University of Virginia Library

Chapter 7
The Building Campaign of 1822

Every man's work, whether it be literature or music or pictures or architecture
or anything else, is always a portrait of himself, and the more he tries to conceal
himself the more clearly will his character appear in spite of him.

—Samuel Butler
The Way of All Flesh


Building Stops

The visitors' decision to continue delaying the start of the library coupled with the end of the
building season all but extinguished construction at the site for the foreseeable future.[515]
Jefferson realized toward the end of January 1822 that the university's undertakers might
flee the site for new horizons if the remainder of the $60,000 loan was not dispersed soon by
the Literary Fund.[516] (In fact brickworker Dabney Cosby of Staunton did just that,
returning to the Shenandoah Valley to work.)[517] It was not till the last day of the month of
January that Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., sent him word that the board of directors of the
Literary Fund finally had met and approved the additional sum.[518] Jefferson's instruction to
the proctor upon executing the bond was to "authorise any draught within that amount that
the bursar chuses: and my opinion would be to draw for and pay every settled debt we owe
in the world at once. our affairs would then stand on simpler ground." Unable to travel to the
university with visiting artist William John Coffee because of the "weather & roads,"
Jefferson also hinted that some of the new funds could be applied to making "cornices in all
the rooms of the Western hotels. if Architraves & frizes would cost more than plaister, these
may be omitted." Coffee, he added, could "do the ornaments of the frizes in some of the best
rooms."[519]

 
[515]

515. James Oldham's complaints in early January that the proctor would not settle for his
work on Pavilion I, Hotel A, and 13 dormitories reveals the trivial nature of the work still
being carried on in some of the buildings at the university. See Oldham to TJ, 3 January
(document H ), TJ to Oldham, 3 January (document I ), Brockenbrough to Oldham, 3
January (document J ), all in Oldham vs University of Virginia, ViU:UVA Chronological
File.

[516]

516. See TJ to Cabell, 25 January 1822, in ViU:TJ; see also Cabell, Early History of the
University of Virginia
, 239-40.

[517]

517. See Cosby to Brockenbrough, 18 April 1822, in ViU:PP. Cosby informed the proctor
from Staunton that "My exceedingly bad fortune in procuring employt. in this County
Makes it inconvenient for me to come to see you."

[518]

518. See Randolph to TJ, 31 January, TJ to Randolph, 3 February 1822, in DLC:TJ.

[519]

519. TJ to Brockenbrough, 8 February 1822, ViU:PP; see also O'Neal, "Workmen at the
University," Magazine of Albemarle County History, 17:39.

Success and Failure

The almost complete cessation of building through the winter and the ensuing spring,
punctured only by a few deliveries (mostly small) of plank and a half dozen wagon trips
from the out-of-town merchants,[520] did not affect the efforts of Senator Cabell and his
friends in the General Assembly to set the university's precarious financial situation on a
sound basis. During the first week of February both branches of the Virginia legislature
overwhelmingly passed another loan bill authorizing the university to borrow another
$60,000 with the understanding and expectation that an application would be made at the
next legislative session for a "remission of the loans, or rather for an assumption of the debts
of the University by the state."[521] Emboldened by that victory, Cabell (suffering again
from one of his periodic bouts of illness) brought forward another bill which would grant
the university a suspension of the payment of interest on its debts for five years.[522] An
amendment in the House of Delegates to restrict the Board of Visitors from "erecting the
Centre Building" failed in late February, killing the whole resolution (and foreshadowing
what would happen to a more ambitious plan exactly one year later). The bill's failure
caused the politically asture Cabell to observe that "Every day convinces me more & more,
that the buildings ought to be finished, and that the opposition is general, & not to the
Rotunda, or any other particular part."[523]

The neglect by the Virginia legislature to appropriate money to complete the university's
buildings drew a bitter response from Jefferson, which he confided to his old friend Thomas
Cooper. He informed Cooper that even though all the buildings for accommodation would
be "ready for habitation" by the ensuing summer, the building for the "Library, exhibition
rooms Etc." still awaited funds for it's erection. Moreover, he continued,

the moment therefore of going into operation is as uncertain now as it ever was;
we are sinking in science to the level of our Indian neighbors. in the mean time
a lamp of light is kindling in the North which will draw our empire to it; for
power attends knolege as the shadow does it's substance, and the ignorant will
for ever be hewers of wood and drawers of water to the wise. ignorance is
indeed a downy pillow of repose, and we seem disposed to slumber on it, until
roused up by the whip of the driver. there is some flaw, not yet detected in our
principle of representation which fails to bring forth the wisdom of our country
into it's councils. it is impossible to foresee to what this will lead; but certainly
to a state of degradation, which I thank heaven I am not to live to witness.[524]

There was little to be done for now, however, although in mid-March William J. Coffee did
agree with the proctor to furnish the composition ornaments for the entablatures of the
drawing rooms of all the pavilions and the lead ornaments for the fronts of the porticos of
Pavilions I and II.[525] When the Board of Visitors' spring meeting came around at the end
of March 1822 only three members showed (Jefferson, Cabell, and Cocke), and Jefferson
candidly admitted to James Madison that his and the other visitors' absence "was not
material as there was not a single thing requisite to act on. we have to finish the 4. rows and
appendages this summer which will be done and then to rest on our oars." Furthermore, said
Jefferson, the university had become embroiled now in the question of the removal of the
seat of the state government. "Staunton & Richmond are both friendly to us as an
University," he judged, "but the latter fears that our Rotunda will induce the legislature to
quit them, & Staunton fears it will stop them here." That in part explained fellow visitor
Chapman Johnson's reluctance to build the library; in fact in the late session of the General
Assembly Johnson himself brought forward "an express Proviso that no money should be
applied to that building." Another of the "zealous friends to the University, in a Philijyric
against the Rotunda declared he would never vote another Dollar to the University but on
condition that it should not be applied to that building." Nevertheless, Jefferson suggested
they stay their course with diligence. "our opinion, and a very sound one has been from the
beginning never to open the institution until the buildings shall be compleat . . . our course is
a plain one, to pursue what is best, and the public will come right and approve us in the
end." And, he concluded, "the establishment is now at that stage at which it will force itself
on. we must manage our dissenting brother softly; he is of too much weight to be given
up."[526]

 
[520]

520. For plank, see Robert McCullock to John Neilson, 2 February, Neilson to
Brockenbrough, 11 February, 16 March, James Dinsmore to Brockenbrough, 23 February,
16, 25 March, McCullock to Dinsmore, 15 March, Thomas Draffin, Account with John
Harrow, 6 June, and John Harrow, Account with James Oldham, 7 June 1822, all in ViU:PP.
For shipments of hardware, glass, iron, "Spanish Whiting," and mahogany boards from
Richmond, and sash weights and "Small Franklin Stoves" from Isabella Furnace, see John
Van Lew & Co. to Brockenbrough, 9 January, 28 March to 1 April, W. F. Micow, Invoice,
24 January, Brockenbrough & Harvie to Brockenbrough, 11 March, 3 May, Robert Johnston
to Brockenbrough, 11 March, 15 April, John Van Lew & Co., Account, 2 May, and
Blackford, Arthur & Co. to Brockenbrough, 18 June 1822, all in ViU:PP. Local merchant
Alexander St. Clair Heiskell's Account for Sundries, 11 March to 7 September 1822, is also
in ViU:PP.

[521]

521. William Cabell Rives to TJ, 6 February 1822, DLC:TJ.

[522]

522. Cabell to Cocke, 17 February 1822, ViU:JCC.

[523]

523. Cabell to Cocke, 28 February 1822, ViU:JCC.

[524]

524. TJ to Cooper, 9 March 1822, DLC:TJ.

[525]

525. Coffee and Brockenbrough, Agreement for Ornamentation, 18 March 1822, ViU:PP.
The contract lists the quantity and price of each type of ornamentation (i.e., human masks,
ox sculls, flowers, egg and anchor, roses, lozenges) required for each pavilion. See also
Brockenbrough to TJ, 8 July 1822, in DLC:TJ, for an extract of the agreement.

[526]

526. TJ to Madison, 7 April 1822, DLC:JM. Jefferson undoubtedly intended a pun at the
expense of the very obese Chapman Johnson. An undated nineteenth-century engraving of
Johnson is in ViU: Grinnan Family Papers.

Privies

In this way matters stood uninterrupted until the summer except for some small work on the
"two public Privies" destined to be used by the students which the proctor initially wanted to
place in a "valley to the east of the Eastern Street, some distance to the south of the Hotels
the other in a valley to the west of the Western Street a little to the North of the Hotels."
Jefferson already had approved of the locations for the privies but Brockenbrough now
thought that the latter one was "thrown too much in view of the public road." That objection
"might be prevented in time by planting trees &c," however. Even though he intended to
delay the privies' brickwork until Cocke's planned visit to the site in June, Brockenbrough
wanted to contract with Lyman Peck and Malcom F. Crawford for the interior partitions, to
be constructed of wooden "Plank & about 6 or 7 feet high with a small door to each
apartment." As for a number of "small scale" privies planned to be located in the gardens,
the proctor did not think it "worthwhile" to begin them in the present year because he
considered it "highly probable" that when the pavilions became inhabited it would be
necessary to make "other little conveniencies, and which may perhaps enable us to put those
little articles in a more private situation."[527] (Peter Maverick's 1822 engraving of the
ground plan of the university shows privies on the serpentine brick walls that formed the
northern and southern boundaries of each of the gardens lying between the lawn and the
ranges, a total of twenty).[528]

 
[527]

527. Brockenbrough to John Hartwell Cocke, 24 April 1822, ViU:JHC.

[528]

528. See Guinness and Sadler, Mr. Jefferson, Architect, 136-37, 150, and O'Neal,
"Iconography of the Nineteenth-Century Prints of the University of Virginia," in American
Association of Architectural Bibliographers, Papers VI
, 75-80.

Incidentals

Other incidentals began to occupy the time of the workmen remaining at the university site.
Before leaving for a three-week visit to Poplar Forest on 13 May,[529] Jefferson calculated
the number of bricks needed for the shafts of 6 Doric columns (5,000) and a cistern (4,000)
and "wrote to J. Perry to provide them." (William B. Phillips' two laborers, Jerry and Isaac,
laid 3,025 bricks for the cistern on 30 and 31 August.)[530] William J. Coffee, back in New
York City making ornaments for the hotels' drawing rooms and the fronts of Pavilions I and
II, realized in late June that he had "taken this Work Much too Low I now think by $200 for
have been obliged to model Every distinct ornament for the Purpose the Last of thease
models I have now in hand I then have to repeat Each of them for the Quantity . . . must
Leave my under Value to your Judgment and the Honor of the Proctor."[531] The contract for
laying the stone foundations for the "serpentine garden walls and an Area wall around one
of the Hotels" was given to James Campbell in early July, who worked for "55 cents per
perch which is 24½ cubic feet." (The proctor also found Campbell a "laborer to attend to
take mortar &c" and placed the stone conveniently to the work.)[532] Surviving records for
the remainder of 1822 shed little light on any construction work that took place at the
university for the rest of the year other than laying some flooring in Pavilions IV and V and
"Hotel BB west," the "Making & puting up" of "Tin Gutters & [drain]pipes" at Pavilions VII
and X, some miscellaneous terrace work, and painting.[533]

 
[529]

529. For Jefferson's impending departure for his Bedford County home, see his letter to
James Madison, 12 May 1822, in DLC:TJ.

[530]

530. TJ, Estimate of Bricks, c. 13 May to 31 August 1822, ViU:TJ.

[531]

531. Coffee to TJ, 25 June 1822, DLC:TJ.

[532]

532. Brockenbrough to Joseph Carrington Cabell, 7 July 1822, ViU:JCC.

[533]

533. For flooring plank, see John Fretwell, Account with Richard Ware and George W.
Spooner, Jr., 10 July, Jonathan Mechick, Account with James Oldham, 19, 20 July, John
Rodes, Account with John Harrow, 24 July, James Clarke, Account with James Oldham, 6
August, James Dinsmore to Brockenbrough, 30 August, John Rodes, Account with James
Oldham, 1 October, Dinsmore & Perry to Brockenbrough, 9 November 1822, all in ViU:PP;
for painting supplies, see Brockenbrough & Harvie to Angus MacKay and to John Vowles,
both 12 September, Brockenbrough & Harvie to Brockenbrough, 16 September, and C. L.
Abraham, Account for Painting Supplies, 7 October 1822, all in ViU:PP; for gutters see
Daniel A. Piper, Account for Laying Pipes, 8 October 1822, and Ledger 1, in ViU:PP.
Additionally, one load of hardware was shipped from Richmond in September and some
more sash weights were sent from Isabella Furnace in August (see Peter Johnston to
Brockenbrough, 16 September, and Blackford, Arthur & Co. to Brockenbrough, 13
November 1822, in ViU:PP). John Rodes ran a sawmill in Albemarle County (see DNA:
Records of the Bureau of Census, Manufactures of Fredericksville Parish, Albemarle
County, 1820).

Progress Report

At its fall meeting in early October 1822 the Board of Visitors approved a progress report of
the construction taking place at the university for enclosure in its annual statement to the
president and board of directors of the Literary Fund. The work had been performed, the
report reminded the directors, in compliance with the plan submitted to the General
Assembly by the Rockfish Gap Commission in 1818, and all the proposed buildings, "except
one," have been completed, it further asserted,

that is to say, ten distinct houses or Pavilions containing each a lecturing room,
with generally four other apartments for the accommodation of a Professor and
his family, and with a garden and the requisite family offices; Six Hotels for
dieting the Students, with a single room in each for a Refectory, and two rooms
a garden and offices for the tenant; and an hundred and nine dormitories,
sufficient each for the accommodation of two Students, arranged in four distinct
rows between the Pavilions and hotels, and united with them by covered ways,
which buildings are all in readiness for occupation except there is still some
plaistering to be done, now on hand, which will be finished early in the present
season, the garden grounds and Garden walls to be completed, and some
Columns awaiting there Capitels not yet received from Italy. . . . The remaining
building necessary to complete the whole establishment . . . to contain rooms
for religious worship, for public examinations, for a library, and for other
associated purposes, is not yet begun for the want of funds. It was estimated
heretofore by the Proctor, according to the prices which the other buildings
have actually cost, at the sum of 46,847 Dollars. The Visitors, from the
begining, have considered it as indispensable to complete all the buildings
before opening the institution . . . that it is better to postpone, for a while the
commencement of the institution, and then to open it in full and complete
System, than to begin prematurely in an unfinished state, and go on perhaps
forever, on the contracted Scale of local accademies, utterly inadequate to the
great purposes which the Report of 1818. and the Legislature have hitherto had
in contemplation.[534]

Although the above account accurately delineated the university's progress in the
construction of its buildings when it was written, the visitors had ample reason to distrust
the estimate of the cost of the Rotunda by the time the report was transmitted to the Literary
Fund two days before Christmas.[535] The board at its October meeting resolved to instruct
the proctor to "enter into conferences with such skillful and responsible undertakers as he
would approve" for the purpose of procuring "declarations of the smallest sums for which
they will undertake the different portions of the work" of the Rotunda. The responses that
Brockenbrough received from the workmen were not very satisfactory to him or to the
committee of superintendence, and on the same day that Jefferson sent the visitors' annual
report to Literary Fund President Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., Senator Cabell wrote to
Jefferson from Richmond to inform him that university contractor James Dinsmore had
written to William Fitzhugh Gordon, the Albemarle County representative in the House of
Delegates, "stating that the undertakers had ascertained that they could not afford to build
the Library for less than $70,000. At my instance, Mr. Gordon threw the letter in the fire.
My object was to prevent it from being made an improper use of, in the event of its being
seen by our enemies." Cabell also had spoken confidentially about the matter to "one or two
friends" in the General Assembly who agreed with him that if the cost of the Rotunda
should rise above $50,000, "& more especially if it should reach $70,000," that it "would
probably blow up all our plans. Perhaps a conditional contract for $60,000, might not do
harm, as it would bar the door to all doubt about the price of the House. But if $70,000,
should be asked for, I fear we shall be totally overthrown."[536] In the long run the cost of
building the Rotunda exceeded Jefferson's optimistic estimate and the middle figure came
closest to the actual expenditures; the latter figure proved to be less inflated than the board
must have wished.

 
[534]

534. Minutes of the Board of Visitors of the University of Virginia, 7 October 1822,
PPAmP:UVA Minutes; see also Cabell, Early History of the University of Virginia, 470-76.
A clipping of an extract from the minutes published in the Charlottesville Central Gazette
on 10 January 1823 is in ViU:TJ. At its meeting the board also appointed John Hartwell
Cocke and George Loyal (named to the board upon the resignation of Robert B. Taylor) to a
committee to examine the bursar's accounts for the previous year.

[535]

535. A copy of TJ's letter to Randolph of 23 December 1822 transmitting the visitors'
October report to the Literary Fund is in PPAmP:UVA Minutes.

[536]

536. Cabell to TJ, 23 December 1822, ViU:TJ; see also Cabell, Early History of the
University of Virginia
, 257-59. "Mr. Gordon & Mr. [William Cabell] Rives left this for
Albemarle on yesterday and will not probably return for eight or ten days," Cabell began his
letter. "The latter went for his family, & the former to visit Mrs. Gordon in her distress for
the loss of a child. I am very sorry that they were obliged to leave town, as we want the aid
of all our friends at this time."

Maria Cosway

During the remainder of the year Jefferson and others wrote a series of descriptions of the
present state of the university and its buildings. On 19 October Jefferson told William Short
that "our University still wants the key-stone of it's arch the Rotunda; but even in it's present
state it is worth a visit, as a specimen of classical architecture which would be remarked in
Europe."[537] (He also informed Short of the General Assembly's belligerent refusal to fund
the building of the library.) A few days later Jefferson wrote to his old "dear friend" whom
he met in 1786 during his stay in Paris, Maria Cosway, now widowed and retired from her
great house on Stratford Place in London to her convent in Lodi, Italy.[538] Jefferson
approved of his old intimate's decision to change her place of abode from "the eternal clouds
and rains of England, to the genial sun & bright skies of Lodi," and noted the irony of their
mutual pursuits in old age.

The sympathies of our earlier days harmonise, it seems in age also. you retire to your
College of Lodi, and nourish the natural benevolence of your excellent heart by
communicating your own virtues to the young of your sex who may hereafter load with
blessings the memory of her to whom they will owe so much. I am laying the foundation of
an University in my native state, which I hope will repay the liberalities of it's legislature by
improving the virtue and science of their country, already blest with a soil and climate
emulating those of your favorite Lodi. I have been myself the Architect of the plan of it's
buildings, and of it's system of instruction. four years have been employed in the former,
and I assure you it would be thought a handsome & Classical thing in Italy. I have preferred
the plan of an Academical village rather than that of a single, massive structure. the
diversified forms which this admitted in the different Pavilions, and varieties of the finest
samples of architecture, has made of it a model of beauty original and unique. it is within
view too of Monticello, So it's most splendid object, and a constant gratification to my sight.
we have still one building to erect, which will be on the principle of your Pantheon a
Rotunda like that, but of half it's diameter and height only. I wish indeed you could recall
some of your by-past years, and seal it with your approbation.[539]

Although she outlived Jefferson by nearly 12 years, Cosway preferred the confines of her
own community for the rest of her life and thus never visited Jefferson's university (see
appendix I).

Jefferson wrote to Albert Gallatin in Paris on 29 October with a request for him to judge
whether his letter to Cosway could be conveyed "more safely thro' the public mail, or by any
of the diplomatic couriers, liable to the curiosity & carelessness of public offices." He also
informed Gallatin of the status of the university, writing that "Our University of Virginia my
present hobby, has been at a stand for a twelve month past, for want of funds. our last
legislature refused every thing. the late elections give better hopes of the next. the institution
is so far advanced that it will force itself through. so little is now wanting that the first
liberal legislature will give it it's last lift. the buildings are in a style of purely classical
architecture, and, altho' not yet finished, are become an object of visit to all strangers."[540]
Jefferson wrote similarly to Henry A. S. Dearborne on the last day of October, saying that
"Our Virginia University is now my sole occupation. it is within sight of Monticello, and the
buildings nearly finished; and we shall endeavor, by the best Professors either side of the
Atlantic can furnish to make it worthy of the public notice."[541]

 
[537]

537. TJ to Short, 19 October 1822, DLC:TJ.

[538]

538. Richard Cosway, Royal Academician and principal painter to George IV, died on 4 July
1821 at the age of 80. See Cosway to TJ, 15 July 1821, in DLC:TJ; see also Bullock, My
Head and My Heart
, 177-80.

[539]

539. TJ to Cosway, 24 October 1822, DLC:TJ; see also ibid., 181-83.

[540]

540. TJ to Gallatin, 29 October 1822, DLC:TJ. TJ's letter to Gallatin itself was sent to
Daniel Brent of the state department on 31 October to be transmitted to Paris "by the first
safe conveyance, with your official dispatches to him" (DLC:TJ), and Brent informed TJ on
7 November that he would "take great Pleasure in forwarding" the letters to Gallatin
(DLC:TJ).

[541]

541. TJ to Dearborne, 31 October 1822, DLC:TJ.

Opening Postponed

Representative William Cabell Rives, formerly of Nelson County and now of Albemarle
County, wrote to Jefferson on 19 December to voice his support for postponing the
institution's opening until the library was constructed and to update the rector on the
university's standing in the House of Delegates. "I enter myself entirely into your views,"
wrote Rives, ". . . & have endeavoured to impress on all of my acquaintances here the
exceeding impolicy of putting an institution, from which so much has been expected at
home & abroad, into operation, in a half-formed & unfinished state. . . . If the objections
which are now felt to the additional building should not yield to the influence of more liberal
sentiments, we may find ourselves under the necessity of temporising a little, in order to
acquire, at once, the means of erecting it."[542]

The "means" had grown another $10,000 by now, as Jefferson told Robert Walsh, Jr., two
days later. "Our univty. in which I know you are so good as to take an interest, is under
check at present. all the buildings for the accomdn of the Professors & students are
compleat. one only for a Library & other general purposes remains to be erected. it is
expected to cost about 60. M D. which sum our last legislature refused us. we have better
hopes of the undstdg & liberality of that now sitting. the buildings are in a classical and
chaste style of architecture, and the system altho' novel will when compleated I think meet
approbn."[543] Also before Christmas, Jefferson told his son-in-law that the initial $46,847
estimate to build the library "did not include two considerable appendages necessary to
connect it with the other buildings. An estimate including these, now recently made by the
principal undertakers and executors of the other buildings raises its amount to about one
third more. . . . Some finishings of small amount, to the garden walls and pavements also are
still wanting." The collection of the arrearages of private subscriptions to the Central
College would help alleviate the deficit somewhat, Jefferson was quick to add.[544]

After Christmas Jefferson informed Senator Cabell that at the present time securing money
to build the library was more desirable than having the debts of the university forgiven.

of all things the most important is the completion of the buildings. the remission
of the debt will come of itself. it is already remitted in the mind of every man,
even of the enemies of the institution. and there is nothing pressing very
immediately for it's expression. the great object of our aim from the beginning
has been to make this establishment the most eminent in the United States, in
order to draw to it the youth of every state, but especially of the South and
West. we have proposed therefore to call to it characters of the first order of
science from Europe as well as our own country; and, not only by their salaries,
and the comforts of their situation, but by the distinguished scale of it's
structure and preparation, and the promise of future eminence which these
would hold up, to induce them to commit their reputations to it's future
fortunes. had we built a barn for a College, and log-huts for accomodations,
should we ever have had the assurance to propose to an European Professor of
that character to come to it? why give up this important idea, when so near it's
accomplishment that a single lift more effects it? it is not a half-project which is
to fill up the enticement of character from abroad. to stop where we are is to
abandon our high hopes, and become suitors to Yale and Harvard for their
secondary characters, to become our first. have we been laboring then merely to
get up another Hampden Sidney, or Lexington? yet to this it sinks if we
abandon foreign aid. the Report of Rockfish gap, sanctioned by the legislature,
authorised us to aim at much higher things; and the abandonment of the
enterprise where we are would be a relinquishment of the great idea of the
legislature of 1818, and shrinking it into a country academy. the opening of the
institution in a half-state of readiness would be the most fatal step which could
be adopted. it would be an impatience defeating it's own object, by putting on a
subordinate character in the outset, which never would be shaken off, instead of
opening largely and in full system. taking our stand on commanding ground at
once, will beckon every thing to it, and a reputation once established will
maintain itself for ages. to secure this a single sum of 50. or 60. M Dollars is
wanting. if we cannot get it now, we will at another or another trial. courage and
patience is the watchword. delay is an evil which will pass; despair loses all. let
us never give back. the thing will carry itself, and with firmness and
perseverance we shall place our country on it's high station, and we shall
recieve for it the blessings of posterity. I think your idea of a loan and placing it
on the sinking fund an excellent one.[545]

Before he read the above letter, however, Cabell wrote Jefferson a letter indicating that he
already had arrived at the same conclusion after conferring with the university's most ardent
supporters in the General Assembly. "The almost unanimous opinion of us all," he wrote,
"is, that we should ask for another loan to finish the buildings, and to leave the debt
untouched for the present. We propose to move for one object at a time, in order not to unite
the enemies of both measures against one bill. Should we succeed in getting the loan, we
may afterwards try to get rid of the debt. . . . I am now in more dread of Mr. Johnson's
coming to town & advocating the doctrine of curtailing the buildings, than I am of any other
danger. But as the popular prejudice on that subject has abated, I hope he would go with
us."[546] After the first of the year Chapman Johnson in fact did vote with the university
faction in the senate to authorize the university to borrow more money.

By the end of 1822 the focus of building at the Academical Village had shifted completely
away from finishing the four rows of buildings on the lawn and ranges to financing and
constructing the grand central building that would seal off the north end of the square. The
progress of the work since the laying of the cornerstone of the first pavilion five years before
in October 1817 was a remarkable achievement considering the myriad obstacles faced by
the Board of Visitors and the workmen; its semi-completion was anticlimactic considering
the length of time it took to wind up the trivial matters, and since attention now was directed
to the library yet to be begun. Even without the Rotunda the scenes at the university grounds
were enough to fill Philip St. George Cocke with awe. Writing from Thornton Rodgers'
grammar school in Albemarle County to inform his father of his recent visit to the site and
to Charlottesville, he said, "I have not recieved a letter from you since I wrote to you abot a
faughtnight ago. I have been to Charlottsvile[.] I went there last monday, with Mr Rodgers
and I went to see the universaty also, It is the greates building that I ever saw. Charlottsvill
two is very mutch improved since I was there with you about two years ago."[547]

 
[542]

542. Rives to TJ, 19 December 1822, DLC:TJ. Jefferson's overseer Edmund Bacon recalled
in 1862 that Rives often visited Monticello as a guest of Thomas Jefferson Randolph
(Jefferson's grandson) when the boys were schoolmates together at Oglesby's school in
Charlottesville. He was "always a very modest boy," Bacon said, and "Mr. Jefferson thought
a great deal of him, and so did all the family." See Bear, Jefferson at Monticello, 87-88.

[543]

543. TJ to Walsh, 21 December 1822, DLC:TJ.

[544]

544. TJ to Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 23 December 1822, PPAmP:UVA Minutes.

[545]

545. TJ to Cabell, 28 December 1822, ViU:JCC; see also, ibid., 260-62.

[546]

546. Joseph Carrington Cabell to TJ, 30 December 1822, ViU:TJ; see also ibid., 263-65.

[547]

547. Philip St. George Cocke to John Hartwell Cocke, 8 December 1822, ViU:JHC. The
previous Monday was 2 December. Thornton Rodgers informed the senior Cocke in a letter
of 20 December that Philip and fellow student Gray "have been twice through the grammar
embracing the most essential rules and important parts--in this they have been very deficient
and in this I wish them to be well grounded. . . . I look with some hope to our University for
teachers duly qualified to raise the literary reputation of Virginia . . . I have found Philip
entirely tractable--Gray would flutter wild as a bird in its native element, did I not use a
determin'd conduct toward him--as far as I have gone I have confident hopes as regards
both" (ViU:JHC). Philip St. George went to West Point and not the University of Virginia,
however (see John Hartwell Cocke to Arthur Spicer Brockenbrough, 6 August 1828). Cocke
later built a Gothic style mansion on the James River in Powhatan County, Belmead,
designed by Alexander Jackson Davis. He was Davis's main patron in Virginia, chairing the
building committee that built the Greek Revival Powhatan County Courthouse in the late
1840s, and as a member of the Virginia Military Institute Board of Visitors, Cocke was an
ardent supporter of Davis's Gothic plan for the school's military barracks in Lexington,
began in 1850 (see Lyle and Simpson, The Architecture of Historic Lexington, 212-21).
Reminiscent of Jefferson's ideas for the University of Virginia, Cocke wrote in 1848:
"Would it not be well to form at once, an adequate and tasteful design for the future
extension of the buildings . . . until in the end a harmonious whole shall be procured--
beautiful and inspiring in style as well as commodious and well adapted to the purposes in
view (ibid., 211). Yankee General David Hunter burned the Barracks in June 1864 (rebuilt
after the war) but by that time Philip St. George Cocke, who himself served as a brigadier
general in the Confederate army, had killed himself because of ill health. Cocke is buried in
Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond (see Mitchell, Hollywood Cemetery, 61).