The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
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May 11. titles. |
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 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
May 11. titles.
I may be well disposed to concur in opinion with gentlemen
that we ought not to recede from our former vote on
this subject, yet at the same time I may wish to proceed with
due respect to the Senate, and give dignity and weight to
our own opinion, so far as it contradicts theirs, by the deliberate
and decent manner in which we decide. For my
with danger as some gentlemen apprehend. I believe
a President of the United States, clothed with all the
powers given in the Constitution, would not be a dangerous
person to the liberties of America, if you were to load him
with all the titles of Europe or Asia. We have seen superb
and august titles given, without conferring power and influence,
or without even obtaining respect. One of the most
impotent sovereigns in Europe has assumed a title as high as
human invention can devise; for example, what words can
imply a greater magnitude of power and strength than that
of High Mightiness? This title seems to border almost upon
impiety; it is assuming the pre-eminence and omnipotence of
the Deity; yet this title, and many others cast in the same
mould, have obtained a long time in Europe, but have they
conferred power? Does experience sanction such an opinion?
Look at the Republic I have alluded to, and say if their
present state warrants the idea?
I am not afraid of titles, because I fear the danger of any
power they could confer, but I am against them because they
are not very reconcilable with the nature of our Government
or the genius of the people. Even if they were proper in
themselves, they are not so at this juncture of time. But
my strongest objection is founded in principle; instead of increasing,
they diminish the true dignity and importance of
a Republic, and would in particular, on this occasion, diminish
the true dignity of the first magistrate himself. If we
give titles, we must either borrow or invent them. If we
have recourse to the fertile fields of luxuriant fancy, and deck
out an airy being of our own creation, it is a great chance
but its fantastic properties would render the empty phantom
ridiculous and absurd. If we borrow, the servile imitation
will be odious, not to say ridiculous also; we must copy from
the pompous sovereigns of the East, or follow the inferior
potentates of Europe; in either case, the splendid tinsel
or grogeous robe would disgrace the manly shoulders of our
total neglect and disregard to things of this nature; the
more simple, the more Republican we are in our manners, the
more rational dignity we shall acquire; therefore, I am better
pleased with the report adopted by the House, than I should
have been with any other whatsoever.
The Senate, no doubt, entertain different sentiments on
this subject. I would wish, therefore, to treat their opinion
with respect and attention. I would desire to justify the
reasonable and republican decision of this House to the other
branch of Congress, in order to prevent a misunderstanding.
But that the motion of my worthy colleague (Mr. Parker)
has possession of the House, I would move a more temperate
proposition, and I think it deserves some pains to bring about
that good will and urbanity, which, for the despatch of public
business, ought to be kept up between the two Houses.
I do not think it would be a sacrifice of dignity to appoint
a Committee of Conference, but imagine it would tend to
cement that harmony which has hitherto been preserved
between the Senate and this House; therefore, while I concur
with the gentlemen who express, in such decided terms, their
disapprobation of bestowing titles, I concur also with those
who are for the appointment of a Committee of Conference,
not apprehending they will depart from the principles adopted
and acted upon by the House.
| The writings of James Madison, | |