The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
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TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. |
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 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Your favor of the 2d instant, with the letters
attending it never came to hand 'till last evening.
I have good reason to believe that the delay happened
between Alexanda & Fredg, rather than at or
from the latter place. Mr. F. Maury pays particular
attention to all letters which arrive there for me,
and forwards them to Orange by opportunities which
are frequent & safe. I apprehend there will be no
impropriety in committing a confidential letter to
that channel. As an additional precaution, I will
desire him to be particularly attentive to any letter
which may have your name on it.
I have heard from two only of the returns from the
Electoral districts;[98]
the one in favor of Mr. Gilchrist
agst Col. Cabel by a majority of 82 votes. He owes
his success to the coalition between the two parties
in Spotsylva. My situation is unfavorable for intelligence
from the State at large, and therefore I
can say little of the prospects as to the Feby election.
I fear, from the vague accounts which circulate,
that the federal candidates are likely to stand in the
way of one another. This is not the case however
in my district. The field is left entirely to Monroe
& myself. The event of our competition will probably
depend on the part to be taken by two or three
descriptions of people, whose decision is not known,
if not yet to be ultimately formed. I have pursued
my pretensions much further than I had premeditated;
having not only made great use of epistolary
means, but actually visited two Counties, Culpeper
& Louisa, and publicly contradicted the erroneous
reports propagated agst me. It has been very industriously
inculcated that I am dogmatically attached
to the Constitution in every clause, syllable & letter,
and therefore not a single amendment will be promoted
by my vote, either from conviction or a spirit
of accommodation.[99]
This is the report most likely
with success within the limited period. There
are a number of others however which are auxiliaries
Washington, & the others of your family,
I remain, Dear Sir, your most obedt & affecte.
Servt.
| Stephens | Cabel | |
| 109 | 71 | Albemarle. |
| 270 | Amherst. | |
| 15 | 66 | Fluvanna. |
| 268 | 10 | Spotsylva. |
| 113 | 4 | Orange. |
| 177 | 26 | Culpeper. |
| 4 | 157 | Buckingham. |
| 686 | 604 | |
| 82 | bal. in favor of Stevens. |
as I am told, of Col. Cabel on the subject of the Presidt, which satisfied
the federal party. Little attention seems to have been paid anywhere
to the vice president. Among the bulk of the people, the choice of
the President has been regarded as the sole subject of the election.—
Madison's note.
TO GEORGE EVE.
Being informed that reports prevail not only that I am opposed to
any amendments whatever to the new federal Constitution, but that
I have ceased to be a friend to the rights of Conscience; and inferring
from a conversation with my brother William, that you are disposed
to contradict such reports as far as your knowledge of my sentiments
may justify, I am led to trouble you with this communication of them.
As a private Citizen it could not be my wish that erroneous opinions
should be entertained, with respect to either of those points, particularly
with respect to religious liberty. But having been induced,
to offer my services to this district as its representative in the federal
Legislature, considerations of a public nature make it proper that,
with respect to both, my principles and views should be rightly understood.
I freely own that I have never seen in the Constitution as it now
stands those serious dangers which have alarmed many respectable
Citizens. Accordingly whilst it remained unratified, and it was
necessary to unite the States in some one plan, I opposed all previous
alterations as calculated to throw the States into dangerous contentions,
and to furnish the secret enemies of the Union with an opportunity
of promoting its dissolution. Circumstances are now changed.
The Constitution is established on the ratifications of eleven States
and a very great majority of the people of America; and amendments,
if pursued with a proper moderation and in a proper mode, will be
not only safe, but may serve the double purpose of satisfying the
minds of well meaning opponents, and of providing additional guards
in favour of liberty. Under this change of circumstances, it is my
sincere opinion that the Constitution ought to be revised, and that
the first Congress meeting under it ought to prepare and recommend
to the States for ratification, the most satisfactory provisions for all
essential rights, particularly the rights of Conscience in the fullest
latitude, the freedom of the press, trials by jury, security against
general warrants &c. I think it will be proper also to provide expressly
in the Constitution, for the periodical increase of the number
of Representatives until the amount shall be entirely satisfactory, and
to put the judiciary department into such a form as will render vexatious
appeals impossible. There are sundry other alterations which
are either eligible in themselves, or being at least safe, are recommended
by the respect due to such as wish for them.
I have intimated that the amendments ought to be proposed by the
fast Congress. I prefer this mode to that of a General Convention—
1st. because it is the most expeditious mode. A Convention must be
delayed until 2/3 of the State Legislatures shall have applied for one,
and afterwards the amendments must be submitted to the States;
whereas if the business be undertaken by Congress the amendments
may be prepared and submitted in March next. 2dly. because it is the
most certain mode. There are not a few States who will absolutely
reject the proposal of a Convention, and yet not be averse to amendments
in the other mode.—lastly, it is the safest mode. The Congress
who will be appointed to execute as well as to amend the Government,
will probably be careful not to destroy or endanger it. A Convention,
on the other hand, meeting in the present ferment of parties,
and containing perhaps insidious characters from different parts of
America, would at least spread a general alarm, and be but too likely
to turn everything into confusion and uncertainty. It is to be observed
however that the question concerning a General Convention,
will not belong to the federal Legislature. If 2/3 of the States apply
for one, Congress cannot refuse to call it; if not, the other mode of
amendments must be pursued.—Mad. MSS.
| The writings of James Madison, | |