iii, iii, 4, p. 283.)

[2391]

The text reads "second month," but this date may be mistaken, for in that month
there were no days such as those mentioned in the edict, according to the calendars of
P. Hoang and Ch'en Yüan. Such days occurred only in the first and third months.
Han-chi 30: 18b dates this fire in the intercalary [second?] month, but Hoang and Ch'en
have no intercalary month in this year. The mention of the vernal equinox fixes the
fire in March, but March 30 (julian) is much too late for the equinox (cf. n. 16.6). Possibly
there was an intercalary second month in this year, instead of the preceding year,
as Huang and Ch'en have it.

[2395]

According to Liu Hsiang's theory of the succession of the five powers, by virtue
of which successive dynasties ruled, between the period dominated by the powers wood
(T'ai-hao, K'u, the Chou dynasty) and fire (Shen-nung, Yao, the Han dynasty), there
was an intercalary period, during which there were disorderly rulers (Kung-kung, Chih,
the Ch'in rulers); cf. n. 24.1; Ku Chieh-kang, Ku-shih-pien V, 452, diagram B.

[2396]

Shui-ching-chu 19: 16b states that the Pa River "was anciently called the Tzu [OMITTED]
River. When Duke Mu of Ch'in [ruled 659-621 B.C.] was the Lord Protector (Pa), he
changed the name of the Tzu River to be the Pa River, in order to exhibit his glory as a
Lord Protector."

[2397]

The text reads "second month," but this date may be mistaken, for in that month
there were no days such as those mentioned in the edict, according to the calendars of
P. Hoang and Ch'en Yüan. Such days occurred only in the first and third months.
Han-chi 30: 18b dates this fire in the intercalary [second?] month, but Hoang and Ch'en
have no intercalary month in this year. The mention of the vernal equinox fixes the
fire in March, but March 30 (julian) is much too late for the equinox (cf. n. 16.6). Possibly
there was an intercalary second month in this year, instead of the preceding year,
as Huang and Ch'en have it.

[2402]

The vernal equinox occurred at Ch'ang-an in the evening of March 22 (julian),
eight days before this date. Wang Mang's astronomers would hardly be so much in
error about such an event; Wang Mang probably post-dated the equinox for the sake
of giving a favorable interpretation to the fire.

[2408]

Prof. Duyvendak points out that "benevolence [OMITTED]" here is opposed to "pa (tyrannical)"
in the preceding paragraph.

[2413]

The Official ed. has emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]; the other editions read the former. It
may be a mistake for [OMITTED].

[2414]

T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 328: 7a quotes the Liu-t'ao (iv or v cent. B.C.; this passage is
not in the present Liu-t'ao, but is quoted in its appendix of fragments, p. 15b) as saying,
"When rain dampens their clothes, it means they will be favored [lit. wetted [OMITTED]] weapons;
when it does not dampen them, it means that it weeps silently for the weapons." Ibid.
11: 1b, 2a quotes Ts'ao Ts'ao's (155-220) Ping-shu Chi-yao as saying, "When a Generalissimo
marches and the rain wets his clothes and bonnet, this means that he will spatter his
weapons [with the enemy's blood] and that his army will secure felicitations. . . . If when
a Generalissimo first marches, it rains but lightly, not dampening his clothes or bonnet,
this means that Heaven weeps silently and that this general will have a great misfortune
and his soldiers will be defeated and lost."

Shen Ch'in-han accordingly remarks that the prognostications in this "Memoir" are
different from those in the books on military affairs.

[2418]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggests that the words "Lien Tan" should be transferred to
come after the word hou (Marquis). According to 99 B: 29a, the General of a Peaceful
Beginning (which title had been changed to General of a New Beginning, cf. 99 C: 4b)
was in charge of the western provinces, not the east. The subject of the phrase "to
and control the region of which he is in charge" must be "the Grand Master," who was
in charge of the east (99 B: 2b, 29a). As a matter of fact, both these officials went
this expedition (99 C: 17b). I accordingly transfer these two words, as does
(p. 259).

[2422]

In a note to HS 24 A: 21b, Fu Ch'ien says, "They boiled the fruits of trees. Someone
says it was something like the present thistle cakes [OMITTED]." Ju Shun adds, "They
made something like an almond drink (hsing-lo [OMITTED])." Yen Shih-ku approves Ju
Shun's interpretation. Chou Shou-ch'ang however objects that these things are scarce,
and adds, "It was probably like in the present famine years when the common people
cut up [the leaves and bark] of elm trees and made a gruel and take the juice of millet
stalks to make soup, etc."

Prof. Duyvendak has called my attention to the importance of this passage for the
meaning of lo [OMITTED], mentioning the occidental literature. Karlgren (Philology & Ancient
China,
p. 138) states that lo had the archaic pronunciation glak, which he uses as evidence
for an ancient Turkish (Hunnish) stem, arak- or rak-, denoting kumyss or its forerunner,
an alcoholic drink made of fermented milk, for which stem there is also good evidence
in many modern Turkish dialects. Karlgren derives the English word "arrack," the
Japanese sake, and cognate words in other languages from this stem word. (Cf. also his
discussion of lo in Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 47 [1926], 1960-1962.)

The relationship of this ancient Turkish stem rak- to the Chinese archaic glak, the
present lo, is however not one of simple derivation, as Karlgren recognizes. The word lo
was used by the Chinese with a more generalized meaning, seemingly before they became
acquainted with kumyss. In ancient China, lo denoted three different kinds of drinks:

First, Li-chi VII, i, 9; XVIII, ii, ii, 38; & XXI, ii, 5 (Legge, I, 369; II, 160, 222 [he
twice mistranslates lo as "cream"]; Couvreur, I, 504; II, 176, 293; Karlgren admits the
first of these chapters as written in the iv cent. B.C.) uses lo to denote some kind of a
sour cereal drink, possibly a sour alcoholic drink or a vinegar (Karlgren, Grammata
Serica,
766 p., defines it as "A kind of acid soy made of rice or millet," which statement
may however be merely an over-literal translation of one Chinese glossator's description
of a sour liquor). Lo is used with li [OMITTED], in the phrase li-lo, which phrase is most
naturally interpreted as "sweet and sour liquors." The aforesaid is the most ancient
literary use of the word lo, and was its original meaning in Chinese literature.

Secondly, the word undoubtedly denoted kumyss or some similar drink. Karlgren
states that lo came to be used with this meaning because of the similarity in its ancient
pronunciation and its first meaning with the ancient Turkish word from the stem rak-
(archaic Chinese had no initial r- with the ending -ak). In 104 B.C., Emperor Wu established
the office of Mare Milker (T'ung-ma [OMITTED]; HS 19 A: 13a), whose function, according
to Ying Shao and Ju Shun, was to prepare a kind of kumyss. Shuo-wen 12 A: 6a,
sub t'ung, defines it as "[OMITTED]" (lit. "grab and pull," easily understood as an attempt, in a
language unfamiliar with herdsmen's vocabulary, to express the notion, "to milk"), and
adds, "The Han [dynasty] had the office of Mare Milker, who made ma-chiu ([OMITTED],
kumyss)." Possibly kumyss was introduced to the Chinese in the time of Emperor Wu,
when intercourse with the Huns became more frequent. HS 22: 36b moreover quotes a
memorial by K'ung Kuang and Ho Wu, dated 7 B.C., which mentions "seventy-two
apprentices who furnish the Grand Provisioner with kumyss (t'ung-ma-chiu)," of whom
seventy were dismissed (probably because kumyss was not a classical drink). This
beverage, according to the glossators, was anciently made from goat's and cow's milk as
well as mare's milk. The Shuo-wen does not list the word lo; it is however found in
Shih-ming 4: 6b, ch. 13 (by Liu Hsi, ca. 200 A.D.), where it is interpreted as .
The word lo is used with this meaning in the lament of Liu Hsi-chün, the Chinese Princess
who became the Wu-sun Queen (in HS 96 B: 4a; written between 110 and 104 B.C.) and
in Li Ling's letter to Su Wu (in Wen-hsüan 41: 2a = G. Margoulies, Le Kou-wen chinois,
p. 94; possibly written 81 or 80 B.C.; but its authenticity is debated).

There are various ancient Chinese names for this beverage: in addition to lo, ,
ma-chiu,
and t'ung-ma-chiu, there are ju [OMITTED] -lo, lo-su [OMITTED], and ti-hu [OMITTED] or [OMITTED] (the
last two names are found in a quotation from the T'ung-su-wen [by Fu Ch'ien, ca.
125-195] in TPYL 858: 1a [which chapter deals largely with kumyss and contains interesting
quotations]). Of these names, the last, ti-hu (for which Karlgren, Gram. Ser.,
590e & 49l, gives the archaic pronunciation tiər-g'o), seems a purely phonetic reproduction
of a foreign name, for its component words in this phrase are otherwise meangingless.

Thirdly, lo was used to denote a drink made from fruits, etc., such as the "
drink (hsing-lo)" mentioned by Ju Shun in his gloss to the HS passage, and to denote gruel
made from bark recommended by Wang Mang. On the above meanings, cf. the Tz'u-hai,
sub lo.
The P'ei-wen Yün-fu, sub lo and the other phrases mentioned here, contains many
interesting quotations.

Lo was originally the name of a sour fermented liquor; when the Chinese came to know
kumyss (which the glossators mention specifically as being sour), the Chinese naturally
applied the native word for a sour fermented liquor to it, calling it lo. They likewise
called other similar fermented beverages, such as those made from apricots and from bark,
etc. lo. Whether this ancient word, glak, can be used as evidence for an ancient
word with a similar pronunciation, is however not by any means sure, since there was
anciently a quite different word meaning kumyss, tiər-g'o, which seems more likely to
have been the phonetic reproduction of its foreign name. There is however also the
possibility that the Chinese took their word for sour liquor, glak, from the ancient
name for kumyss, but that hypothesis would push the Chinese knowledge of kumyss much
farther back than the literary evidence carries us. (Cf. also A. Conrady, "Alte westöstliche
Kulturwörter," in Berichte ü. d. Verhandl. d. Sächs. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Leipzig, Phil.-hist.
Kl., v. 77 (1925), H. 3, pp. 9-10; W. Eberhard, "Çín de kimiz ve yoğurdum
(Ueber die Herstellung von Kumys in China)" in Ülkü, Nov. 1940 [in Turkish].)

[2432]

Meng K'ang states that this is "the name of [a year-period in] the calendar made
by [Wang] Mang." Mou is equated with earth, the element by virtue of which Wang
Mang declared he ruled. He had his Grand Astrologer prepare the titles of year-periods
for 36,000 years, with one change of the year-period every six years (99 C: 4a), so that
names had been invented for all these year-periods.

Chavannes, Documents chinois découverts par Aurel Stein, p. 128 ff, no. 592, lists a
tablet in which the date A.D. 20 is written with the ten words, Hsin Shih-chien-kuo Ti-huang-shang-mou,
first year [OMITTED]." He also lists tablets with the
date for A.D. 14 written, Shih-chien-kuo T'ien-feng, first year (nos. 307, 482) and for
A.D. 17, Shih-chien-kuo T'ien-feng, fourth year (nos. 368, 369). Li-hsü 2: 1b (by Hung
Kua, 1117-1184) lists a captain's bell with the date, "Hsin Shih-chien-kuo Ti-huang-shang-mou,
second year." Yung-chai Sui-pi 6: 1a, b (by Hung Mai (1123-1202) says,
"In the family of Han [Tien] Chuang-min [lived 815-893] there was a bronze tou [measure]
with the inscription, `Hsin Shih-chiew-kuo T'ien-feng-shang-mou, sixth year.' In [the
period] Shao-hsing [1131-1162], Kuo Ching-chou secured a bell with the inscription,
`Hsin Shih-chien-kuo Ti-huang-shang-mou, second year.' " Lo Chen-yü's Cheng-sung-t'ang
Chi Ku-yi-wen
15: 2a lists a captain's bell with the inscription "a captain's bell [OMITTED],
weighing six catties five taels, made in Hsin Shih-chien-kuo Ti-huang VI." Here is
evidence that, in Wang Mang's time, "Hsin Shih-chien-kuo" or "Shih-chien-kuo" (i.e.
"[the House of] Hsin [having for the] first [time] established its state") was prefixed to
the two words distinguishing a year-period, and shang-mou, lit. "[the dynasty that]
exalts [the stem] mou [i.e., the element earth]" was added at the end. Wang Mang
began the sexagenary cycle with the term mou-tzu (99 B: 25b). The names of the reign-periods
that are listed in the HS, T'ien-feng and Ti-huang, are then cursive forms of the
full names found in these contemporary documents.

[2433]

Book of Changes, App. I, ii, Hex. 42, 1 (Legge, p. 247; Wilhelm, II, 173.)

[2437]

Wang Mang is alluding to Book of History V, iv, 6 "[The virtue of] speech is practicality"
and "Practicality produces good government." (Reference from Yen Shih-ku.)
Legge, pp. 326, 327 translated ts'ung [OMITTED] as "accordance with [the Way]." But the K'ung
An-kuo gloss is, "This then can be followed (k'o [OMITTED] ts'ung)," with which Cheng Hsüan
and Ma Jung agree. K'ung Ying-ta explains, "The second [activity] is speech, of which
[the important circumstance] is that it can be used [in practise] k'o [OMITTED]." [Shang-
Chu-su
12: 4b.])

[2439]

Cf. HHS, An. 1 A: 3a; Glossary sub Kuang-wu, Emperor.

[2442]

Yen Shih-ku explains that han-lu [OMITTED] was "the name of a dog in the ancient
state of Hanh. A black color is called lu." This breed of dog is also mentioned in K'ung
Ts'ung-tzu,
ch. 17, sect. 8; 5: 20b.

[2448]

HHS, An. 1 A: 21a states that, towards the end of Wang Mang's reign, when there
were drouths and plagues of locusts, a hu of grain cost one catty of actual gold.

[2449]

The establishment of this guard seems to indicate that there had been disturbances
by hungry people outside the government granaries even at the imperial capital.

[2456]

Yen Shih-ku explains fan3-ch'eng [OMITTED] as "to sieze a city in order to [start]
rebellion (fan3). It is also said that fan3 is pronounced fan1 [OMITTED]. When today
are spoken of, they still say fan1-ch'eng."

[2461]

HHS, Mem. 18 A: 6a (which may have been taken from Pan Ku's account of the
Later Han dynasty's rise) states that when Lien Tan, on his way east, "had reached
Ting-t'ao, [Wang] Mang had sent an imperial edict after [Lien] Tan, which said, "The
granaries are exhausted and the government arsenals are empty. You must now indeed
"become enraged"* and must now indeed fight. You, General, have received the weightiest
duty in the state. If you do not leave your body "in the midst of the waste,"**
will not be able to repay [the state's] favors or to escape a reprimand." " Thus Wang
Mang drove Lien Tan to his death. (The phrase marked * is an allusion to Mencius I,
ii, iii, 6 (Legge, p. 156). "King Wen, in one burst of rage, gave repose to the
people of the world." That marked ** is a quotation from Book of Changes, App. III,
ii, ii, 22 (Legge, 385), which passage discusses methods of burial.)

[2467]

Cf. n. 13.8.

[2472]

Book of Changes, Hex. 57, 6 (Legge, p. 191; Wilhelm, I, 168). The conclusion of
this passage is, "Firmness of mind will bring misfortune." No wonder Fang Yang left!

Yellow was the color of Wang Mang's power, hence his ceremonial axes were yellow.

For the HS's ch'i [OMITTED], the Book of Changes reads tzu [OMITTED]. Legge and Wilhelm translate
differently, interpreting tzu as "property," as they also do in ibid., Hex. 56, 4 where the
phrase tzu-fu [OMITTED] recurs (Legge, 188, Wilhelm, I, 163). Yü Hsi (ca. 285-360) in his Chih-lin
Hsin-shu
("Yü-han Shan-fang Chi-yi-shu" ed., p. 6a) declares, "Ch'i should be chai [OMITTED];
whenever an army leaves, [its commander] must fast and purify himself, enter [the imperial
ancestral temple], and receive his axe. Hence it says chai (fast)."

But Ying Shao, in a note to this passage of the HS, defines ch'i as li [OMITTED] (sharp), and
interprets, "He has lost his sharp axe (li-fu)." Ch'ien Chan (1744-1806) points out that
tzu and ch'i were anciently interchanged. Erh-ya ch. 2 (Erh-ya Chu-su 3: 2b) says,
"Chi [OMITTED] (to cut) and chien [OMITTED] (to cut off) are ch'i," and Kuo P'o (276-324) comments,
"The people of the southern quarter call a chien-knife a ch'i-knife." Shen Ch'in-
quotes the above explanations, concluding that Yü Hsi is mistaken and says, "The words
ch'i-fu take their meaning from beheading and cutting off." Cf. also Tz'u-hai, hai, 154b,
sub ch'i-fu and ibid., yu, 99d, sub tzu-fu. Ying Shao's interpretation must be accepted.

[2480]

This is no. 55 in Williams, Observations of Comets. It is also listed in HHS,
Tr. 10: 4a.

[2487]

Wang Mang had taken the second astronomical month for the first month of the
year, whereas the Han dynasty took the third astronomical month as their first month,
so that Wang Mang's first month was the same as the thirteenth month of the preceding
year according to the Han calendar. The months of this year in this chapter are thus
one month earlier than the corresponding months of the Han calendar, which latter is
given in Hoang, Concordance.

[2491]

For this famous battle, cf. HHS, Mem. 4, and Glossary, sub Liu Yin.

[2493]

A phrase from Mencius, V, i, viii, 1 (Legge, p. 365). For the ancient belief concerning
the literacy of the Three Sovereigns, cf. HFHD, I, 124, paragraph 3.

[2495]

Cf. Glossary, sub Captain.

[2499]

Hu San-hsing in Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 39: 1b explains [OMITTED] as "recounting [Wang]
Mang's crimes."

[2502]

HHS, An. 1 A: 4a dates this event in the second month; the difference is due merely
to the fact that the HHS here uses the Han calendar, while this "Memoir" here uses
Wang Mang's calendar; cf. n. 19.4.

[2505]

Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks that this is the first time dying the beard and hair
appeared in Chinese history.

[2506]

Cf. 99 C: 13b and n. 13.4.

[2507]

Wang Nien-sun declares that before [OMITTED] there was originally the word [OMITTED]; T'ai-p'ing
Yü-lan
(978-983) 89: 11a and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 39: 2a, in quoting this sentence,
have this word.

[2509]

The gold alone was worth (at the standard rate, 10,000 cash per catty, cf. 24 B:
22a) 300,000,000 cash, so that "hundred millions of cash" must refer to the other presents.
The gold amounted to 235,343 oz. troy or 7,320,000 g.

[2511]

For the ceremonies, cf. the Yi-li, ch. III (J. Steele, trans.). For these parts of the
ancient house, cf. plan in T'zu-yüan, sub [OMITTED].

[2514]

In accordance with Li-chi IV, i, ii, 9 (Legge, I, 259; Couvreur, I, 341 f), "In this
month [the second month of spring, Wang Mang's third month], the swallows arrive.
On the day of their arrival, a suovetaurilia is sacrificed to the Eminent Deity of Marriage
and Birth. The Son of Heaven attends in person, and the Queen Consort leads the
nine Spouses and the Attendants. Then a ceremony is performed for those [ladies] who
have attended [in person] upon the Son of Heaven. They carry bowcases and are given
bows and arrows before the Eminent Deity of Marriage and Birth."

[2518]

An allusion to Book of Odes, I, iii, x (Legge, I, 55); the phrase denotes the east
wind. The valley wind was supposed to blow gently and bring all genial influences.

[2521]

Ch'ou was connected with the note kung. Chu Chen (1072-1138), in his Han-shang
Yi-kua T'u,
B: 23b, basing his calculations on the Yi-chuan of Ching Fang (B.C.
77-37), asserts that the hexagram sun, in the cyclical combination hsin-ch'ou, is equated
with the power earth (which is equated with the note kung). The same equation is
found in San-yi Pei-yi 6: 5b (by Chu Yüan-sheng; fl. 1211; in T'ung-chih-t'ang Ching-chien,
vols. 14 & 38). Thus this equation was based upon earlier documents and has
passed into the stream of interpretation for the Book of Changes. Sun-erh [OMITTED] was the
ancient good of the wind, and the hexagram sun was itself equated with wine.

[2522]

Book of Changes, Hex. 35, 2 (Legge, p. 132; Wilhelm, I, 103). Yen Shih-ku explains
wang-mu [OMITTED] as chün-mu [OMITTED], i.e., the principal wife, which is a case of tecnonymy
become a set title; cf. HS 99 A: 9a3, C: 13a12.

[2523]

Yi-li I, ii, 17, c (Steele, I, p. 15). That text has however "[OMITTED] receive" for the
HS's "[OMITTED] ten-thousand."

[2525]

An allusion to Mencius VI, A, vii, 1 (Legge, p. 404): "With good harvests most
people are good."

[2530]

Ti [OMITTED] was the classical (Chou period) general designation for the barbarians in the
present northern China and north of it, while hu [OMITTED] was the general designation in the
Han period for the barbarians outside the northern border. Wang Mang, imitating
classical models, here uses ti in order to be classical and has to add hu to make his meaning
clear to his contemporaries.

Yen Shih-ku explains [OMITTED] as meaning "and"; the Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy
ed., and the Official ed. read [OMITTED].

[2536]

The phrase "tan-ch'ing-chih-hsin [OMITTED]" was a set expression in Han Times.
5 B: 1a, sub ch'ing, says, "Tan-ch'ing-chih-hsin [means] certainly [OMITTED]." Juan
Chi's (210-263) "Yung-huai Shih" (Wen-hsüan, 23: 3b, not trans. by von Zach) has the
lines,

"[Like a painting done in] cinnabar and azurite, our oath has been made plain,
Which for an eternity of ages we shall never forget."

Li Shan comments, "[A painting done in] cinnabar and azurite does not change, hence
be used it to liken to his oath." Li Shan moreover quotes an edict of Emperor Kuang-wu
from the Tung-kuan Han-chi (lost), "Establish plainly with trust worthiness [like that in a
painting done in] cinnabar and azurite and open wide the road which restricts Our action."
This edict is also referred to with this phrase in HHS, Mem. 3: 19a.

Yang Hsiung, in his Fa-yen, 12: 2a, b, ch. "Chün-tzu," uses this phrase similarly:
"Someone asked, `Are the words of a sage as brilliant as [a painting done in] cinnabar and
?' I replied, `Ha! What kind of words are that? At first [a painting done in]
and azurite is brilliant; after a long time it changes. [Do a sage's words]
?' " The fact that a phrase from painting had already become widely used as a
phrase in Former Han times illustrates the prevalence and antiquity of Chinese
painting.

[2545]

HS 30: 64a lists "altogether books on military matters from 53 schools, in
fascicles," and Pan Ku's note adds, "I have omitted [and transferred to another place
the books of] 10 schools, in 271 fascicles." Wang Hsien-ch'ien accordingly concludes
that Liu Hsiang's Ch'i-lüeh Pieh-lu (now lost) recorded 63 schools of military methods.
HHS, An. 1 A: 4b also says, "63 schools."

[2552]

I take here meaning (1) for this phrase from HFHD I, 222, n. 2, since meaning
(2) does not seem to fit this case.

[2555]

HHS, An. 1 A: 5b gives a different and less bombastic explanation for Wang Yi's
refusal to advance, namely that Wang Yi5 had previously been tried and reprimanded
because, when he had surrounded Chai Yi, he had not taken him alive. Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
39: 3b adopts this explanation. Cf. Glossary, sub Kuang-wu, Emperor.

[2557]

Yen Shih-ku asserts that this sentence is a saying from the standard Military
Methods. Ts'ao Ts'ao, in his comment to Sun-tzu, 7: 40a, quotes the Szu-ma
(iv. cent. B.C., later added to; this passage is not in the present text of that book) as saying,
"Surround three sides of it, and open one side of it, as a means of showing them that
there is a way [to save their] lives."

[2558]

Hsia [OMITTED] is sometimes a meaningless suffix, used to make a binom out of a place-name
composed of only one word; cf. HFHD, I, 310, n. 33. But hsia can also mean
"below [the walls of]," cf. HS 99 C: 26a10-11, 28b3, or "just outside [a wall, door, or gate],"
cf. 99 A: 1b11, 9a2, B: 14b2, 17b4, C: 23a12, 26b7.

[2560]

Hsiang [OMITTED] cannot here have the meaning found in the dictionaries, "mutual;
reciprocal; direction towards." Hsiang can only be equivalent to a pronoun object. It
very often has this meaning, frequently being equivalent to a preposition plus a pronoun
object. Cf. 99 C: 29a3, "hsiang [OMITTED]," which cannot mean "ate each other," but only
"ste them," i.e., "others."

[2562]

The present text reads, "Heaven's wind blew tiles off," which is the reading of the
important texts. The Official ed., which I here follow, has emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED], in accordance
with HHS, An. 1 A: 6b.

[2566]

Cf. 99 A: 24b.

[2570]

Book of Changes, Hex. 13, 3 (Legge, p. 86; Wilhelm, I, 42).

[2572]

Book of Changes, Hex. 13, 3 (Legge, p. 86; Wilhelm, I, 42).

[2573]

Book of Changes, Hex. 13, 3 (Legge, p. 86; Wilhelm, I, 42).

[2575]

The Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed. and the Official ed., for Wang
Hsien-ch'ien's "[OMITTED] courtiers," read "[OMITTED] common people," which latter reading I adopt.

[2577]

Tao-shih [OMITTED] did not yet mean predominately a Taoist practicioner. Huan
T'an (ca. 40 B.C.-A.D. 29), in his Hsin-lun (lost; quoted in T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 720: 5b),
calls Hsi-men Chün-hui a "gentleman possessing magical recipes, fang-shih [OMITTED]," and
states that Wang Ken (the father of Wang Shê) had kept him in order to cultivate methods
of securing longevity. Hence tao-shih at this time denoted a fang-shih. Cf. ,
sub tao-shih.

[2578]

This comet is not mentioned in Williams' list.

The constellation Ying-shih is meant. This reference is confirmed by the sentence
below, referring to it as a zodiacal constellation. Chin-shu, 11: 14b, says, "The two stars
of [the constellation] Ying-shih are the palace of the Son of Heaven."

[2582]

The State Master was Liu Hsin1a, who had previously changed his name to Liu
Hsiu4a, which name is not used in the HS, since it was the same as the tabooed personal
name of Emperor Kuang-wu, Liu Hsiu. Hsi-men Chün-hiu was prophesying that a
Liu Hsiu (which may mean either Liu Hsin1a or Emperor Kuang-wu) would come to the
throne.

[2585]

Ju Shun's judgment upon this incident is interesting: "He said that [Wang] Mang's
mother was in decayed circumstances, loved wine, and gave herself lascivious liberty, so
conceived [Wang] Mang, [hence] he was not a child of the Wang clan. [Wang Shê] put
forth this fraud in order to separate himself [from Wang Mang, with the aim of] not
receiving execution [when Wang Mang would be destroyed]."

[2590]

In 11 A.D., Wang Mang had executed two of Liu Hsin's sons, cf. 99 B: 16a; in
21 A.D. he also executed Liu Hsin's daughter, cf. C: 11b.

[2591]

According to SC 27 : 50 = Mh III, 371, Venus "presides over executions. When a
person who has done wrong is killed, that punishment is initiated by Venus." SC 27:
57 = Mh III, 378 moreover declares: "When Venus is invisible and troops are put into
the field, the troops will suffer calamity." This astrological interpretation explains Liu
Hsin1a's reluctance to act until Venus again became visible.

According to calculation by the tables in K. Schoch, Planeten-Tafeln für Jedermans,
Venus had been in superior conjunction on Oct. 25, A.D. 22 (Julian) and became visible
as an evening star at Ch'ang-an on Dec. 4, 22. Venus was last visible as an evening star
on Aug. 2, 23 and first became visible as a morning star on Aug. 20, 23.

What evidently happened was that, when the conspirators finally decided to act,
Venus had become invisible. Liu Hsin1a, who accepted the above astrological interpretation
of Venus' influence and who knew that at inferior conjunction this planet is only
invisible for a few days, consequently suggested they wait until Venus reappears. He
probably did not know that, at this time, Venus would be invisible for the longest period
of time in which it can remain invisible at this latitude—eighteen days. While awaiting
its reappearance, possibly expecting the period would not be long (sometimes Venus does
not disappear at inferior conjunction), Tung Chung1b took Sun Chi into his confidence,
with the result that the plot was revealed and the conspirators, including Liu Hsin1a
lost their lives.

Pan Ku's dating of the plot is not exact. He does not mention any date until he notes
the revelation of the plot and includes in the events before the seventh month Liu Hsin1a's
proposal to delay acting until Venus reappears. Evidently Pan Ku knew only the date
the plot was memorialized to the throne, that this event occurred during the seventh
month, which was July 7 to Aug. 5. But Venus was still visible as an evening star during
most of the sixth month. (The possibility is excluded, with great probability, that Pan
Ku's source was using the Han dynasty's months, which set the seventh month a month
later, i.e., Aug. 6 to Sept. 3. For Pan Ku's information about the plot and its revelation
could hardly have come elsewhere than from Wang Mang's court. It was most probably
taken from Sun Chi's memorial, giving information about the plot.)

Since Venus disappeared first on Aug. 3, Liu Hsin1a's proposal to delay could only
have been made during the last three days of the seventh month, i.e., Aug. 3, 4, or 5.
Sun Chi hence was persuaded by his wife and brother-in-law to reveal the plot on the
same or the next day after that on which he was taken into Tung Chung1b's confidence
and acted immediately. This inference is confirmed by the circumstance that only by
revealing such a plot immediately that he knew of it could Sung Chi have escaped implicating
himself in the plot. It is thus not surprising that the conspirators did not suspect
they had been betrayed and obeyed Wang Mang's order to come to the Palace.

[2601]

Previously (p. 20b), Shih Shen was made General of a Peaceful Beginning; Liu
Feng-shih states that the text may be in error here; Wang Ming-shen thinks that the
text should be emended. Lien Tan had been General of a New Beginning and had been
killed in the winter of 22 A.D.; the title of General of a New Beginning seems to have
been the higher title (cf. Glossary); possibly Shih Shen had been promoted. He is again
noted with this title on p. 26b, so that I see no need to emend the text.

[2603]

Professor Duyvendak calls my attention to the mention of this sword in HS 67:
6a, b, where Chu Yün, in a memorial to Emperor Ch'eng, dated during the decade beginning
20 B.C., declares, "Your servant would be willing to be granted a sword for beheading
horses from the Master of Recipes, to cut off the head of one flattering courtier, in order
to stimulate the others." The name of this article, which seems originally to have been
merely a large sword, accordingly acquired the connotation of an article specially used to
behead flatterers.

[2606]

Professor Duyvendak suggests emending ch'ih-po1-ren [OMITTED] to ch'ih-po2 [OMITTED],
which latter Couvreur, Dict. Class., defines as short for san [OMITTED] -ch'ih po2-ch'ou [OMITTED], the
cord granted by the throne to erring officials by which to strangle themselves. While
this emendation is attractive and has the advantage of not breaking the rhythm of two-word
phrases, the phrase ch'ih-po2 does not seem to have been used in ancient times, nor
can I find any ancient example of this practise. Ch'ih-po2 is moreover used in Chan-kuo-ts'e,
ch. 20, sect. 14 ("Szu-pu Pei-yao" ed., 20: 11a; "Szu-k'u Ts'ung-k'an" ed., 6:
74b) and denoted "a foot of silk cloth," used for making a cap, which meaning is clearly
unsuitable here. Professor Duyvendak also suggests rendering ch'ih separately by
"footrule," perhaps in the sense of the footrule used to bastonnade criminals. He doubts
the whole passage.

In Han times, the requirements of parallelism and rhythm were not yet strict, so
that a three-character phrase might be allowed to occur along with a series of two-character
phrases. Ch'ih is used in various compounds to denote a "one-foot long" article;
cf. Tz'u-hai sub ch'ih. Ch'ih-tao [OMITTED] is used in HS 54: 12b10. This phrase still denotes a
dagger. Po1-ren is used in the Doctrine of the Mean, ix (Legge, p. 389). Ch'ih-po1-ren
represents merely the combination of these two anciently well-known phrases.

The ancient Chinese sword was three feet long; cf. HFHD I, 142 & n. 3. Since the
ancient Chinese conceived ghosts as quite small beings, dagger-blades would naturally
be sufficient to put into a grave with the bodies of dangerous criminals, along with poisonous
drugs and thorns, in order to prevent their ghosts from rising. For a parallel to the
magical use of vinegar, cf. HS 100 A: 14b & n. 14.5 (in the Preliminary Volume).

[2607]

The Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed., and the Official ed. read [OMITTED] instead
of [OMITTED], which reading I adopt. The phrase "thicket of thorns" is from Book of Changes,
Hex. 29, 6; Legge, p. 119; cf. also HS 45: 18b. For the use of thorns, cf. HS 97 B: 19b.

[2613]

Mr. Cheng (fl. dur. 220-317) glosses, "The immortal held in his palm a vessel for
receiving dew." Professor Duyvendak calls attention to the fact that HS 25 A:
mentions "the bronze pillar and the immortal's palm for receiving dew [on] the Po-liang
[Tower]" (q.v. in Glossary) made at the order of Emperor Wu about 120 B.C. Su
glosses, "The immortal held in the palm of his hand an uplifted basin to receive sweet
dew." The Po-liang Tower however burnt down in 104 B.C., so that in Wang Mang's
time this was another statue. The San-fu Ku-shih (iii-v cent.; lost) is quoted by
Shih-ku as saying, "The basin for receiving dew in the Chien-chang Palace was 200 feet
high [the hight of the Po-liang Tower; the San-fu Ku-shih seems to have confused the
location] and seven spans in circumference. It was made of bronze. Above it there was
an immortal's palm to receive dew, which [latter] was mixed with jade powder and drunk
[as an elixir of immortality]." This tradition was derived largely from some lines in
Chang Heng's (78-139) "Fu on the Western Capital" (in Wen-hsüan 2: 15b), which
refer to the immortal's palm on the Po-liang Tower (this passage was quoted in the
San-fu Ku-shih passage):

"He set upon a stalk [referring to the Tower] an immortal's palm
For receiving the pure dew from the tips of the clouds,
[Which, with] fine jade powder, was used for a morning drink at the conclusion of the meal,
[So that the Emperor] would certainly be able to transfer his life [from this world to the next, i.e., become an immortal]."
[2615]

Professor Duyvendak remarks that fire is the power or element of the Han dynasty.
But red was not officially adopted as the color of the Han dynasty until A.D. 26
(Teng Chan, fl. ca. 208, in a note to HS 25 B: 23b).

In the time of Emperor Kao down to the time of Emperor Wen, the Han dynasty was
supposed to have succeeded to the virtue of the Ch'in dynasty, whose virtue was the
element water. Its color, black, is however nowhere said to have been adopted. However,
down to the end of the Former Han period, Palace Attendants wore black sables
(HS 98: 15a).

Kung-sun Ch'en and Chia Yi argued that because earth overcomes water, the Han
dynasty's virtue was earth, whose color is yellow. The appearance of a yellow dragon
at Ch'eng-chi in 165 B.C. caused the dismissal of Chang Ts'ang, who upheld the theory
that water was the Han dynasty's virtue. Yellow was not however adopted as the official
Han color until 104 B.C. (HS 6: 31b).

Liu Hsiang and Liu Hsin1a later argued that the order of the powers (and consequently
the succession of the dynasties) was not to be considered as that in which one overcomes
the other [OMITTED], but rather that in which they produced each other [OMITTED], since the
ancient (legendary) rulers did not conquer their predecessors, but each one yielded to
and resigned in favor of his successor. This theory was supported by verses in Book
of Changes,
App. V, 8, 9 (Legge, 425; in the "Explanation to the Trigrams," a section
which was "discovered" during 73-49 B.C.) and so became widely accepted. According
to this theory, the virtue of the Han dynasty was that of fire, whose color is red. The
Ch'in dynasty was not given any virtue in this succession of powers, merely being counted
as an intercalary dynasty, with the intercalary virtue of water, placed between the rule
of the virtues wood (the Chou dynasty) and fire (the Han dynasty). The brevity of the
Ch'in period was accounted for by the fact that it had no real virtue, only an apparent
virtue. Wang Mang and his time (including Pan Piao) accepted this theory, hence
thought of the Han dynasty's virtue as being fire and its color as being red, although that
view was not officially adopted until the Later Han period under Emperor Kuang-wu. The
story of the Eminent Founder having killed the snake (HFHD I, 34-36) clinched the
of this theory. But it was probably invented in the first century B.C., so
that it was interpolated into the SC (Mh II, 331). Cf. HS 25 B: 23b; Ku Chieh-kang in
Ku-shih-pien V, 423-500, 560-636.

For Wang Tzu-ch'iao, cf. Glossary, s.v.

[2622]

The Official ed. has emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED].

[2624]

Ts'ao Ts'ao also liked to eat shellfish. Su Shih (1036-1101), in his "Shellfish Song
(Fu-yü Hsing)" (in the Tung-p'o Hsien-sheng Shih-chi-chu 30: 33b) has the apt couplet,

"Two strong men who alike robbed the Han dynasty
In what they liked were also shoulder to shoulder."
(Reference from Wang Hsien-ch'ien).

[2626]

The phrase hsiao-shu [OMITTED] is also used in HS 30: 40a, which says, "But when
those who restricted themselves to [the school of Yin and Yang] concerned themselves
with [this subject], they tied themselves to prohibitions and abstentions, and became
mired in numerology (hsiao-shu)."

[2630]

A magical play on words. [OMITTED] "think again" was another writing for [OMITTED],
"screening wall"; cf. HFHD, I, 250, n. 3.

Wang Nien-sun points out that after [OMITTED] there has dropped out the word [OMITTED], which is
still read in T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 89: 11b & 185: 8a, Han-chi 30: 19a, and Shui-ching Chu 16:
17b, sub the Ku River.

[2631]

Prof. Duyvendak remarks that this blackening of the walls was to remove the
red color of the Han dynasty.

[2632]

Chou Shou-ch'ang says that a Sung ed. in small characters (xii or xiii cent.) reads
[OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. The Southern Academy ed. also has this good reading. The Ching-yu ed.
reads the latter.

[2633]

This seems to be one of the first times the cyclical characters were used to denote a
year. But A.D. 24, not A.D. 23, has the cyclical character shen. Professor Duyvendak
remarks that shen corresponds to the power metal, so that the emphasis was upon the
power, rather than upon the year.

[2634]

Professor Duyvendak points out that keng also corresponds to the power metal.

[2635]

Professor Duyvendak remarks that ping corresponds to the power fire, the Han
dynasty's virtue.

[2636]

Professor Duyvendak notes that "axe" is also metal and that "fire" denotes the
Han dynasty. The emphasis throughout these titles is on the power metal, which was
believed to govern the sending out and movements of the imperial army, the punishment
of rebels and traitors, and the ending of violence and disturbance; cf. HS 27 A: 17b;
W. Eberhard, "Beiträge zur kosmologischen Spekulation der Chinesen der Han-Zeit," p.
19.

[2640]

HHS, Tr. 10: 5a, b lists this circumstance and interprets it, "Venus carries out
military deeds; [the constellation] T'ai-wei is the court of Heaven. Venus was victorious
and went north, entering T'ai-wei—this [circumstance] is the general-in-chief entering
the court of the Son of Heaven."

The first star of T'ai-wei, δ Leo, was then in R.A. 141°; Venus reached this R.A. on
the evening of July 4 and again on Sept. 29, according to calculation by the tables
in C. Schoch, Planeten-Tafeln für Jederman. At that time it had attained a declination
of 13.9° north of the equator, confirming the phrase "went north." It had a magnitude
of -4.2—so bright that it could easily be seen in daytime by anyone who knew where
to look for it, hence it is not surprising that it was said to have lighted the earth like the
moon. "Autumn" began with the first day of the seventh month, which was Aug. 6
of this year, so that "autumn" is confirmed. Venus was again in T'ai-wei when Wang
Mang was killed and with an even greater brilliance—it is not surprising that this apt
astrological interpretation should have made an impression.

[2644]

HHS, Mem. 3: 4b names this man, "the Grand Governor of An-ting [Commandery],
Wang Hsiang [OMITTED]."

[2645]

This letter is quoted in HHS, Mem. 3: 2a-4b. Cf. Glossary sub Wei Hsiao.

[2650]

Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsüan, XII, (Legge, p. 311, 316), says, "When the Viscount of
Ch'u had besieged Cheng to the seventeenth day, the people of Cheng divined by the
tortoise whether they should end their struggle, [and the reply] was unfavorable. Then
they divined by the tortoise whether they should lament in the Grand [Ancestral] Temple
and set out their chariots in the streets, [and the reply] was favorable, so the people of
the state held a great lamentation and the defenders of the parapets all wept." Ibid.,
Dk. Chao, XXI, (Legge, 68611, 689) records that in the state of Lu, Shu Ch'ê wept for
the eclipse of the sun in 520 B.C.

Chou-li 26: 6b, sub the Female Shaman (nü-wu) (Biot, II, 104) says, "Whenever in
the country there is a great visitation, [the Female Shamans] sing and weep in order to
beg [the divinities]," and Cheng Hsüan explains, "Some sing and some weep. They hope
to move the gods in heaven and earth to pity."

[2651]

Book of Changes, Hex. 13, 5 (Legge, p. 86; Wilhelm, I, 42).

[2657]

Han-chi 30: 19a says that these persons were entitled Crying and Sighing Gentlemen
[OMITTED].

[2659]

Gold was cast into square cake-shaped ingots an inch on a side, weighing a catty
(24 B: 1b) and worth ten thousand cash. At 244 g. per catty (HFHD, I, 280) a chest
contained 2,440,000 grams or 78,448 oz. troy, worth, at present prices, U. S. $2,745,680.
Sixty chests, if full, contained 146,400,000 g. or 4,706,880 oz. troy. With this huge
treasure may be compared the amount of gold brought to Spain from the Americas between
1503 and 1660, which E. J. Hamilton (American Treasure and the Price Revolution
in Spain,
p. 42) finds to have been 181,333,180 g., or 5,829,996 oz. troy. For the reliability
of this statement, cf. App. II, p. 479ff.

[2663]

Yen Shih-ku remarks that the Imperial treasury was under the Privy Treasurer.
The Empress was called the Inner Palace; cf. Glossary sub voce. Yen Shih-ku explains,
"The [OMITTED] was the treasury of the Empress."

The Bureau of Equalization was under the Grand Minister of Agriculture (the state
treasurer), called by Wang Mang the Communicator.

[2664]

Contrast the thousand catties of actual gold given to Tou Jung a little later under
similar circumstances, probably at the solicitation of Wang Yi5; cf. HHS, Mem. 13: 1b.

[2667]

For this phrase, cf. Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, III, (Legge, 4195, 420b); HHS, Mem.
5: 2a9.

[2673]

According to HHS, Mem. 13: 1b, Tou Jung had been installed as General of the
Po River and was stationed at Hsing-feng. Ch'ien Ta-hsin remarks that when Pan Ku
was preparing his History, the Tou clan was very powerful, hence he did not mention
this name. Cf. Glossary, sub Tou Jung.

[2674]

The present text reads, "Ch'ang-men Palace." But this Palace was inside the
city of Ch'ang-an (cf. Glossary sub Ch'ang-men). There was a place by the name of
Ch'ang-men near Ch'ang-an, but nothing is said of any palace located there; HHS, Tr. 10:
5b, in quoting this passage, omits the word for "Palace." This word seems to have been
an interpolation made by someone who knew about the Palace and did not know the
place-name.

[2681]

Wei Ao and his followers, among whom were Pan Piao and Pan Ku; cf. HHS, Mem.
30 A: 1a. They had then taken An-ting Commandery, just over the border in the present
Kansu, on the upper reaches of the Ching River; cf. HHS, Mem. 3: 4b.

[2695]

There is a rime or assonance between the last words of these two lines: [OMITTED], mang < mwâng < *mwâng, and [OMITTED], hsiang < yång > *g'ông (Karlgren, Gram. Serica, #709a, 1015a).

[2698]

Yen Shih-ku explains, "Kan is a color that is a deep blue, showing a red [tinge]
[OMITTED]." Dr. Duyvendak notes that purple is the color corresponding
to the Pole Star, the imperial symbol. Mh III, 340 gives the name "the Lilac Purple
Palace (tzu-kung [OMITTED])" to the four asterisms about the Pole Star. The Supreme One,
the divine ruler of the universe, has his regular habitation in the Pole Star (Mh, III, 339),
so that the color of this area is appropriate to the human ruler of all under heaven. Kan
(deep purple) was a deeper purple than tzu (lilac purple). By wearing the color of the
Supreme One, Wang Mang was by sympathy attracting protection from this supreme
power.

[2699]

The Official ed. has emended an1-shih1 [OMITTED] to an2-shih2 [OMITTED]. Yen Shih-ku's
comment reads, "A shih1 is what is used to divine the seasons and days," hence his
text read shih2.

Chou-li 26: 9a, sub the Grand Astrologer, (T'ai-shih) (Biot, II, 108 & n. 5), says,
"When the great army [starts out, the Grand Astrologer] holds [the board for determining]
Heaven's times, and [travels] in the same chariot as the Grand Master [of Music]."
Cheng Chung glosses, "When a great army starts out, then the Grand Astrologer has
charge of holding the diviner's board, in order [to be able] to tell Heaven's times and to
determine whether they are lucky or unlucky." The bibliography in HS 30: 72a sub
the school of the Five Powers, lists, "[Mr.] Hsien-men's Method [of Using] the Diviner's
Board, in 20 rolls and [Mr.] Hsien-men's Divining Board, in 20 rolls." (For Hsien-men
Tzu-kao, the immortal, cf. Mh II, 165, n. 1; III, 432, 436). The Ta-t'ang Liu-tien 14:
27b, sub the T'ai-p'u Ling, contains a description of the board used in T'ang times. It
had the zodiacal constellations engraved on it. At the Wang Hsu Tomb and at the
Painted Basket Tomb in Korea a set of Han divining boards were found; a photograph
is found in Plate 6 to W. C. Rufus, "Korean Astronomy," in Trans. of Korea Br. Roy.
As. Soc'y,
vol. 26.

[2702]

He made magical use of Confucius' saying in time of danger, "Heaven begat the
virtue that is in me. Huan T'ui—what can he do to me?" Analects, VII, xxii.

[2707]

Water, the element in the pond, puts out fire, the Han dynasty's element, represented
by the attackers.

[2711]

For [OMITTED], the Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed., and the Official ed. read [OMITTED].
Wang Yi5's father, Wang Shang, had died in 11 B.C.

[2713]

HS 26: 46b, in enumerating the periods of the day, lists the period hsia-pu [OMITTED]
as the period before sunset and after the period pu [OMITTED], which latter was about 3 to 5
p.m.

[2714]

The San-fu Chiu-shih (attributed to Wei Piao, d. A.D. 89; book lost) collected
fragments, p. 15b, says, "A butcher, Tu Yü [OMITTED], killed [Wang] Mang by his own hand."
The Tung-kuan Han-chi (A.D. 58-225; book lost, fragments collected) 23: 4a also writes
"Tu Yü." But HHS, Tr. 10: 5b, copying this sentence, says, "A man from Shang, Tu
Wu [OMITTED] killed [Wang] Mang." Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks that anciently wu and
interchanged. Shang was a place along the road through the Wu Pass to Ch'ang-an,
that this man probably came with the forces attacking the capital.

[2716]

The word "seals [OMITTED]" has probably dropped out before [OMITTED]. Previously (p. 27a), it
said that Wang Mang wore his seals; nowhere else is it said that anyone else secured the
imperial seals before they passed into the possession of Wang Hsien4 (p. 28a). The seal-cords
were threaded through the seals, so that it would be difficult to take the cords without
also taking the seals.

[2719]

Tung-kuan Han-chi 23: 4a says, "Kung-pin Chiu secured his head and transmitted
and took it to Yüan, [where the Keng-shih Emperor was], and was enfeoffed as the Marquis
of Hua."

[2721]

Yen Shih-ku quotes the San-fu Chiu-shih (lost), as saying that luan [OMITTED] is "to cut
into a thousand pieces." Hsü Ling (507-583), in his "Letter to [the Northern Ch'i]
Supervisor [of the Masters of Writing] Yang, [Tsun-yen]," in his works, Hsü Hsiao-mu Chi
4: 6a, says, "Wang Mang was mutilated by a thousand strokes." (Reference from Shen
Ch'in-han.)

[2722]

This sentence is identical with the similar statement at the death of Hsiang Yü:
cf. SC 7: 73 = Mh II, 320. It may have been a merely literary addition in Kung-pin
Chiu's report of his deeds; cf. HFHD, III, 97.

[2729]

The Southern Academy ed. and Official ed. emend [OMITTED] to the more correct [OMITTED].
The Ching-yu ed. reads the former.

[2742]

Cf. HHS, Mem. 1: 3a.

[2744]

This apology was preserved; Emperor Kuang-wu had Yin Min [OMITTED] rebut "a
comparison written in behalf of Wang Mang by Ts'ui Fa"; HHS, Mem. 69 A: 10a. Cf.
HFHD, III, 95-96.

[2753]

Tung-kuan Han-chi 23:2b states that after the Keng-shih Emperor reached Ch'ang-an,
"the bells and drums, the women and eunuchs of the [imperial] apartments, the several
thousand offices and yamens, and [the people of the various] wards were peacefully
as formerly. The Keng-shih [Emperor] ascended [the throne] in the Front
Hall [of the Wei-yang Palace]." Hence there was sufficient left of even the audience
in the Wei-yang Palace for the imperial throne to be set up in its former location.

[2756]

The Red Eyebrows entered Kuan-chung in Jan./Feb., A.D. 25, defeated the Keng-shih
Emperor's generals in Feb./Mar. and Apr./May, set up Liu P'en-tzu as the Emperor
in July/Aug., and entered Ch'ang-an in Oct./Nov. The Keng-shih Emperor fled and
to them in Nov./Dec., upon the promise of a kingdom. He was probably
murdered not long afterwards. Cf. Glossary, sub Fan Ch'ung & Liu Hsüan2α.

[2758]

A T'ang manuscript fragment of this chapter has been preserved, which consists
2½ leaves, 38 columns of the passage at the end of this chapter. The words shih
and ming, which were the personal name of the Grand Exemplar of the T'ang dynasty,
Emperor Wen, (reigned 627-649), lack a stroke. This manuscript furthermore contains
Yen Shih-ku's comments, hence it was written after 641, when Yen Shih-ku completed
his work. The word Sung, the personal name for the Condescending Exemplar, (the
Shun-tsung, reigned 805), is written correctly. In T'ang times, the names of the Eminent
Founder and the Grand Exemplar and of the seven emperors immediately preceding the
reigning emperor were tabooed, hence this manuscript was written some time in 641-804
or 860-907 A.D. A photographic reprint is published in vol. 4 of the Ku-chi Ts'ung-ts'an,
under the editorship of Lo Cheng-yü. The other manuscripts in this volume are from
the cave at Tun-huang, hence this one probably also came thence, although nothing is
specially said to that effect. Its variant readings exhibit a tendency to improve the
literary quality of the writing.

In this manuscript, the word [OMITTED] is regularly written [OMITTED], which variant reading is now
occasionally found in the HHS.

[2763]

The T'ang mss. interchanges the words [OMITTED] to read [OMITTED], a more literary reading.

[2766]

HHS, An. 1 A: 15b.

[2770]

In the T'ang mss., after the [OMITTED], there are the words "[OMITTED], an offshoot of."

[2771]

Cf. HS 99 A: 1b.

[2773]

A saying of Confucius, from Analects XV, xxiv, 2—high praise of Wang Mang
.

[2774]

Sayings of Confucius, from Analects XII, xx, 6, with minor changes.

[2776]

Instead of [OMITTED], the T'ang mss. reads [OMITTED].

[2778]

After [OMITTED], the T'ang mss. inserts the word [OMITTED].

[2780]

The T'ang mss. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[2781]

In a note to HHS, Mem. 42: 2b11, Li Hsien says, "Tzu-hui is an attitude of being
unwilling to heed the exhortations of others [OMITTED]."

[2782]

An allusion to Book of History, I, iii, 11 (Legge, p. 24). The reference is to the
Provider of Works of whom Yao says, "He appears to be respectful, [but he is actually]
scornful of Heaven." The Han interpretation of this passage is found in SC 1: 29
MH I, 50.

[2784]

The T'ang mss. omits the words [OMITTED] and [OMITTED].

[2787]

A quotation of Book of Changes, App. III, ii, 31 (Legge, p. 389).

[2788]

After [OMITTED], the T'ang mss. adds the word [OMITTED].

[2789]

An allusion to Book of Changes, App. II, Hex. 1, 6 (Legge, p. 267; Wilhelm, II,
), "A dragon [that has flown] too high will have to repent it; a state of fullness cannot
long."

The Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. write [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED], to accord with
the reading in the Book of Odes, but the T'ang mss., the Ching-yu ed., and the Chi-ku-ko
ed. confirm the reading in the latter reading.

[2790]

Ying Shao explains that purple is a mixed color. Professor Duyvendak notes
the reference to Analects XVII, xviii, where Confucius states he dislikes purple and
parallels it with obscene music. Professor Duyvendak explains that purple pretends to
be red without being red.

[2791]

Ying Shao explains, "Wa [OMITTED] is an evil sound." In his Yen-shih Chia-hsün, ch. 17,
. 16; B: 20a, Yen Chih-t'ui explains, "It probably means that it is not a blue color,
[that of heaven], nor a yellow color, [that of earth], and that it is a sound which does not
agree with the [twelve] musical tubes." Yen Shih-ku adds, "Wa is a disorderly sound in
music, not [appropriate to] correct songs. Recent students say however that wa means
merely the croaking of frogs,* [thus] mistaking its meaning. They also wish to change
the wa-sheng of this eulogy to be `the sound of [OMITTED] blue-flies (ying)', and quote the Book
of Odes
[I, viii, i, 1; Legge, p. 150]:

`It was not the cock that was crowing—
It was the sound of blue flies,'
thus following their caprice still further." Professor Duyvendak explains that wa may
denote "a croaking sound which is a parody of music."

At the sign *, after the word wa, the T'ang mss. adds the word [OMITTED], making the meaning
clearer.

I have compared the variant readings of this T'ang manuscript with those of five other
editions of the HS: the Ching-yu ed. of 1035, the Wang Wen-sheng ed. of 1546, the Chi-ku-ko
ed. of 1642, a Te-fan-tsui-lo-hsien ed., prob. between 1457 and 1573, and Wang
Hsien-ch'ien's ed. of 1900. Including items in the Chinese notes (which are not mentioned
in my notes), there are nineteen differences between this T'ang manuscript and other
editions. In each case, these other five editions agree against the T'ang manuscript.
In many cases, it can be seen that the T'ang manuscript is endeavoring to make plainer
or easier the original text (cf. my notes 29.4, 29.9, 29.11, and the preceding paragraph
of this note); in other cases they are errors of transcription. Evidently this scribe was not
careful in his work and his variants are textually unimportant.

[2794]

Fu Ch'ien explains, "It means that [Wang] Mang did not obtain the real [Heavenly]
decree of a [true] king, as the left-over parts of the months in a year make an intercalation."

[2795]

A phrase also found in SC 16: 38,9 = Mh III, 49. Su Lin explains that in this
case the sage-king was Emperor Kuang-wu.