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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO EDMUND PENDLETON.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

MAD. MSS.
Dear Sir,

I acknowledge with much pleasure your favor of
the 6th instant. The "balmy" nature of the resolutions
concerning the Mississippi will I hope have the
effect you suggest; though the wounds given to
some & the pretexts given to others by the proceedings
which rendered them necessary, will not I fear
be radically removed. The light in which the temporary
seat of the new Government is viewed & represented
by those who were governed by antecedent
jealousies of this end of the Union, is a natural one,
and the apprehension of it was among the most persuasive
reasons with me for contending with some
earnestness for a less eccentric position. A certain
degree of impartiality or the appearance of it, is
necessary in the most despotic Governments. In republics
this may be considered as the vital principle
of the Administration. And in a federal Republic


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founded on local distinctions involving local jealousies,
it ought to be attended to with a still more
scrupulous exactness.

I am glad to find you concurring in the requisite
expedients for preventing anti federal elections, and
a premature Convention. The circular letter from
this State has united and animated the efforts on the
adverse side with respect to both these points. An
early Convention threatens discord and mischief.
It will be composed of the most heterogeneous characters
—will be actuated by the party spirit reigning
among their constituents—will comprehend men
having insidious designs agst the Union—and can
scarcely therefore terminate in harmony or the public
good. Let the enemies to the System wait until
some experience shall have taken place, and the
business will be conducted with more light as well as
with less heat. In the mean time the other mode of
amendments may safely be employed to quiet the
fears of many by supplying those further guards for
private rights which can do no harm to the system
in the judgment even of its most partial friends, and
will even be approved by others who have steadily
supported it.

It appears from late foreign intelligence that war
is likely to spread its flames still farther among the
unfortunate inhabitants of the old world. France
is certainly enough occupied already with her internal
fermentations. At present the struggle is merely
between the Aristocracy and the Monarchy. The
only chance in favor of the people lies in the mutual


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attempts of the Competitors to make their side of
the question the popular one. The late measures of
the Court have that tendency. The nobility and
Clergy who wish to accelerate the States General
wish at the same time to have it formed on the
antient model established on the feudal idea, which
excluded the people almost altogether. The Court
has at length agreed to convene this assembly in
May, but is endeavouring to counteract the aristocratic
policy, by admitting the people to a greater
share of representation. In both the parties there
are some real friends to liberty who will probably
take advantage of circumstances to promote their
object. Of this description on the anti court side
is our friend the Marquis. It is not true I believe
that he is in the Bastile but true that he is in disgrace,
as the phrase there is.