The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. |
The writings of James Madison, | ||
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
This will be handed to you by Mr. Gouverneur
Morris who will embark in a few days for Havre,
from whence he will proceed immediately to Paris.
He is already well known to you by character; and
as far as there may be a defect of personal acquaintance
I beg leave to supply it by this introduction.
My two last were of Ocr. 8 & 17th. They furnished
a state of our affairs as they then stood. I
shall here add the particulars of most consequence,
which have since taken place; remembering however
that many details will be most conveniently gathered
from the conversation of Mr. Morris who is
thoroughly possessed of American transactions.
Notwithstanding the formidable opposition made
to the New federal Government, first in order to prevent
its adoption, and since in order to place its
administration in the hands of disaffected men, there
in March next, and a flattering prospect that it
will be administered by men who will give it a fair
trial. General Washington will certainly be called
to the Executive department. Mr. Adams, who is
pledged to support him, will probably be the vice
president. The enemies to the Government, at the
head & the most inveterate, of whom, is Mr. Henry
are laying a train for the election of Governor Clinton,
but it cannot succeed unless the federal votes
be more dispersed than can well happen. Of the
seven States which have appointed their Senators,
Virginia alone will have anti-federal members in that
branch. Those of N. Hampshire are President Langdon
& Judge Bartlett—of Massachusetts Mr. Strong
and Mr. Dalton—of Connecticut Docr Johnson and
Mr. Elseworth—of N. Jersey Mr. Patterson and Mr.
Elmer—of Penna Mr. R. Morris and Mr. McClay—of
Delaware Mr. Geo. Reed and Mr. Bassett—of Virgina
Mr. R. H. Lee and Col. Grayson. Here is
already a majority of the ratifying States on the side
of the Constitution. And it is not doubted that it
will be reinforced by the appointments of Maryland,
S. Carolina and Georgia. As one branch of the Legislature
of N. York is attached to the Constitution,
it is not improbable that one of the Senators from
that State also will be added to the majority. In
the House of Representatives the proportion of anti
federal members will of course be greater, but cannot
if present appearances are to be trusted, amount
to a majority, or even a very formidable minority.
no where except in Penna., and here the returns are
not yet come in from all the Counties. It is certain
however that seven out of the eight, and probable
that the whole eight representatives will bear the
federal stamp. Even in Virginia where the enemies
to the Government form 2/3 of the legislature it is computed
that more than half the number of Representatives,
who will be elected by the people, formed
into districts for the purpose, will be of the same
stamp. By some, it is computed that 7 out of the
10 allotted to that State will be opposed to the politics
of the present Legislature.
The questions which divide the public at present
relate 1. to the extent of the amendments that
ought to be made to the Constitution. 2. to the
mode in which they ought to be made. The friends
of the Constitution, some from an approbation of
particular amendments, others from a spirit of conciliation,
are generally agreed that the System should
be revised. But they wish the revisal to be carried
no farther than to supply additional guards for liberty,
without abridging the sum of power transferred
from the States to the general Government or altering
previous to trial, the particular structure of the
latter and are fixed in opposition to the risk of
another Convention whilst the purpose can be as
well answered, by the other mode provided for introducing
amendments. Those who have opposed the
Constitution, are on the other hand, zealous for a
second Convention, and for a revisal which may
far as alterations have been proposed by any State.
Some of this class, are no doubt, friends to an effective
Government, and even to the substance of the
particular Government in question. It is equally
certain that there are others who urge a second Convention
with the insidious hope, of throwing all
things into Confusion, and of subverting the fabric
just established, if not the Union itself. If the first
Congress embrace the policy which circumstances
mark out, they will not fail to propose of themselves,
every desirable safeguard for popular rights; and by
thus separating the well meaning from the designing
opponents fix on the latter their true character, and
give to the Government its due popularity and
stability.
[94]
Moustier[95]
proves a most unlucky appointment.
He is unsocial proud and niggardly and betrays a sort
of fastidiousness towards this country. . . .
At Boston he imprudently suffered etiquette to prevent
even an interview with governor Handcock. The inhabitants,
taking part with the governor, neither visited
nor invited the count. They were then less apprehensive
of a misinterpretation of the neglect as the most
cordial intercourse had just preceeded between the town
and the French squadron. Both the count and the
Marchioness are particularly unpopular among their
countrymen here. Such of them as are not under
new diplomatic arrangement. It is but right to add
to these particulars, that there is reason to believe that
unlucky impressions were made on the count at his first
probably by de la Forest the consul a cunning disciple
I take it of marbois' politics and by something in his
communication with Jay which he considered as the
effect of coldness and sourness toward France.
I am a stranger to the errand on which G. morris
goes to Europe. It relates I presume to the affairs of
R. Morris, which are still much deranged.
I have received and paid the draught in favor of
Docr. Ramsay. I had before paid the order in favor
of Mr. Thompson, immediately on the receipt of your
letter. About 220 dollars of the balance due on the
last state of our account were left in Virginia for the
use of your Nephews. There are a few lesser sums
which stand on my side of the account which I shall
take credit for, when you can find leisure to forward
another statement of your friendly advances for me.
I shall leave this place in a day or two for Virga,
where my friends who wish me to co-operate in putting
our political machine into activity as a member
of the House of Representatives, press me to attend.
They made me a candidate for the Senate, for which
I had not allotted my pretensions. The attempt was
defeated by Mr. Henry, who is omnipotent in the
present Legislature and who added to the expedients
common on such occasions a public philippic agst my
federal principles. He has taken equal pains in
forming the Counties into districts for the election of
to his politics, and most likely to be swayed
by the prejudices excited agst. me.[96] From the best
information I have of the prevailing temper of the
District, I conclude that my going to Virga. will answer
no other purpose than to satisfy the Opinions
and entreaties of my friends. The trip is in itself
very disagreeable both on account of its electioneering
appearance, and the sacrifice of the winter for
which I had assigned a task which the intermission
of Congressional business would have made convenient
at New York.
With the sincerest affection & the highest esteem
I am Dear Sir,
from Mr Cyrus Griffin. The other from Mr. Mccarty
an American Citizen settled in France, but at
present here on business. He appears to be a very
worthy man & I have promised to recommend his
letter to your care, as a certain channel of conveyance
In districting the State Orange County was included in seven
other counties six of which were thought to be opposed to Madison.
This is supposed to have been the earliest instance of "Gerrymandering"
Monroe was selected to oppose Madison, who was nevertheless
elected by a considerable majority, Feb. 2, 1789.
The writings of James Madison, | ||