University of Virginia Library

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

I rec'd yesterday your favor of the 23d. ult. The
first countenance of the assembly corresponds with

the picture which my imagination had formed of it.
The views of the greater part of the opposition to
the federal government, and particularly of its principal
leader, have ever since the Convention, been
regarded by me as permanently hostile, and likely
to produce every effort that might endanger or embarrass
it.[92] The defects which drew forth objections
from many quarters, were evidently of little
consequence in the eye of Mr. H—ry. His own arguments
proved it. His enmity was levelled, as he did
not scruple to insinuate agst the whole system; and
the destruction of the whole system I take to be
still the secret wish of his heart, and the real object
of his pursuit. If temperate and rational alterations
only were his plan, is it conceivable that his coalition
and patronage would be extended to men whose particular
ideas on the subject must differ more from
his own than of others who share most liberally in
his hatred?

My last letter with Col. Carrington's communications
to which it referred will have sufficiently explained
my sentiments with regard to the Legislative
Service under the new Constitution. My first wish
is to see the Government put into quiet and successful

operation; and to afford any service, that may
be acceptable from me, for that purpose. My second
wish if that were to be consulted, would prefer, for
reasons formerly hinted, an opportunity of contributing
that service in the House of Reps. rather than
in the Senate; provided the opportunity be attainable
from the spontaneous suffrage of the Constituents.
Should the real friends to the Constitution
think this preference inconsistent with any primary
object, as Col. Carrington tells me is the case with
some who are entitled to peculiar respect, and view
my renouncing it as of any material consequence, I
shall not hesitate to comply.—You will not infer
from the freedom with which these observations are
made, that I am in the least unaware of the probability
that whatever my inclinations or those of
my friends may be, they are likely to be of little
avail in the present case. I take it for certain that
a clear majority of the assembly are enimies to the
Govt. and I have no reason to suppose that I can be
less obnoxious than others on the opposite side. An
election into the Senate therefore can hardly come
into question. I know also that a good deal will
depend on the arrangements for the election of the
other branch; and that much may depend moreover
on the steps to be taken by the candidates
which will not be taken by me. Here again therefore
there must be great uncertainty, if not improbability
of my election. With these circumstances in
view it is impossible that I can be the dupe of false
calculations even if I were in other cases disposed to
indulge them. I trust it is equally impossible for the
result whatever it may be, to rob me of any reflections
which enter into the internal fund of comfort
and happiness. Popular favor or disfavor, is no
criterion of the character maintained with those
whose esteem an honorable ambition must court.
Much less can it be a criterion of that maintained
with oneself. And when the spirit of party directs
the public voice, it must be a little mind indeed that
can suffer in its own estimation, or apprehend danger
of suffering in that of others.

The Sepr. British Packet arrived yesterday, but I
do not find that she makes any addition to the stock
of European intelligence. The change in the French
Minister is the only event of late date of much consequence;
and that had arrived through several other
channels. I do not know that it is even yet authenticited;
but it seems to be doubted by no one, particularly
among those who can best decide on its
credibility.

With the utmost affection I am my dear sir