University of Virginia Library

Chapter 8
The Building Campaign of 1823

Another Loan Pursued

After the new year the supporters of the university in the General Assembly accelerated
their efforts to gain passage of a bill authorizing the university to borrow an additional
$60,000 dollars. Jefferson accordingly prepared the visitors for a special meeting in the
event the bill passed into law so that the workmen could be engaged "before they undertake
other work for the ensuing season."[549] Madison replied a week later that he surely would
not fail to join the visitors upon "receiving the expected notice from Mr. Cabell, if the
weather & my health will permit: but I am persuaded it will be a supernumerary attendance,
if the money be obtained, and the sole question be on its application to the new Edifice."[550]
"The object of the meeting," Jefferson told Cabell, "will be to authorise the commencement
of the building, and to talk over some ulterior measures, which however cannot be finally
concluded till April."[551] Senator Cabell agreed with Madison that the entire board would
confirm the loan without hesitancy,[552] and so Jefferson, elated that "the University is
advanced to that point, from which it must & will carry itself through; and it will strengthen
daily," decided to put off engaging the workmen till the April meeting of the Board of
Visitors.[553] In early February, Cabell wrote to inform Jefferson, with "the most heartfelt
pleasure . . . that there is now no doubt of the success of our Loan Bill." At the same time it
became apparent to Cabell that adding an amendment to release the university from the
debts owed to the Literary Fund would only hinder the loan bill, so he wisely left that matter
for the next session of the legislature.[554] A week later the senator told Jefferson that "We
have done much; but much, very much, remains to be done. In the course of the ensuing
year, we must avail ourselves of the press. This Assembly has gone as far as the public mind
will now bear. It is necessary to bring up the people to the level of the age."[555]

The impact of the loan bill's passage on Jefferson was immediately obvious. "The late good
news of a further loan to the University of 60,000$ was recieved with heart felt pleasure by
Mr. J.," Alexander Garrett told John Hartwell Cocke. "his manner, conversation, and
countenance, all depict the joy of a father on the birth of a first and long-wished for son; the
day after recieveing the news he rode to the University (for the first time he had been on
horse back since breaking his wrist)[.] I met with him on his return, when he remarked, that
he had recieved from Mr. Cabell the welcome news of a further loan to the U. of 60,000$
and he hoped the workmen would prepare immediately for the rotundo; so you see the big
house is still his first object."[556] "Mr Jefferson seems in high spirits in consequence of the
mony granted by the Asembly," John Neilson told Cocke on 22 February, "he said he should
write to the Visitors for them to sanction his measures, and fall to work imediately. I beleive
he would be anxious that Dinsmore and my self would undertake the carpenter work but I
avoided the subject being resolved to be guided entirely by your judgement. He is full of
brickmaking ideas at present, he said they had or would engage Mr Thorn (a brick-layer
who came here in partnership with Mr [Richard] Ware) as superintendent of the brick-
yard[,] Mr Jefferson being better pleased with the colour of his brick in No 2 and 4 than he
is with other that was made here."[557]

Work Resumes

Two days later Jefferson called on his partner on the committee of superintendence "to join
me in setting the thing agoing," but Cocke could not leave his plantation, so Jefferson
proceeded, "according to the best of my judgment, with the aid of mr Brokenbrough, and
with all the caution the case admits."[558] In fact the proctor soon contracted with Abiah B.
Thorn and Nathaniel Chamberlain for the brickwork of the library (see appendix K). The
proctor agreed to "furnish the bricks, lime, Sand and scaffolding at the expence of the
University of Va all of which is to be delivered at convenient distances from the building,"
and Thorn & Chamberlain agreed "not to put in the wall any samel bricks, nor to use more
than one bat to five whole bricks, the bricks to be layed in what is called flemish bond that is
header & Strecher alternately, the walls to be solidly grouted from bottom to Top and in
every course if deemed necessary by the Proctor with cement of a fourth lime and three
fourth good pure sand, for the out side work the mortar to be made of a third lime and two
thirds good sharp sand—The out side bricks to be of the best rubed stretchers and equal in
quality and regular colour to the fronts of the Pavilions No 2 and 4 the Walls in all cases are
to be run perfectly plum and true." Thorn further agreed to "superintend the making and
burning the bricks" at the rate of $50 per month.[559] Brockenbrough also contracted with
bricklayer William B. Phillips to lay "400,000 hard bricks to be taken from the Kiln."[560]

Shortly after Brockenbrough contracted for the Rotunda's brickwork, he met with John
Neilson and James Dinsmore, proving correct Neilson's assessment that Jefferson desired to
give him and Dinsmore a major portion of the work at the library. Dinsmore & Neilson
contracted with the proctor for the carpentry work of the Rotunda at "average" Philadelphia
prices, agreeing to make "All the Window frames & sashes, the two principal floors, the out
side doors including the outside finishing, the staircases, all the centers for the brick work,
the framing of the roof and sheeting, The portico framing and sheeting the Corinthian
entablature all round complete—the Base & Cornice of the Attic, the steping on the roof, the
wood bricks and bond timbers &c that may be required hereafter for the finishing of the
inside work . . . The materials for the above named work to be furnished at the expence of the
University."[561] Jefferson was pleased with Brockenbrough's efforts and notified the
Board of Visitors of the contracts with the workmen on 12 March, informing the board
members that the proctor had engaged the "only two bricklayers and two carpenters capable
of executing [the work] with solidity and correctness . . . Thorn & Chamberlain for the
brickwork, and Dinsmore & Nelson for the roof and carpenter's work on terms which I think
will make our money go the farthest possible, for good work; and his engagement is only for
the hull compleat. that done, we can pay for it, see the state of our funds and engage a
portion of the inside work so as to stop where our funds may fail, should they fail before it's
entire completion. there it may rest ever so long, be used, and not delay the opening of the
institution, the work will occupy three years. all this will be more fully explained at our
meeting and will I hope recieve your approbation."[562]

Internal Disagreement

Just as the future of the Rotunda finally seemed to begin to shape up an internal threat arose.
Senator Cabell, afraid that he might miss the upcoming spring meeting of the Board of
Visitors, wrote Jefferson on 24 March to warn him that "it is highly probable that our friend
Genl. Cocke may propose at the meeting to adopt a course of proceeding somewhat different
from the one you seem to have adopted in regard to the Library. He has written to me, that
he should propose, first, to pay off all existing debts, and, then to adapt the plan of the
Library to the residue of the funds. Perhaps contracts which you have authorized may divert
him from this course." Cabell planned to go to Bremo on the 29th to try to sway Cocke to
support the prudent (in Cabell's view) plan of building the library's hull and depend on a
later session of the legislature to relieve the institution of the debts it had incurred during the
building process.[563] Upon receipt of Cabell's letter Jefferson drafted a "general view of the
finances" to show the visitors that the immediate debts of the university ($13,500) did not
cut too deeply into the funds made available by the new loan, thanks in part to the annual
annuity.[564] At its meeting the Board of Visitors authorized Cabell and Cocke to "settle and
repeat to the board" the accounts of both the bursar and proctor,[565] and after the meeting
Jefferson prepared a second statement of the finances to reassure Cocke (who missed the
meeting) that "the 4. rows & all expences of land Etc. will be compleated without taking a
dollar from the last loan, which it is the opinion of mr Br[ockenbrough] Dinsmore Etc. will
be quite sufficient to compleat the Rotunda. still we think it prudent to contract only for a
part at a time, so as never to go beyond our funds."[566] In the end Cocke was convinced of
the propriety of carrying on the work on the Rotunda as originally planned.

Allegations of Misconduct

At the meeting the Board of Visitors had to deal with one other issue, an anonymous letter
sent to House of Delegates Representative Thomas Griffin alleging various "charges of
misconduct" against Brockenbrough the university proctor, signed a "Farmer" and in fact
written by James Oldham.[567] Oldham drafted the letter back in late January after he and
Brockenbrough had a dispute over the use of Mathew Carey's Philadelphia Price Book of
1812 as the standard of settlement for the housejoiner's work on Pavilion I and Hotel A,
Oldham claiming that his contract was with Jefferson and not the proctor.[568] The letter
made absolutely no impact in Richmond because of the delegates' aversion to the
anonymous nature of the attack,[569] and there the matter rested until the visitors' April
meeting, when Brockenbrough, whose "feelings have been much wounded by those
calumnious charges," asked the board to "do me the justice to make some public
declaration" in his favor.[570] The board instructed the executive committee to call on
Oldham for evidence to support his charges but by now the two men could not even agree
on setting up arbitration about the matter.[571] Oldham in November 1823 filed a lawsuit
against the University of Virginia and the case dragged on with both sides exchanging
accusations and taking depositions until the Staunton Chancery Court settled it in the early
1830s.[572]

Library Begun

The work on the Rotunda began even before the Board of Visitors' meeting of 7 April. "We
had a pleasant meeting," Cabell informed General Cocke's wife the next day, "and the
Rotunda goes on, and Mr. Jefferson is delighted. The buildings appear more & more
beautiful every time I see them."[573] Cabell and fellow visitor and legislator George Loyall
met together after the meeting to plot some changes to the "plan & interior distribution of
the Library House. The two especially wanted to have at least one of the Rotunda's two
large oval rooms "fitted up with seats runing around the rooms parallel to the walls & rising
one above another, so that the Lecturer's eye & voice would distinctly reach the eye & ear of
every student present." Rather than directly attempting to "interfere too much with Mr.
Jefferson's architectural views," the schemers requested James Madison to approach the
rector about "this modern plan."[574] Jefferson rejected the plan as unnecessary, pointing out
that the rooms in the pavilions were designed to serve as "ordinary lecturing rooms" and that
the oval rooms were not designed to accommodate large numbers of students on a regular
basis. "no human voice can be habitually exerted to the extent of such an audience,"
Jefferson asserted. "we cannot expect our Professors to bawl daily to multitudes as our
strong orators do once a year. they must break the numbers into two or more parts
accomodated to voice and hearing, & repeat the lecture to them separately."[575] Madison
noted that plenty of "time & opportunity" remained for readjusting the "manner of finishing
the interior of the Rotunda rooms," if need be.[576]

Cabell and Loyall were not the only ones trying to alter components of Jefferson's plan for
the Rotunda. James Dinsmore consulted Jefferson on 21 April about changing the design of
the building's main exterior entablature as well as those for its windows. After carefully
examining "all the antient Corinthians in my possession," Jefferson demurred, observing
that Palladio, "as usual, has given the finest members of them all in the happiest
combination." Palladio also supplied the "handsomest entablatures for windows that I can
find any where."[577] Some small necessary alterations during the period were approved,
however, in order to adapt the exterior and interior designs to the actual building process and
in order to produce effects more pleasing to the eyes.[578] Even as he feverishly worked to
finish the architectural drawings for his Academical Village's capstone, Jefferson could soon
note with satisfaction that the Rotunda was "rising nobly" from the ground.[579]

Carrara Marble

By Independence Day 1823 word reached Monticello that the Italian marble capitals
intended for the pavilions were en route to Richmond from New York, where they had
arrived on board the Draco on 10 June. Several of the capitals were "so enormously heavy"
that Bernard Peyton, the university's commission agent in Richmond, scarcely knew what to
do with them upon their arrival. "They are too heavy to be transported by Drags, from
Rocketts to the Basin," he informed the proctor, "& the Locks are not in order to admit the
passage of Boats from the Basin to Tide water, & again, I fear they are too heavy for Boats,
particularly those of the North river, & when the water is low."[580] Jefferson immediately
wrote to Thomas Appleton in Leghorn to apprize him of the impending arrival of the stones
at the Albemarle site ("expected to have been here a 12 month sooner") and to notify the
consul to expect another order of capitals, for the Rotunda, "for which we shall be ready in
3. months from this time."[581] If Jefferson, now a dozen weeks past his 80th birthday,
contemplated the possibility that he might not live to see the capitals for the Rotunda he did
not let on to Appleton, who was 20 years to the day his junior. "On observing the
coincidence of our birth days I congratulate you on your attainment of your 3. score years
on the same day which filled up my 4 score, when however the psalmist tells us that 'their
strength are but labour and sorrow.' yet my health is so sound that I count on seeing the
completion of my university when I shall be ready to 'go hence & be no more seen' singing
with old Simeon 'nunc demittas Domine.'"[582] Nearly two years passed, however, before
Appleton could write to say that the last of the marble stones had been shipped from
Leghorn for America,[583] and John Gorman set the capitals in place (for $100) only weeks
before Jefferson's death in July 1826.[584]

It was August before Peyton could engage boats to ship the 18 boxes of marble to Scott's
Landing, from which they were carted to the university to "make the final finish of all our
buildings of accomodation."[585] On 20 September Brockenbrough reported to Jefferson that
the capitals had been set in place without incident but complained that the carvers had
compromised the stones' elegance by omitting and failing to complete some of the more
delicate details of their designs.[586] "All the Corinthian Capitels want the listel and cavetto
which constitutes a part of the Astragal on the top of the shaft of the Column," the proctor
fretted. Those omissions complicated the subjoining of the capitals to the brick columns.
Additionally, the upper part of the leaves of the Corinthian capitals were not "finished off as
it should have been," and the "carving of the bead under the Ovolo" was omitted altogether
from the Ionic capitals, detracting from the beauty of both. Despite the departure from
Palladio's designs and the inferior workmanship, Jefferson told Thomas Appleton that the
capitals were "well approved on the whole."[587]

Engravings

In mid-July, with the columns of the buildings of accommodation still gaping for their
capitals, Jefferson wrote to John Trumbull concerning engravings of the painter's
Declaration of Independence and Resignation of General Washington—a copy of the first
one intended for his old friend at Montpelier. "Independant of the motives of friendship to
which we shall owe your kind visit," wrote the octogenarian as he invited the celebrated
artist to Monticello, "I can promise you a gratification well worth the trouble of your
journey, in a visit to our University. I can assure you that, as a specimen of architecture
strictly classical, you will find it unrivalled in this country, and possessing the merit of pure
originality in the design. it is by such as yourself therefore that I wish it to be seen and
judged. the building however which is to be it's greatest ornament, and in fact the key-stone
which is to give Unity to all that is already done, will only have it's walls compleated the
present year, and will not recieve it's roof until the next: but this your experienced eye will
supply. it's Perspective would furnish a subject worthy of your pencil and of the burin of Mr.
Durand. it would be a very popular print." Asher B. Durand, whose engraving of Trumbull's
Declaration of Independence made the engraver's reputation (and proved a financial disaster
for the painter), never produced an engraving of the university although he later made one of
Monticello.[588]

Jefferson Ill

The old sage of Monticello, who had recently bragged to Consul Appleton of his sound
health, actually was so desperately ill that by late July he could not even write a note to
Brockenbrough to request a meeting at Monticello on university business.[589] Senator
Cabell, hearing at home in Nelson County that "Jefferson's health is so feeble," felt
concerned at having troubled Jefferson with letters about the new jail planned for Nelson
County.[590] Brockenbrough sent a short note to Cabell to update him of Jefferson's
condition on 27 July, writing that "he was something better than he had been," and adding
that the "Rotunda progresses well The walls are partly up to the upper floor."[591] It was
nearly mid-August before Jefferson ventured writing again,[592] and by the third week of
August joiner John Neilson could report to General Cocke from the university that "the
work of the Pantheon goes on rapidly. Mr Jefferson is got well he was here yesterday."[593]
When he paid that visit to the site, Jefferson informed E. S. Davis of Abbeville, South
Carolina, the library's walls had risen to two-thirds of "their intended height, and thus will
attain their full height in the course of another month. but the roof being weighty & from it's
spherical form pressing outwardly in every direction we shall not venture it on our walls
while green. it will not be put on therefore till the next summer, and the interior will require
perhaps still another year."[594] On 8 September Jefferson invited his old friend William
Short, who was returning from a lengthy tour of Canada to Philadelphia, to spend the next
spring season in Albemarle County, when "we shall then have more for you to see and
approve. by that time our Rotunda (the walls of which will be finished this month) will have
recieved it's roof, and will shew itself externally to some advantage. It's columns only will
be wanting, as they must await their Capitels from Italy." Furthermore, Jefferson challenged
his old friend, "in your substitution of Monticello instead of your annual visit to Black rock,
I will engage you equal health, and a more genial and pleasant climate. but instead of the
flitting, flurting and gay assemblage of that place, you must be contented with plain and
sober family and neighborly society." [595]

Visitors Meet

At the Board of Visitors' annual fall meeting on Monday 6 October 1823 the board only
needed to decide on a couple of matters, besides drafting its annual report to the president
and directors of the Literary Fund.[596] The visitors ratified a contract that the proctor
entered into in September with stonecarver Giacomo Raggi for furnishing the 10 bases and 2
half-bases of the columns for the Rotunda out of Carrara marble (at $65 each whole base)
and recommended to the executive committee that it also procure the capitals for the
building from Carrara, "if practicable on terms not higher than those offered by Thomas
Appleton."[597] The visitors also directed the committee to look into the feasibility of
arranging to have the marble paving squares for the Rotunda's portico made in Italy as well.
When writing to inquire about the 1,400 one-foot squares a couple days after the meeting,
Jefferson also asked Appleton to provide an estimate for the cost of carving from wood the
40 Palladian Composite capitals intended for the dome room of the Rotunda's interior.[598]
Appleton replied in February 1824 that the "polish'd and accurately Squar'd, ready to be laid
Down" squares would cost $22.50 the hundred in Leghorn but tried to convince Jefferson to
carve the interior Composite capitals out of marble, citing a price of $100 each.[599]
Jefferson ordered the squares in May 1824 but sought the interior capitals elsewhere.[600]